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THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

OF 

RODRIGO    BORGIA 


I"* 
THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

OF 

RODRIGO  BORGIA 

POPE  ALEXANDER  VI. 

BY  THE  MOST  REV. 

ARNOLD  H.  IMATHEW,  D.D. 

ARCHBISHOP  OF  THE  OLD  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN 
AND  IRELAND,  DE  JURE  EARL  OF  LLANDAFF  OF  THOMASTOWN 


"  Let  writers  of  history  remember  never  to  dare  to  tell  a  lie  nor  to 
fear  to  tell  the  truth." — POPE  LEO  XIII. 


WITH  52  ILLUSTRATIONS  IN  HALF-TONE. 


NEW  YORK 
BRENTANO'S 

Printed  in  Great  Britain 


MADE  AND  PRINTED  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN 

BY 

SOUTHAMPTON  TIMES  LIMITED 
SOUTHAMPTON 


PREFACE 

THE  object  I  have  in  view  in  writing  this  book  is 
merely  to  present  as  accurate  a  sketch  of  the  life 
and  times  of  the  principal  member  of  the  Borgia 
family  as  it  seems  possible  to  produce,  with  the  com- 
paratively few  contemporary  materials  that  are  now 
available. 

The  second  and  third  volumes  of  Monsieur  Thuasne's 
Latin  edition  of  the  Diary  of  John  Burchard  Bishop 
of  Orta,  afford  much  trustworthy  information  at 
first  hand. 

The  value  of  this  information  has  been  minimised, 
firstly,  by  those  who,  like  Leibnitz,  have  published 
merely  extracts  from  it,  conveying  a  false  impression 
of  the  work  itself ;  and,  secondly,  by  Borgian  apolo- 
gists, who  have  striven  to  cast  doubts  upon  the 
veracity  of  the  Bishop  of  Orta,  or  to  attribute  those 
entries  in  his  Diary  which  tell  against  the  Spanish 
Pope  to  "  interpolators "  who  were  the  alleged 
enemies  of  his  Holiness,  and  anxious  to  defame  him. 

The  Diary  begins  in  1483  and  ends,  with  the  death 
of  its  author,  in  1506.  In  the  short  space  of  twenty- 
three  years,  during  which  Burchard  held  the  office 
of  Pontifical  Master  of  the  Ceremonies,  no  fewer 
than  five  Popes  had  been  personally  known  and 
served  by  him.  He  resided  in  the  Vatican,  and, 
as  was  customary,  kept,  for  his  own  private  use  and 
information,  a  daily  record  of  the  events  which 
interested  him.  This  Diary  was  obviously  not 
intended  for  publication,  nor  for  any  other  eye  than 

5 


6  PREFACE 

that  of  Burchard  himself.  The  original  Diary  is 
now  kept  securely  locked  up  in  the  Vatican,  and 
would  probably  never  have  seen  the  light  of  day 
had  it  not  been  for  Rodrigo  Borgia's  namesake,  Pope 
Alexander  VII.  (1655-67),  who  caused  a  copy  of 
it  to  be  made  for  his  kinsman,  Prince  Chigi,  who 
placed  it  in  the  library  of  the  Chigi  Palace.  It  thus 
became  accessible  to  historical  and  liturgical  students, 
and  extracts  from  it  have,  from  time  to  time,  ap- 
peared, whilst  all  historians  of  the  period  it  covers 
have  sought  information  in  its  pages. 

The  fact  that  Burchard  did  not  write  the  book 
for  publication,  or  for  the  public  eye,  suffices  to 
refute  the  charges  of  malevolence  and  falsehood 
brought  against  him  by  his  detractors  in  their  anxiety 
to  vindicate  the  reputation  of  the  House  of  Borgia. 
A  man  occupying  the  more  or  less  lucrative  appoint- 
ment of  Pontifical  Sacristan,  deriving  his  income  from 
the  Popes,  with  whom  he  was  in  daily  contact  and 
on  evidently  friendly  terms,  could  have  no  possible 
object  in  jotting  down,  in  his  private  note-book, 
details  of  events  which,  it  is  contended,  either  never 
took  place  or  were  exaggerated. 

The  style  and  tone  of  the  entries  bear  witness 
to  their  accuracy.  They  consist  merely  of  rough 
notes,  usually  without  comment,  and  in  some  cases 
purposely  curtailed,  or  limited  to  a  few  words,  suffi- 
cient only  to  recall  the  incidents,  barely  recorded,  to 
the  writer's  memory.  The  work  is  by  no  means  a 
mere  chronique  scandaleuse.  It  consists  chiefly  of  a 
protocol  of  ceremonies  and  functions  at  the  Vatican, 
the  names  of  persons  taking  part  in  them,  the  vest- 
ments worn,  the  ornaments  used,  and  so  forth.  Quite 
incidentally,  and  clearly  without  malice  aforethought, 
other  matters  are  introduced,  some  of  them  of  his- 
torical interest,  others  sufficiently  startling  and,  at 
times,  even  shocking.  The  Diary  is  intended  primarily 
and  obviously  as  a  mere  chronicle  of  official  duties 


PREFACE  7 

and  experiences,  and  was  meant  to  serve  as  a  book  of 
reference,  or  a  record  of  precedents  for  Burchard 
himself. 

Nothing  could  well  have  been  less  like  an  attack 
upon  the  Pope,  for  the  author's  impartiality  is  absolutely 
conspicuous,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  it  has  been 
impugned  by  Borgian  apologists.  In  the  first  instance 
these  seem  to  have  derived  their  animosity  against 
Burchard  from  his  bitter,  jealous,  and  abusive  enemy, 
Paris  de  Grassis,  who  succeeded  him,  and  also  kept 
a  Diary  which  one  day  may  see  the  light. 

The  contemporaries  of  Burchard,  who  corroborate 
the  details  given  in  some  of  the  entries  in  his  Diary, 
such  as  Infessura,  Sanuto,  Guicciardini,  Giovio, 
Machiavelli,  and  others,  are,  all  of  them,  condemned 
as  atrabilious,  untrustworthy  enemies  of  the  Pope, 
whose  statements  are  not  worthy  of  belief  ! 

An  impartial  student  will  be  unable  to  adopt  this 
view,  nor  is  it  that  of  such  admirably  fair  and  truth- 
loving  Roman  Catholic  scholars  as  Professor  Ludwig 
Pastor  and  the  late  Lord  Acton. 

Borgian  apologists,  some  of  them,  admit  that 
Pope  Alexander  was  a  thoroughly  bad  man,  but  they 
defend  him  on  the  ground  that  he  was  no  worse  than 
his  predecessors  or  than  several  of  his  immediate 
successors  in  the  Papal  Chair.  This  may  be  true, 
but  it  does  not  excuse  the  Pope.  In  accepting  the 
position  he  held,  he,  like  every  other  Pope,  was  bound 
to  be  a  living  representative,  a  "Vicar"  of  Christ, 
and  no  Pope  could  ever  have  been  so  completely 
ignorant  of  the  life  and  teaching  of  his  Divine  Master 
as  to  suppose  he  was  leading  the  life  and  setting  the 
example  which  the  whole  Christian  world  had  a  right 
to  expect  from  him  when  he  was  living  as  Alexander 
lived. 

In  fact  Alexander  VI.,  in  his  better  moments, 
deplored  his  crimes  and  shortcomings,  confessed 
them  to  be  worthy  of  condign  punishment,  and 


8  PREFACE 

promised  amendment  and  "  the  reform  of  the  Church 
in  its  head  and  in  its  members." 

It  was  the  manifest  duty  of  the  Pope  to  lead  and 
not  to  follow.  The  age  was,  much  like  every  other 
age,  "  corrupt  and  lascivious."  Undoubtedly  corrup- 
tion in  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries  was  more 
conspicuous,  for  it  was  rather  gloried  in  than  concealed. 
The  Pope's  duty,  then,  was  to  rise  above  it,  to  denounce 
the  evil  and  to  set  a  good  example  to  the  whole  world. 

That  the  gross  profligacy  of  the  Papal  Court  gave 
rise  to  scandal,  is  evident,  not  merely  from  the 
published  works  of  contemporary  historians  and 
from  the  private  letters  addressed  by  statesmen, 
diplomats,  and  others,  to  their  respective  governments, 
or  to  personages  of  consequence,  but  also  from  the 
denunciations  of  the  great  Florentine,  Friar  Jerome 
Savonarola,  of  the  Order  of  Preachers,  who  paid  for  his 
temerity  in  reproving  the  Pontiff,  by  suffering  the 
dread  penalty  inflicted  upon  the  excommunicate  and 
the  heretic  of  the  time. 

All  these  accumulated  items  of  independent  and 
separate  information  form  together  a  body  of  evidence 
which  cannot  be  gainsaid.  If  further  corroboration 
is  needed  it  exists  in  the  few  frescoes  that  are  preserved 
in  the  Borgia  apartments  at  the  Vatican  and  in  the 
Schiffanoia  Palace,  the  residence  of  Lucrezia  Borgia 
when  Duchess  of  Ferrara.  Unfortunately,  the  life- 
history  of  Alexander  VI.,  which  formerly  adorned  the 
walls  of  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo  in  fresco,  has  been 
entirely  obliterated.  It  was,  probably,  there  that  the 
painting  existed  in  which  the  Pope's  last-known 
mistress,  the  lovely  Giulia  Bella  Farnese,  was  repre- 
sented as  the  Blessed  Virgin  with  the  Pontiff  kneeling  at 
her  feet.  The  same  lady  appears,  in  the  Borgia  apart- 
ments, in  the  fresco  of  the  Trial  of  St.  Catherine  painted 
by  Pinturicchio.  There  Caesar  Borgia  is  depicted 
as  the  King,  Djem  Sultan  standing  on  his  left ;  Giulia 
is  St.,  Catherine,  and  behind  her  stand  the  Pope's 


PREFACE  9 

young  son  Giuffredo,  Prince  of  Squillace,  with  his  girl- 
wife,  Sancia  of  Aragon,  whilst  Juan  Borgia,  second 
Duke  of  Gandia,  the  elder  brother  of  Caesar,  who  had 
met  with  a  violent  death,  is  mounted  on  a  white  charger 
at  the  side.  Doubtless  other  contemporary  celebrities 
appear  in  the  same  work. 

Giulia  Farnese,  in  a  condition  of  complete  nudity 
is  still  to  be  seen  as  "  Justice  "  in  the  recumbent 
effigy  which  adorns  the  tomb  of  her  brother,  Alessandro 
Farnese,  who  became  Pope  Paul  III.  (1534-50),  and 
who  had  been  promoted  to  the  Cardinalate  by 
Alexander  VI. 

Pope  Pius  IX.  (1846-78)  was  so  shocked  at 
the  presence  of  this  work  of  art  in  the  Basilica  of 
St.  Peter  that  he  ordered  it  to  be  covered  with  a  metal 
chemise,  painted  to  represent  the  white  marble  out 
of  which  the  statue  is  carved. 

I  have  to  express  my  acknowledgments  to  numerous 
authors  for  the  information  collected  in  the  present 
volume,  which  does  not  claim  to  contain  anything 
that  can  be  called  original.  I  have  not  noticed  that 
any  English  author  has  observed  that  Alexander's 
tenth  known  child,  the  young  Rodrigo  Borgia,  who 
became  a  Benedictine  at  Salerno,  was  born  in  1503, 
the  year  of  the  Pope's  decease.  Pere  Suau,  S.J., 
however,  mentions  the  circumstance  in  a  note,  in 
his  Vie  de  Saint  Francois  de  Borja. 

I  have  to  express  my  indebtedness  to  Father  Ehrle, 
S.J.,  of  the  Biblioteca  Apostolica  at  the  Vatican,  and 
to  Monseigneur  Louis  Duchesne,  of  the  £cole  de  Rome, 
for  their  kindness  in  furnishing  items  of  information 
for  which  I  applied  to  them  ;  also  to  the  authorities 
at  the  British  and  the  South  Kensington  Museums, 
for  their  ready  and  valuable  help  in  preparing  casts  of 
various  medals  preserved  in  those  unrivalled  institu- 
tions. To  the  Curator  of  the  Museum  at  Nimes  I  owe 
my  cordial  thanks  for  a  photograph  of  the  portrait  of 
Lucrezia  Borgia  attributed  to  Dosso  Dossi,  and  my 


10  PREFACE 

thanks  are  also  due  to  the  Rector  of  the  Jesuit  College 
at  the  old  Borgian  Palace  at  Gandia,  to  the  Curators  of 
the  Museums  at  Naples,  Florence,  and  Rome,  and  to 
Messrs.  Spithover  of  the  Piazza  di  Spagna  in  Rome, 
for  the  assistance  they  have  given  me  in  the  search 
for  Borgian  photographs. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I 

* 

Origin  of  the  Borgias — Alonso  de  Borja  :  his  education — Prophecy 
of  St.  Vincent  Ferrer — Alonso  elected  Pope  under  the  title  of 
Calixtus  III.,  1455 — His  nepotism — Crusade  against  the  Turks 
— Victory  of  Belgrade — Feud  with  Alfonso  of  Naples  and  his 
heir — Don  Pedro  Borgia — Death  of  Calixtus — Rodrigo  Borgia  : 
parentage  and  education  ;  relations  with  Vannozza  Catanei ; 
made  Archbishop  of  Valencia  and  raised  to  the  purple ;  Vice- 
Chancellor  of  the  Holy  See — Election  of  Pope  Pius  II. — 
Rodrigo's  conduct  at  Siena — Reproachful  letter  from  the  Pope — 
Rodrigo's  character  and  appearance — His  munificence  at  public 
festivities — Pius  II.  continues  the  crusade  against  the  Turks — 
Death  of  Pius  II.,  1464 — Election  of  Paul  II. ;  his  character; 
his  death,  1471  .  .  .  .  .  .  p.  21 


CHAPTER  II 

State  of  the  country  under  Henry  IV.  of  Castile — Birth  of  the  Bel- 
traneja — Revolt  against  the  King — The  Princess  Isabella — 
Battle  of  Olmedo — Marriage  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella — 
Character  and  appearance  of  Ferdinand — Rodrigo  Borgia's 
mission  to  Spain — His  shipwreck — Battle  of  Toro,  1476 — 
Isabella's  claim  to  Castile  recognised  by  Peace  of  Alcantara, 
1479 — Ferdinand's  accession  to  throne  of  Aragon — Inquisition 
in  Spam — War  with  Granada — Conquest  of  Granada — Chris- 
topher Columbus — Death  of  Isabella  .  .  p.  45 


12  CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  III 

Death  of  Sixtus  IV.,  1484 — Letter  from  the  Cardinal  of  Pa  via  to 
Rodrigo  Borgia — Election  of  Innocent  VIII.,  1484 — His  char- 
acter— Corruption  of  the  clergy — Rodrigo  and  Vannozza — 
Death  of  Innocent  VIII.,  1492 — Lawless  state  of  Rome — 
Methods  of  electing  Pope — Simoniacal  election  of  Cardinal 
Borgia  as  Pope  Alexander  VI. — His  magnificent  coronation 
festivities — Guicciardini's  opinion  of  the  new  Pope — Alex- 
ander's vigorous  administration  of  justice — His  nepotism  p.  61 


CHAPTER  IV 

Children  of  Rodrigo  Borgia — Girolama  and  Isabella — Don  Pedro 
Luis — Don  Giovanni,  second  Duke  of  Gandia — Caesar  :  his 
education  and  subsequent  career — His  appearance  and  person- 
ality— Machiavelli's  opinion  of  him — Lucrezia  Borgia — Accusa- 
tions against  her  character — Her  birth  and  education — Giulia 
Farnese,  Rodrigo  Borgia's  second  known  mistress — Lucrezia's 
betrothal  and  marriage — Birth  of  Laura,  daughter  of  Rodrigo 
Borgia  and  Giulia — Lucrezia's  domestic  life — Don  Jofre". 
youngest  son  of  Rodrigo  Borgia  and  Vannozza — Giovanni 
Sforza — Letter  from  Rodrigo  Borgia,  when  Pope  Alexander  VI. • 
to  Lucrezia — Lucrezia  at  Pesaro — Immorality  in  Rome — The 
Infans  Romanus — Rodrigo,  Pope  Alexander's  tenth  child — 
Lucrezia's  divorce  .  .  .  .  .  p.  75 


CHAPTER  V 

Piero  de'  Medici  succeeded  by  his  son  Lorenzo,  1469 — Lorenzo's 
love-affairs — His  marriage — Giuliano  de'  Medici — The  Medici 
wealth — Visit  of  Duke  of  Milan  to  Florence — Lorenzo's  attitude 
towards  the  advancement  of  letters — Relations  with  Sixtus 
IV. — Sons  of  Pope  Sixtus — Alliance  of  Milan,  Florence,  and 
Venice,  1474 — The  Pazzi  Conspiracy — Punishment  of  the 
conspirators — Anger  of  Sixtus  IV. — League  formed  against 
him p.  95 


CONTENTS  13 


CHAPTER  VI 

Pope  Sixtus  IV.  and  Naples  unite  against  Florence — Lorenzo's 
critical  position — His  letter  to  the  Florentines — His  reception 
at  Naples — Invasion  of  the  Turks — The  Pope  releases  Florence 
from  his  interdict — Frescobaldi's  plot  against  Lorenzo — Death 
of  Mohammed  II. — Capitulation  of  Otranto — Hostility  between 
the  Pope  and  Naples — Alfonso  of  Calabria  defeated  at  Campo 
Morto  by  the  papal  troops  under  Ruberto  Malatesta — Death 
of  Malatesta — Venetian  successes  in  Ferrara — Peace  of  Bagnolo, 
1484 — Death  and  obsequies  of  Sixtus  IV.,  1484 — Election 
of  Innocent  VIII. — Conquest  of  Pietra-Santa  by  the  Floren- 
tines— Ill-feeling  between  Ferrante  of  Naples  and  Pope  Inno- 
cent VIII. — Bloodless  battle  leads  to  peace — Death  of  Lorenzo's 
wife,  Clarice — His  little  son,  Giovanni,  made  Cardinal — 
Lorenzo's  letter  of  advice  to  him — Corruption  of  the  Sacred 
College — Lorenzo's  illness  and  death — His  character  and 
influence — Succession  of  his  son  Piero — Savonarola's  preaching 
— Strife  in  the  Medici  family  .  .  .  .  p.  114 

CHAPTER  VII 

Illness  of  Louis  XL  of  France — The  Hermit  of  Calabria  summoned 
to  heal  him — His  fear  of  death — His  character  and  administra- 
tion— His  successor,  Charles  VIII. — Anne  of  Beaujeu  :  her  wise 
rule — Civil  war  in  Brittany — Landois  :  his  terrible  fate — Battle 
of  St.  Aubin  du  Cormier — La  Tremouille's  treatment  of  his 
prisoners — Death  of  Francis  of  Brittany — His  daughter  Anne — 
War  continued — Betrothal  of  Anne  of  Brittany — Anne  of 
Beaujeu  gradually  withdraws  from  her  position  of  authority — 
Release  of  Louis  of  Orleans — Marriage  of  Charles  VIII.  and 
Anne  of  Brittany — Character  and  appearance  of  Charles 
VIII.  .  .  .  - -  ,„ p.  137 

CHAPTER  VIII 

Galeazzo  Maria  Sforza  :  his  iniquitous  life — Conspiracy  to  murder 
him — The  new  Duke  and  his  mother — The  Sforza  brothers — 
Cicco  Simonetta — War  with  Genoa — Division  in  the  Court  of 


14  CONTENTS 

Milan — Cicco's  fate — The  Duchess  Bona  and  her  lover — 
Ludovico  Sforza  made  Regent — Universal  war — Milan,  Naples, 
and  Florence  unite  against  Venice,  Genoa,  and  Pope  Sixtus 
IV. — The  Duke  of  Urbino  made  commander  of  the  Milanese 
troops — Neapolitan  defeat  at  Campo  Morto — The  Pope  unites 
with  Naples  and  Florence,  and  places  Venice  under  a  ban — The 
Venetians  defeated  at  Argenta  by  Alfonso  of  Naples  and  Cos- 
tanzo  Sforza — Plot  to  murder  Ludovico — Milan  ravaged  by  the 
plague,  1485 — Unpopularity  of  Ferrante  of  Naples  and  his  son 
Alfonso— Pope  Innocent  VIII.  and  his  attitude  to  Naples — The 
Neapolitan  barons  offer  the  crown  to  Federigo  in  his  father's 
stead — Battle  of  Lamentana,  1486 — Peace  concluded  between 
Naples  and  the  Holy  See — Ferrante  and  Alfonso  revenge  them- 
selves on  the  barons — Northern  Italy  invaded  by  the  Swiss — 
Disturbances  in  Genoa — Wedding  festivities  of  the  young 
Duke  of  Milan  and  Isabella,  daughter  of  Alfonso  of  Calabria — 
Isabella  appeals  to  Alfonso  for  help  against  Ludovico 's  infringe- 
ment of  her  husband's  rights  .  .  .  .  p.  155 

CHAPTER  IX 

Preparations  for  war  between  Naples  and  Milan — Ludovico  Sforza 
appeals  to  Charles  VIII.  of  France — Charles  decides  to  under- 
take the  invasion  of  Italy — His  relations  with  the  other  Euro- 
pean Powers — Ferrante  of  Naples  succeeded  by  his  son  Alfonso, 
1494 — Progress  of  the  French — Their  splendid  reception  by 
Ludovico — Charles  interviews  the  wretched  Gian  Galeazzo 
Sforza  at  Pavia — Galeazzo's  death — Comines  at  Venice — 
Alexander's  attitude  towards  the  French  invasion — Piero 
de'  Medici's  unsatisfactory  behaviour — His  letter  to  the 
Florentines ;  his  downfall — Charles  VIII.  at  Pisa  .  p.  186 

CHAPTER  X 

The  French  entry  into  Florence — Droll  appearance  of  Charles  VIII. 
— Piero  Capponi's  prompt  action — Compromise  with  the 
Florentines — Disorderly  behaviour  of  the  French  at  Siena — 
Progress  of  the  invasion — The  Pope's  alarm  and  vacillation  ; 
his  agreement  with  Charles  VIII. — Capture  of  Giulia  Farnese — 


CONTENTS  15 

The  French  enter  Rome  with  great  ceremony — Vannozza's 
house  plundered — Affairs  of  Djem  ;  his  death — Was  Alexander 
responsible  for  it  ? — Abdication  of  Alfonso  of  Naples  in  favour 
of  his  son  Ferrantino  ;  his  last  days — Ferrantino's  bad  fortune — 
Caesar  Borgia  escapes  to  Rome — Fortune  favours  the  French — 
They  enter  Naples,  February  22,  1495 — Ferrantino  takes 
refuge  at  Ischia — His  uncle  Federigo — Siege  of  Castelnuovo — • 
French  attitude  towards  the  Neapolitans — Ferdinand  the 
Catholic  appealed  to  by  Ferrantino — Comines  at  Venice — 
Charles  VIII.  leaves  Naples  .....  p.  208 


CHAPTER  XI 

Homeward  march  of  the  French — Charles  at  Siena  and  Pisa — Battle 
of  Fornuova — Sufferings  of  the  French  troops — Arrival  at  Asti — 
Surrender  of  Novara  by  the  Duke  of  Orleans — The  remnant  of 
the  French  army  arrives  in  France — Importance  of  the  French 
invasion  of  Italy — 1495  a  disastrous  year  for  Rome — Ferrantino 
welcomed  at  Naples — Montpensier  attacked  by  the  united 
forces  of  Ferrantino  and  Gonsalvo — Marriage  of  Ferrantino; 
his  death — Succession  of  his  uncle  Federigo  to  the  throne  of 
Naples — The  affairs  of  Pisa — Piero  de'  Medici  attempts  to 
return  to  Florence — Death  of  Ludovico's  wife,  Beatrice  d'Este, 
1497 — Ludovico's  grief — Alexander's  oppression  of  the  Roman 
nobility — His  predilection  for  Juan,  Duke  of  Gandia — Caesar's 
jealousy — Siege  of  Bracciano — Defeat  of  papal  troops  at 
Soriano — Gonsalvo  da  Cordova  and  the  Pope — Murder  of  the 
Duke  of  Gandia — The  Pope's  sorrow — Fiendish  character  of 
Caesar  Borgia  .......  p.  229 


CHAPTER  XII 

Florence  after  the  banishment  of  the  Medici — Piero  de'  Medici 
repulsed — The  Florentines  besiege  Pisa — Fate  of  Paolo  Vitelli — 
Savonarola  ;  his  execution — Death  of  Charles  VIII. — Accession 
of  Louis  of  Orleans  to  the  French  throne — His  matrimonial 
affairs — Caesar  Borgia  returns  to  a  secular  life — His  magnificent 


16  CONTENTS 

entry  into  Chinon — His  rejection  by  Carlotta  of  Naples — Mar- 
riage of  Lucrezia  and  Alfonso  of  Naples — Caesar  wins  the  hand 
of  Charlotte  d'Albret — Louis  XII.  prepares  for  an  Italian  cam- 
paign— His  speedy  successes — Joyful  reception  at  Milan — Joy 
of  Alexander  VI. — His  ambitious  schemes — Lucrezia  made 
Regent  of  Spoleto — Her  unenviable  position — The  Pope  appoints 
her  governor  of  Nepi — Birth  of  Lucrezia's  son  Rodrigo — Caesar's 
campaign  in  the  Romagna — Surrender  of  Imola — Caterina 
Sforza's  defence  of  Forli — Death  of  Cardinal  Juan  Borgia — The 
Milanese  return  to  their  allegiance  to  Ludovico  the  Moor — 
Battle  of  Novara — Ludovico  taken  prisoner  by  the  French — 
Alexander's  pride  in  Caesar's  prowess — Caesar's  triumphal  entry 
into  Rome  ........  p.  253 

CHAPTER  XIII 

The  Jubilee  Year,  1500 — Florence  renews  her  efforts  for  the  over- 
throw of  Pisa — Narrow  escape  of  Alexander  VI. — Murder  of 
Alfonso  of  Biseglia — Lucrezia  sent  to  Nepi  to  indulge  her  grief — 
Raising  of  money  for  Caesar's  campaign — His  entry  into  Pesaro 
described  by  Pandolfo  Collenuccio — Surrender  of  Rimini  and 
Faenza — Astorre  Manfredi — The  wife  of  Carraciolo,  the  Vene- 
tian general,  falls  into  Caesar's  power — Louis  XII.  pursues  his 
plan  of  attacking  Naples — Caesar  turns  his  attention  to  Florence 
— Reign  of  Federigo  of  Naples — Claims  of  France  and  Spain  to 
his  kingdom — The  Pope  attacks  the  Colonna — Alexander's 
rapacity — Double-dealing  of  Gonsalvo  da  Cordova — Siege  of 
Capua — Ill-treatment  of  the  inhabitants  by  the  French  and 
Caesar  Borgia — Fate  of  King  Federigo — Piombino  surrenders  to 
Caesar — A  third  husband  found  for  Lucrezia — Great  celebra- 
tions in  Rome — Lucrezia  sets  out  for  her  new  home  in 
Ferrara  ........  p.  277 

CHAPTER  XIV 

Progress  of  Lucrezia  and  her  retinue — Unexpected  appearance  of 
her  bridegroom  at  Bentivoglio — Reception  at  Ferrara — Wed- 
ding festivities — Fortunes  of  the  Borgias — Letter  to  Savelli — 
Alexander  and  Caesar  visit  Piombino — The  Pope's  composure 


CONTENTS  17 

during  a  storm  at  sea — Disturbances  in  Tuscany — Caesar  attacks 
Urbino — Capture  of  Camerino — Caesar's  alliance  with  Louis 
XII. — Suspicions  of  his  generals — Crusade  against  the  Borgia 
tyranny — Success  of  the  allies — Peace  made  with  Caesar — 
Caesar  at  Sinigaglia — His  treatment  of  the  Duke  of  Gravina, 
Vitellozzo  Vitelli  and  Oliverotto  da  Fermo — Cardinal  Orsini's 
imprisonment  and  death — Advance  of  Caesar — Attack  on  the 
dominion  of  Gian  Giordano  Orsini  .  .  .  p.  306 


CHAPTER  XV 

Caesar  Borgia  at  the  height  of  his  power — Death  of  Cardinal  Michieli 
— Nomination  of  new  Cardinals — Illness  and  death  of  Pope 
Alexander  VI.,  1503 — His  burial — Anarchy  in  Rome — Decline 
of  Caesar's  fortunes — Election  of  Cardinal  Piccolomini  as  Pius 
III. — His  character — Reconciliation  of  the  Orsini  and  Colonna — 
Flight  of  Caesar — Death  of  Pius  III.  after  a  reign  of  twenty- 
seven  days — Election  of  Giuliano  della  Rovere  as  Julius  II. — 
The  Venetians  attack  the  Romagna — Caesar  taken  prisoner  by 
the  Pope — He  is  betrayed  by  Gonsalvo  da  Cordova  and  sent  to 
Spain — Escapes  from  imprisonment  and  is  received  by  his 
brother-in-law,  King  of  Navarre — Caesar's  death  in  battle, 
1507 — His  character  compared  with  that  of  Alexander  VI. — 
Caesar's  wife  and  daughter — His  illegitimate  children  .  p.  331 


CHAPTER  XVI 

Disputes  between  France  and  Spain  over  the  partition  of  Naples — 
End  of  Piero  de'  Medici — Gonsalvo  da  Cordova,  the  Great 
Captain — His  treatment  by  Ferdinand — Lucrezia's  life  at 
Ferrara — Angela  Borgia — Death  of  the  Poet  Strozzi — Rodrigo, 
Lucrezia's  little  son — His  death,  1512 — Death  of  Giovanni 
Sforza  of  Pesaro^— Alfonso  of  Ferrara  placed  under  the  papal 
ban — Battle  of  Ravenna — Lucrezia's  relations  with  her  husband 
— Her  letter  to  Leo  X. — Vannozza's  last  years — Death  of 
Lucrezia,  1519 — Grief  at  her  loss — Her  children  .  p.  355 

BB 


18  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  XVII 

Character  of  Pope  Alexander  VI. — His  apologists — Hopelessness  of 
the  attempt  to  rehabilitate  him — John  Burchard's  Diary — 
Strange  temperament  of  Italians  of  the  Renaissance — Secular 
spirit  of  the  papacy — Alexander  VI.  in  every-day  life  and  as  an 
administrator — The  bright  side  of  his  reign — Copernicus — 
Alexander's  improvement  of  the  Vatican — The  Borgia  apart- 
ments— Pinturicchio's  work — The  Pope's  encouragement  of 
architecture — His  attitude  towards  education — Foundation  of 
Aberdeen  University — Alexander  and  the  spiritual  interests  of 
the  Church — Restriction  of  the  Press — Summary  of  Alexander's 
pontificate  ........  p.  380 

CHAPTER  XVIII 

The  great-grandson  of  Pope  Alexander  VI.,  St.  Francis  Borgia, 
fourth  Duke  of  Gandia  ......  p.  395 


APPENDIX.     Note  on  the   death  of   Djem   Sultan — The 

opinion  of  contemporary  writers  on  Dyem's  death      .      p.  401 


INDEX        .........      p.  407 


LUCREZIA  BORGIA  DANCING  BEFORE  THE  POPE  (Kaulbach)  Frontispiece 

FACING   PAGE 

SIXTUS  IV.  AND  ALEXANDER  VI 24 

VANNOZZA  AND  VITTORIA  COLONNA      .  ....       32 

PERHAPS  JUAN  BORGIA,  2ND  DUKE  OF  GANDIA  ...  48 
CESAR  BORGIA  ........  56 

LUCREZIA  BORGIA 64 

ALEXANDER  VI.  PRESENTING  GIOVANNI  SFORZA  TO  ST.  PETER  80 
JOFRE  BORGIA,  SANCIA,  AND  LUCREZIA  ....  88 
CARDINAL  FARNESE  AND  LORENZO  DE'  MEDICI  ...  96 
THE  BLESSED  VIRGIN  AND  CARDINAL  CARAFFA  .  .  .112 

GIULIA  FARNESE 120 

GIULIA  FARNESE  AS  "  JUSTICE  "          .....     128 

POPE  PAUL  III.  WITH  JUAN  BORGIA,  DUKE  OF  NEPI      .         .     144 
KING  CHARLES  VIII.  AND  SAVONAROLA        ....     152 

SARCOPHAGUS  OF  ALEXANDER  VI.  AND  THE  EXECUTION  OF 

SAVONAROLA       ........     160 

Louis  XII.  AND  ST.  JEANNE  DE  VALOIS       .         .         .         .176 

THE  DUKE  OF  PARMA  AND  THE  DUKE  OF  FERRARA         .         .184 

THE  TORTURE  OF  "  THE  QUESTION  " 192 

THE  TRIAL  OF  ST.  CATHERINE     ......     208 

THE  MARTYRDOM  OF  ST.  SEBASTIAN     .         .         .         .         .216 

19 


20  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

FRESCO  FROM  THE  BORGIA  APARTMENTS       ....  224 

FRESCO  FROM  THE  BORGIA  APARTMENTS        ....  240 

ARMS  OF  POPE  ALEXANDER  VI. 248 

MARQUIS  GONZAGA  WITH  CARDINAL  FRANCESCO,  HIS  SON        .  256 

MARQUIS  GONZAGA  WITH  HIS  COURT     .....  272 

FRESCOES  FROM  THE  SCHIFFANOIA  PALACE  ....  304 

FRESCOES  FROM  THE  SCHIFFANOIA  PALACE    ....  320 

LUDOVICO  SFORZA,  DUKE  OF  MILAN,  AND  POPE  JULIUS  II.      .  336 

MEDALS  OF  ALEXANDER  VI.        ......  352 

MEDALS  OF  GIOVANNI  SFORZA,  ETC.      .....  368 

ST.  FRANCIS  BORGIA  .......  384 

ALEXANDER  VI.  ADORING  THE  SAVIOUR        ....  400 


The    Life    and    Times    of 
Rodrigo  Borgia 

Pope  Alexander  VI. 


CHAPTER  I 

Origin  of  the  Borgias — Alonso  de  Borja  :  his  education — Prophecy 
of  St.  Vincent  Ferrer — Alonso  elected  Pope  under  the  title  of 
Calixtus  III.,  1455 — His  nepotism — Crusade  against  the  Turks — 
Victory  of  Belgrade — Feud  with  Alfonso  of  Naples  and  his  heir 
— Don  Pedro  Borgia — Death  of  Calixtus — Rodrigo  Borgia  : 
parentage  and  education  ;  relations  with  Vannozza  Catanei  ; 
made  Archibishop  of  Valencia  and  raised  to  the  purple  ;  Vice- 
Chancellor  of  the  Holy  See — Election  of  Pope  Pius  II. — 
Rodrigo 's  conduct  at  Siena — Reproachful  letter  from  the  Pope 
— Rodrigo's  character  and  appearance — His  munificence  at 
public  festivities — Pius  II.  continues  the  crusade  against  the 
Turks — Death  of  Pius  II.,  1464 — Election  of  Paul  II. :  his 
character;  his  death,  1471. 

THE  remarkable  and  gifted  family  of  the  Borgias, 
whose  name  has  been  so  appallingly  conspicuous  in 
the  criminal  annals  of  Europe,  had  its  origin  in  the 
little  Spanish  town  of  Borja,  on  the  pleasant,  fertile 
borders  of  Aragon,  Castile,  and  Navarre.  We  have 
but  scant  knowledge  of  the  history  of  this  place ;  it 
was  founded  apparently,  by  the  Celtiberians  in  960  B.C., 
and  in  A.D.  1120  we  hear  of  its  being  bestowed  by 
King  Alfonso  I.  upon  Don  Pedro  Atares  as  a  reward 

21 


22     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

for  his  help  in  delivering  the  neighbouring  town  of 
Saragossa  from  the  Moorish  yoke. 

The  said  Atares  was  a  grandson  of  Don  Sancho,  a 
natural  son  of  King  Ramiro  I.,  and  when  Alfonso  I. 
died,  in  1134,  he  might,  without  undue  exertion,  have 
obtained  the  thrones  of  Aragon  and  Navarre.  But, 
in  gratitude  for  miraculous  preservation  in  a  storm, 
Atares  had  dedicated  his  life  to  piety  and  good  works. 
Among  the  latter  he  is  credited  with  founding  the 
monastery  of  Venuela,  where  he  spent  the  evening 
of  his  days.  He  died  in  1151,  and  there  is  no  record 
of  his  having  left  any  children.  A  century  later, 
however,  when  Jaym  I.,  King  of  Aragon,  undertook 
the  conquest  of  Valencia  no  less  than  eight  country 
squires  bearing  the  name  of  Borgia  figured  in  his 
army  and  assisted  in  the  taking  of  Xativa.  Lands 
were  distributed  among  them,  and  they  soon  estab- 
lished themselves  in  the  new  kingdom.  We  hear  of  a 
Rodrigo  Borgia  who  shortly  afterwards  distinguished 
himself  at  the  capture  of  Orihuela,  but  neither  he 
nor  his  family  owned  the  lordship  of  Borja,  nor  did 
he  take  rank  as  an  infante  of  Aragon.  In  mentioning 
the  Borgias,  Viciana,  the  chronicler  of  Valencia, 
confines  himself  to  remarking  that  they  all  came  from 
the  town  of  the  same  name  and  that  Don  Jaym  held 
them  in  great  esteem. 

In  the  thirteenth  century  the  heirs  of  the  conquerors 
seem  to  have  lived  in  comparative  obscurity,  but 
a  century  later  several  of  them  were  prominent  in  the 
affairs  of  Xativa.  Some  inhabited  the  town,  others 
the  "  torre  de  Canals,"  and  the  different  branches  of 
the  family  intermarried.  In  fortune  they  were  equal, 
and  they  boasted  the  same  coat-of-arms,  "  un  bceuf 
passant  de  gueule,"  or,  "  a  bull  passant  gules."  In  the 
fifteenth  century  an  alliance  took  place  between  the 
Borgias  and  a  noble  house  of  Aragon,  when  one  Rodrigo 
Gil  de  Borja  took  to  wife  Sibila  Doms.  In  the 
escutcheon  of  Alexander  VI.  (grandson  of  Sibila)  we 


POPE  CALIXTUS  III.  23 

see  the  union  of  the  arms  of  the  Doms  family  with  the 
Borgia  bull. 

The  real  founder  of  the  Borgia1  greatness  was 
Alonso  de  Borja,  afterwards  Pope  Calixtus  III.  He 
was  the  child  of  Domingo  de  Borja,  Doncel  y  Sefior  de 
la  Torre  de  Canals  and  Francina  de  Borja  of  Valencia, 
and  first  saw  the  light  at  Xativa,  on  the  last  day  of  the 
year  1378.  He  was  the  only  son,  but  there  were  four 
daughters,  one  of  whom,  Dona  Isabella,  married  her 
cousin,  Jcrre*  de  Borja  y  Doms,  and  became  the  mother 
of  the  world-famous  Alexander  VI. 

At  the  age  of  thirteen  or  fourteen  Alonso  was  sent 
to  Lerida  to  continue  his  education  and  to  specialise 
in  the  study  of  jurisprudence.  He  took  the  degree 
of  Doctor  of  Civil  and  Canon  Law,  eventually  winning 
the  reputation  of  one  of  the  most  brilliant  jurists  of  the 
day.  After  lecturing  in  this  subject  with  great  success 
he  was  appointed  Canon  of  the  Cathedral  of  Lerida.* 
When  a  young  priest  he  was  present  at  a  sermon 
preached  by  the  great  Dominican,  St.  Vincent  Ferrer, 
at  Valencia.  At  the  end  of  his  discourse  the  friar  is 
said  to  have  singled  out  Alonso  from  the  rest  of  the 
throng  and  to  have  addressed  to  him  these  prophetic 
words :  "  My  son,  I  congratulate  thee  ;  remember 
that  thou  art  destined  to  be  one  day  the  glory  of  thy 
country  and  of  thy  family.  Thou  wilt  be  invested  with 
the  highest  dignity  that  can  fall  to  the  lot  of  mortal 
man.  I  myself,  after  my  death,  shall  be  the  object  of 
thy  special  honour.  Endeavour  to  persevere  in  the 
path  of  virtue."  These  words  greatly  impressed 
Alonso,  who  confidently  awaited  their  fulfilment. 

Later  on  he  obtained  the  post  of  Confidential 
Secretary  to  Alfonso  V.,  King  of  Aragon,  who  recognised 
his  remarkable  diplomatic  talent,  and  was  the  means  of 
bringing  him  to  Naples.  Having  carried  out  various 
diplomatic  missions  to  the  King's  satisfaction,  and 

1  "Borgia  "  is  the  Italianised  form  of  "Borja." 

*  Baron  Corvo,  Chronicles  of  the  House  of  Borgia,  p.  12. 


24     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

rendered  important  services  to  the  Papacy,  he  was 
appointed  Bishop  of  Valencia  by  Pope  Martin  V.  in 
1429.  He  declined  the  offer  of  the  purple  because 
disputes  had  arisen  between  Pope  Eugenius  IV.  and 
Alfonso  concerning  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  but  he 
accepted  it  upon  their  reconciliation  in  1444. 

Although  pious  and  well-intentioned,  Alonso  had 
already  begun  to  show  signs  of  the  nepotism  which 
was  to  be  so  remarkable  a  characteristic  of  the  Borgia 
family.  His  sister  Isabella  was  the  mother  of  two 
sons — Pedro  Luis  and  Rodrigo  (the  future  Alexander 
VI.).  No  sooner  was  Alonso  made  Cardinal  than  he 
obtained  for  his  favourite  nephew  Rodrigo,  the  dignity 
of  Precentor  of  the  Chapter  of  Valencia.  This,  however, 
was  but  the  beginning.1  In  1455  Pope  Nicholas  V. 
died,  and  Alonso,  already  an  old  man  of  seventy-seven, 
was  elected  as  his  successor,  under  the  title  of  Calixtus 
III.  Though  physically  frail  and  worn,  his  mental 
powers  were  as  keen  as  ever,  and,  having  obtained  this 
exalted  position,  he  proceeded  to  satisfy  the  cravings 
of  his  ambitious  relations.  At  his  first  Consistory  he 
appointed  Juan  Luiz  del  Mila,  the  son  of  his  sister 
Catherine,  Cardinal  Priest,  while  Rodrigo,  his  darling 
nephew,  was  made  Cardinal  Deacon  and,  later,  Vice- 
Chancellor  of  the  Roman  Church.  Pedro  Luis  was 
overwhelmed  with  dignities — he  was  created  Duke  and 
Count  of  Spoleto,  Lord  of  Civita  Vecchia,  Governor  of 
the  Patrimony  of  the  Church,  Generalissimo  of  Holy 
Church,  and  finally  Prefect  of  Rome.  This  last  office 
was  given  him  in  the  hope  that  he  would  hold  in  check 
the  Roman  barons,  who  resented  the  advent  of  the 
foreigners,  or  Catalans  (as  the  Romans  of  the  fifteenth 
century  called  all  Spaniards)  from  Valencia. 

Upon  his  accession  to  the  Papal  Chair,  Calixtus  III. 
registered  a  solemn  vow  of  hostility  to  the  Turks — 
"  the  irreconcilable  enemies  of  Christendom."  He 
immediately  despatched  ambassadors  to  all  the  Courts 

1  Baron  Corvo,  Chronicles  of  the  House  of  Borgia,  p.  18. 


W  w>  H  -r 

r  •>  *  .     n  .    w 


POPE  CALIXTUS  III.  25 

of  Europe,  exhorting  them  to  join  a  crusade  against 
their  common  enemy.  According  to  his  successor, 
^neas  Silvius  Piccolomini,  he  was  successful  in  raising 
a  large  army  and  a  fleet  of  sixty  galleys  by  dint  of 
collecting  free-will  contributions  and  levying  tithes. 
A  regular  system  of  collecting  was  organised  and 
many  precautions  taken  that  the  funds  should  be 
exclusively  devoted  to  the  expenses  of  the  crusade. 
In  spite  of  the  greatest  care,  however,  a  certain 
amount  of  dishonesty  crept  in  and  brought  discredit 
upon  the  enterprise,  though  the  Pope  did  his  best 
to  find  out  and  punish  the  offenders. 

Not  content  with  collecting  money  for  the  crusade, 
the  zealous  Calixtus  did  not  scruple  to  annex  jewels 
from  the  papal  treasury  and  to  dispose  of  church 
property  to  provide  for  the  expenses  of  the  war.  There 
is  still  in  existence  a  lengthy  list  of  valuables  sold  by 
the  Pope  to  the  art-loving  Alfonso  of  Naples,  in  1456. » 
He  even  stripped  the  volumes  in  the  Vatican  Library 
of  their  gold  and  silver  to  augment  the  war  fund,  an 
act  which  provoked  much  criticism.  Calixtus  himself 
lived  in  a  simple  and  frugal  style  and  was  not  slow  to 
express  his  disapproval  of  the  extravagance  of  his 
predecessor,  Nicholas  V.,  who  had  lavished  on  jewels 
and  manuscripts  wealth  which  might  have  been  conse- 
crated to  the  crusade.  The  buildings  begun  by  the 
late  Pope  were  discontinued  and  the  papal  revenues 
no  longer  devoted  to  the  encouragement  of  literature. 
Men  of  letters,  indeed,  found  themselves  in  little 
request  under  the  new  regime,  when  the  severest 
simplicity  prevailed.  The  aged  Pope,  indeed,  rarely 
left  his  room,  and,  as  Gregorovius  remarks,  "  the 
Vatican  resembled  an  infirmary  where  the  gouty 
Pontiff  spent  the  greater  part  of  his  time  by  candle- 
light in  bed,  surrounded  by  nephews  and  mendicant 
friars." 

In  spite  of  the  Pope's  unfailing  energy  in  trying 

1  Baron  Corvo,  Chronicles  of  the  House  of  Borgia,  p.  29. 


26     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

to  arouse  interest  in  the  crusade,  the  Catholic  princes 
did  not  respond  to  his  appeals,  but  remained  steeped 
in  lethargy,  even  when  the  Turks  planted  their 
standard  on  the  Hungarian  frontiers  and  besieged 
Belgrade.  Calixtus,  though  grieved  to  the  heart, 
did  not  lose  courage.  Day  by  day  he  wrestled  with 
God  in  prayer,  and  it  was  at  this  time  that  he  instituted 
the  custom  of  ringing  the  Angelus  bell.  "  I  acknow- 
ledge and  firmly  believe,  O  Almighty  God,"  he  prayed 
"  that  it  is  Thy  will  that  I  alone  should  wear  myself 
out  and  die  for  the  general  good.  So  be  it !  I  am 
ready,  even  if  I  must  myself  go  into  bondage  and 
alienate  all  the  possessions  of  the  Church."  His 
efforts  were  rewarded,  and  help  arrived  in  the  persons 
of  the  Hungarian  hero  Hunyadi  and  the  saintly  monk 
John  Capistran,  who,  in  July  1456,  effected  the 
deliverance  of  Belgrade.  The  aged  Calixtus  was 
overcome  with  joy  at  this  victory.  "  The  Pope," 
writes  the  Milanese  ambassador,  "  praised  Hunyadi 
to  the  skies,  calling  him  the  greatest  man  that  the 
world  had  seen  for  three  hundred  years."  The 
Turkish  fleet  also  was  defeated  at  Mitylene  by  the 
Cardinal  Scarampa  in  August  1457.  The  Pope, 
however,  was  not  content  with  this  measure  of  success, 
and  made  plans  to  advance  into  Ethiopia  and  even  to 
carry  the  war  into  Granada.  He  was  continually 
enlisting  fresh  help,  though  by  this  time  his  treasury 
was  completely  exhausted  and  even  his  own  vestments 
were  pawned. 

Meanwhile  he  had  to  fight  against  his  former  friend, 
Alfonso  of  Aragon,  who,  on  the  strength  of  having 
advanced  the  Borgia  fortunes  by  his  patronage,  was 
not  slow  to  demand  unreasonable  favours  of  the  Pope. 
When  the  latter  refused  to  cede  to  him  the  March  of 
Ancona  and  other  lands  of  the  Church,  with  the 
words,  "  Let  the  King  of  Aragon  govern  his  kingdom, 
and  leave  to  Us  the  administration  of  the  Church," 
he  took  the  direst  umbrage  and  never  forgave  the 


DEATH  OF  CALIXTUS  III.          27 

rebuff,  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  Cardinal  Rodrigo 
Borgia  to  bring  about  a  reconciliation.  When  Alfonso 
died,  in  June  1458,  Calixtus  refused  to  acknowledge 
his  son  Ferrante  as  the  heir,  on  the  score  of  his  illegiti- 
mate birth,  and  claimed  the  kingdoms  of  Naples  and 
Sicily  as  the  property  of  the  Holy  See.  In  a  conversa- 
tion with  the  Milanese  ambassador,  he  spoke  of  Ferrante 
as  a  little  bastard  whose  father  was  unknown.  "  This 
boy,  who  is  nothing,"  he  said,  "  calls  himself  King 
without  our  permission.  Naples  belongs  to  the  Church ; 
it  is  the  possession  of  St.  Peter.  ...  If  Don  Ferrante 
will  give  up  his  usurped  title  and  humbly  place  himself 
in  our  hands,  we  will  treat  him  as  one  of  our  own 
nephews." 

This,  however,  Ferrante  was  in  nowise  inclined  to 
do.  He  called  on  his  barons  for  help,  and  sent  am- 
bassadors to  Rome  to  appeal  against  the  Pope's  decree. 
Duke  Francesco  Sforza  of  Milan,  the  most  potent  of 
Italian  princes,  as  well  as  Cosmo  de'  Medici,  took  his 
part,  and  it  is  difficult  to  say  what  complications 
might  have  arisen,  if  the  death  of  Calixtus  had  not 
intervened,  August  8,  1458.  Even  on  his  death-bed 
he  did  not  forget  the  promotion  of  his  family.  The 
Vicariate  of  Terracina  he  bestowed  upon  his  nephew, 
Don  Pedro,  who,  by  his  arrogance  and  love  of  display, 
had  aroused  the  envy  and  hatred  of  the  Roman 
nobles,  especially  the  Colonna  and  Orsini.  While 
Calixtus  lay  dying  the  storm  burst.  The  nobility 
and  the  populace  attacked  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo, 
in  which  Don  Pedro  had  shut  himself,  and  threatened 
to  set  fire  to  Rome  if  he  would  not  surrender  the 
fortress.  This  he  declared  himself  ready  to  do  on 
payment  of  20,000  gold  ducats.  His  enemies,  however, 
were  not  satisfied,  and  demanded  his  life.  At  great 
risk,  he  succeeded  in  escaping  by  night  from  Rome, 
with  the  assistance  of  the  Venetian  Cardinal  Barbo. 
He  was  also  accompanied  by  a  troop  of  soldiers  and 
his  devoted  brother  Rodrigo  in  disguise.  In  order  to 


28     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

mislead  the  enemy,  they  turned  first  in  the  direction 
of  the  Ponte  Molle,  and  then  hurried  on  to  the  Porta 
di  San  Paolo.  At  this  gate  the  two  Cardinals  left  him, 
after  commanding  the  soldiers  to  escort  him  to  Ostia  ; 
but,  so  much  was  he  hated,  that  they  nearly  all  refused 
to  accompany  him,  and  when,  at  last,  after  many 
obstacles,  the  wretched  man  arrived  at  Ostia,  the 
vessel  which  he  was  expecting  failed  him,  and  he  was 
obliged  to  escape  in  a  small  boat  to  Civita  Vecchia, 
where  he  shortly  afterwards  died. 

Cardinal  Rodrigo  returned  to  Rome  after  his 
brother's  flight — an  action  which  required  no  little 
courage  on  his  part.  The  same  evening  (August  6) 
the  Pope's  sufferings  ended,  and  he  passed  to  his  rest. 
The  Romans  shed  no  tears  for  him,  for  his  death 
freed  them  from  the  hated  yoke  of  the  Catalans. 
His  burial  was  conducted  with  scant  ceremony,  only 
four  priests  following  him  to  the  grave. l 

The  two  dominant  interests  of  Calixtus  III.  were 
the  crusade  against  the  Turks  and  the  promotion  of 
his  own  family.  Apart  from  his  nepotism,  his  conduct 
as  Pope  does  not  offer  much  scope  for  blame.  On 
the  whole,  he  seems  to  have  led  a  virtuous  and  honour- 
able life,  gentle  and  indulgent  to  the  failings  of  others, 
but  strict  and  harsh  towards  his  own.  His  attitude 
toward  the  Renaissance  strikes  one  as  apathetic,  but 
it  must  be  remembered  that  the  duty  of  defending 
Europe  from  the  infidels  absorbed  him  to  such  an 
extent  that  he  had  little  time  for  the  encouragement 
of  art  and  letters.  He  was  not,  as  his  accusers  have 
maintained,  actively  opposed  to  their  progress,  but 
simply  indifferent. 

That  the  earlier  career  of  Calixtus  III.  had  not 
been  beyond  reproach  is  proved  by  the  existence  of  a 
bastard  son,  Don  Francisco  de  Borja,  born  in  1441, 
and  of  whom  we  shall  hear  from  time  to  time  in  the 
course  of  this  history. 

1  Baron  Corvo,  Chronicles  of  the  House  of  Borgia,  p.  57. 


RODRIGO  BORGIA  29 

The  hatred  which  pursued  Don  Pedro  did  not 
extend  to  his  younger  brother,  Cardinal  Rodrigo, 
who  was  later  to  play  such  a  remarkable  part  in  the 
history  of  Italy.  As  we  have  already  seen,  he  was 
the  second  son  of  Jofre  de  Borja  y  Doms,  a  Valencian 
nobleman  who  married  Isabella  Borgia,  sister  of 
Calixtus  III.  Rodrigo  was  thus  doubly  a  Borgia,  and 
not,  as  many  have  maintained,  connected  with  the 
family  only  through  his  mother. 

He  was  born  at  Xativa  in  1431.  Like  the  rest  of 
his  race,  he  was  distinguished  for  physical  beauty  and 
strength,  and  already,  at  eight  years  old,  was  con- 
spicuous in  the  streets  of  Xativa  for  the  grace  and 
gallantry  of  his  bearing.  His  father  died  when  the 
boy  was  only  ten,  and  his  widowed  mother  took  up 
her  abode  at  Valencia,  a  town  well  provided  with 
educational  advantages.  His  uncle,  Alonso,  was  at 
that  time  Bishop,  and  we  may  suppose  that  his  influence 
contributed  to  enhance  the  reputation  which  Valencia 
already  bore  as  a  literary  centre.  The  little  Rodrigo, 
we  hear,  displayed  remarkable  aptitude  for  learning, 
and  soon  arrived  at  the  head  of  his  school ;  but  even 
thus  early  his  character  showed  certain  undesirable 
tendencies  which  boded  ill  for  his  future  career.  He 
pursued  his  studies  with  great  zeal,  under  excellent 
teachers,  until  his  eighteenth  year,  when  he  went  to 
the  University  of  Bologna  and  studied  law  under  the 
celebrated  Caspar  Veronese.  On  his  return  to  Spain 
he  practised  as  an  advocate,  earning  large  sums  which 
might  have  been  even  larger  but  for  his  unstable  and 
volatile  disposition.  Suddenly  he  became  dissatisfied 
with  his  profession  and  yearned  to  distinguish  himself 
in  a  military  career.  Meanwhile  he  had  made  the 
acquaintance  of  a  widow  and  her  two  daughters,  and 
so  great  was  his  depravity  that  he  not  only  maintained 
illicit  relations  with  the  mother,  but  strove  also  to 
enter  into  a  like  guilty  connection  with  both^the 
daughters.  After  the  mother's  death  he  undertook 


30     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

the  guardianship  of  her  children.  One  of  them  he 
despatched  to  a  convent,  and  the  other — Catarina  (or 
Rose)  Vannozza  Catanei — he  retained  as  his  mistress. 
Of  Vannozza's  origin  little  is  known.  She  was  a 
Roman,  perhaps  of  the  petite  bourgeoisie  (or,  according 
to  Adinolfi,  of  a  family  "  non  ignobile  "),  and  was  born 
in  July  1442.  Her  real  name  was  Giovanna,  of  which 
Vannozza  is  an  adaptation.  We  have  no  authenticated 
portrait  of  her  and  no  very  definite  description,  but 
from  our  limited  sources  of  information  we  gather 
that  she  was  a  subtle  combination  of  voluptuous 
beauty,  amiability,  and  shrewdness.  She  must 
certainly  have  been  possessed  of  some  remarkable 
magnetism  in  order  to  have  exercised  a  permanent 
attraction  upon  so  fastidious  a  man  as  Rodrigo  Borgia. 

According  to  .the  well-known  Roman  Catholic 
historian,  Dr.  Ludwig  Pastor,  his  relations  with 
Vannozza  began  about  the  year  1460,  when  she 
became  his  acknowledged  mistress. 

Rodrigo's  intercourse  with  Vannozza  resulted  in 
the  birth  of  five  children,  of  whom  we  shall  hear  in 
another  chapter.  They  were  Don  Pedro  Luis,  First 
Duke  of  Gandia,  born  probably  in  1467 ;  Don  Gio- 
vanni, born  1474,  and  assassinated  1498 ;  Don  Caesar 
Borgia,  who  figures  so  largely  in  his  father's  pontificate, 
born  1476 ;  Donna  Lucrezia,  born  1480 ;  and  Don 
Jofre,  born  1481. 

Rodrigo  was  an  affectionate  father,  and  did  not 
stint  money  to  give  his  children  a  good  education  and 
a  comfortable  home.  He  did  not,  however,  recognise 
them  openly  before  he  became  Pope. 

But  to  return  to  Pope  Calixtus  III.  As  we  have 
already  mentioned,  his  first  care  was  to  advance  the 
fortunes  of  his  family,  and  in  particular,  those  of  his 
nephews  Pedro  Luis  and  Rodrigo.  The  latter,  how- 
ever, was  so  bound  by  the  fascinations  of  a  life  of 
pleasure  that  his  uncle's  promotion  did  not  give  him 
as  much  satisfaction  as  might  have  been  expected. 


RODRIGO  CREATED  CARDINAL     31 

Nevertheless,  he  wrote  him  a  respectful  letter  of 
congratulation. 

No  sooner  did  the  Pope  receive  the  letter  than  he 
sent  Rodrigo  the  most  cordial  reply,  expressing  his 
joy  in  possessing  a  nephew  so  skilled  in  jurisprudence, 
and  inviting  him  to  come  immediately  to  Rome  and 
devote  himself  to  the  affairs  of  the  State.  But  to 
Rodrigo  the  idea  of  leaving  his  home  and  amusements 
and  giving  up  his  present  lucrative  employment  was 
most  distasteful.  The  Pope,  all  impatient,  sent 
prelates  to  fetch  him,  with  the  offer  of  a  rich  benefice 
to  tempt  him.  Rodrigo,  however,  still  wavered,  and 
turned  irresolute,  to  Vannozza  herself.  Together 
they  decided  that  Rodrigo  should  accept  his  uncle's 
invitation  to  Rome,  and  that  his  mistress  should 
establish  herself  at  Venice.  Soon  afterwards  Vannozza 
set  out  on  her  journey,  unaccompanied  save  for  two 
servants  and  a  Spanish  noble,  Don  Manuel  Melchior 
(perhaps  the  only  person  who  was  really  aware  of  her 
amorous  relations),  while  Rodrigo  betook  himself  to 
Rome,  where  he  stayed  with  his  friend,  Cardinal  San 
Severino. 

Soon  after  his  arrival  he  was  summoned  by  the  Pope. 
Rodrigo  cast  himself  at  his  uncle's  feet,  with  congratu- 
lations upon  his  promotion.  Calixtus,  for  his  part, 
spoke  in  glowing  terms  of  his  nephew's  capabilities, 
and  created  him  Archbishop  of  Valencia.  A  little 
later — in  September  1456 — both  Rodrigo  and  his 
brother,  Don  Pedro,  were  raised  to  the  purple  in  a 
secret  Consistory,  though  neither  of  them  had  the 
remotest  claim  to  piety.  Rodrigo's  reputation, 
indeed,  was  such  as  to  make  his  elevation  repugnant 
to  the  more  conscientious  of  the  Cardinals,  and  it  was 
not  until  some  months  later,  when  they  had  all  left 
Rome  for  cooler  regions,  that  Calixtus  made  the 
nomination  public.  It  is  noteworthy  that  the  Pope 
did  nothing  for  his  own  son  Francisco,  at  that  time  a 
worthy  and  pleasing  youth  of  fifteen.  Don  Jaym  of 


32     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Portugal  was,  however,  raised  to  the  purple  with  Don 
Pedro  and  Rodrigo.  It  is  pleasant  to  record  that  this 
Portuguese  Cardinal  continued  to  live  a  pure  and 
virtuous  life  even  amid  the  frightful  corruptions  of 
Rome.  He  died  at  the  age  of  twenty-five,  and  his 
tomb,  the  work  of  Antonio  Rossellino,  is  one  of  the 
most  beautiful  monuments  of  the  Renaissance. 

Rodrigo's  pleasure  at  being  made  Cardinal  was  not 
unmixed,  for  he  realised  that  his  new  dignity  would 
be  an  additional  tie  to  Rome  and  an  obstacle  in  the 
way  of  his  intercourse  with  Vannozza.  But  the  hope 
of  one  day  occupying  the  Papal  Chair  bore  him  up. 
Suddenly,  and  without  any  warning,  he  began  to 
display  a  mpst  unwonted  piety  and  humility.  He 
paced  the  streets  with  sunken  head  and  downcast 
eyes,  paid  frequent  visits  to  churches  and  hospitals, 
and  exhorted  the  people  to  faith.  He  thus  acquired 
a  reputation  for  sanctity  quite  foreign  to  his  real 
character. 

In  1457  Rodrigo  was  made  Vice-Chancellor  of  the 
Holy  See  as  a  reward  for  his  services  in  connection 
with  the  disturbances  in  central  Italy.  During  the 
hostilities  between  Filippo  Visconti  and  Alfonso  of 
Aragon,  Francesco  Sforza  had  taken  possession  of 
nearly  the  whole  boundary-line  dividing  their  States. 
Hard  pressed  by  Piccinino  and  other  generals,  he 
cast  himself  upon  the  domain  of  Ascoli  and  appointed 
Giovanni  Sforza  as  his  governor.  But  a  young  man 
named  Giosia  instigated  a  conspiracy,  banished  Sforza 
from  Ascoli,  and  himself  took  the  reins  of  authority. 
Exasperated  by  his  tyranny,  the  citizens  drove  him 
away  and  appealed  to  the  Church  for  protection. 
Giosia,  with  the  help  of  a  few  banditti,  seized  a  castle 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Ascoli  and  laid  waste  the 
surrounding  country.  The  Pope  despatched  Rodrigo 
to  quell  the  disturbance,  and  he  performed  the  errand 
with  so  much  success  that  he  took  the  castle  and 
brought  Giosia  in  chains  to  Rome.  On  July  4,  1455, 


II 


•3 


ELECTION  OF  PICCOLOMINI        33 

the  Cardinal  of  Siena  informed  the  Cardinal  of  Sant 
Angelo  of  the  capture,  and  the  Cardinal  of  Pavia,  in  his 
commentaries,  speaks  of  the  skill  and  decision  with 
which  Rodrigo  managed  the  affair. 

As  long  as  Calixtus  lived  Rodrigo  seems  to  have  kept 
his  vicious  tendencies  more  or  less  within  bounds. 
^Eneas  Silvius  Piccolomini,  afterwards  Pope  Pius  II., 
indeed  refers  to  him  in  the  following  approving  words  : 
"  Our  Chancellor,  Rodrigo  Borgia,  the  Pope's  nephew, 
is  young,  it  is  true,  but  his  conduct  and  good  sense 
make  him  seem  older  than  his  years;  in  wisdom  he 
is  equal  to  his  uncle."  But,  as  will  shortly  appear, 
with  the  advent  of  the  next  Pope  he  began  to  change 
his  manner  of  life. 

When  Calixtus  III.  died  in  1458  Cardinal  Rodrigo 
was  the  most  important  personage  of  the  House  of 
Borgia.  "  Quite  unmoved  by  the  hatred  of  the  other 
Purpled  Ones,  he  entered  the  Conclave  of  1458  for 
the  election  of  the  new  Pope,  with  no  such  stupid 
thing  as  a  plan  of  action,  but  with  a  determination  to 
comport  himself,  according  as  opportunities  arose,  so 
as  to  improve  his  position  and  prospects.  ...  To  a 
young  man  of  such  temper  the  gods  send  oppor- 
tunities."1 When  the  votes  were  taken  it  was  found 
that  Cardinal  d'Estouteville  had  six,  while  Cardinal 
^Eneas  Silvius  Piccolomini  of  Siena  had  nine,  but 
neither  of  them  had  the  minimum  majority.  A  hush 
of  expectation  ensued,  broken  by  Rodrigo  Borgia,  who 
rose  up  and  proclaimed :  "I  vote  for  the  Cardinal 
of  Siena."  After  another  silence  Cardinals  Tebaldo 
and  Prospero  Colonna  followed  his  example,  and  the 
muiimum  majority  was  attained.  Thus  ^Eneas  Silvius 
Piccolomini,  poet-laureate,  ambassador,  novelist,  his- 
torian, Bishop  and  Cardinal,  a  man  of  varied  and 
romantic  experience,  received  the  homage  of  the 
Cardinals  as  Pope  Pius  II.  Campano,  his  biographer, 
tells  us  that  he  burst  into  tears,  so  greatly  was  he  moved 
1  Baron  Corvo,  Chronicles  of  the  House  of  Borgia,  p.  60. 

CB 


34     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

by  the  idea  of  his  new  responsibilities.  In  response 
to  the  cheering  words  of  his  friends,  he  answered 
that  none  could  rejoice  at  being  raised  to  such  a 
dignity  save  those  who  forgot  its  attendant  dangers 
and  toils. 

Piccolomini's  election  was  received  as  tidings  of 
great  joy,  and  all  the  Italian  Powers,  except  Florence 
and  Venice,  breathed  more  freely  now  that  they  had 
escaped  the  infliction  of  a  foreign  Pope.  Although 
only  in  his  fifty-fourth  year,  Pius  II.  was  already 
breaking  down  in  health.  Not  only  did  he  suffer 
tortures  from  an  internal  malady,  but  he  was  often 
unable  to  move  owing  to  severe  gout.  He  had  con- 
tracted this  latter  affliction  by  going  on  a  pilgrimage 
barefoot  in  fulfilment  of  a  vow  made  during  a  storm 
off  the  coast  of  Scotland.  But  in  spite  of  his  physical 
disabilities  his  mental  powers  were  keen  and  bright, 
and,  for  the  first  tune  for  many  a  long  year,  the  Papal 
Chair  was  filled  by  a  broad-minded,  travelled,  and 
cultured  man  who  was  really  fitted  to  restore  the 
former  glory  of  the  Papacy.  Those  who  looked  to 
find  in  him  a  literary  patron  like  Nicholas  V.  were, 
however,  disappointed,  for  the  one  aim  and  object 
of  his  reign  was  the  recovery  of  Constantinople  from 
the  Turks.  With  the  assumption  of  the  tiara  the 
pleasure-loving,  literary  man  of  the  world  changed 
his  role  entirely,  and  devoted  his  whole  energies  to 
the  one  purpose  for  which  he  considered  that  God  had 
now  called  him.  * 

Little  is  known  of  the  concerns  of  Rodrigo  Borgia 
during  this  pontificate.  We  hear  of  his  going  in  1459 
on  a  holiday  jaunt  with  the  new  Pope,  who,  not 
unnaturally,  took  a  special  interest  in  the  brilliant 

1  The  Roman  Catholic  historian,  Ludwig  Pastor,  says  of  him : 
"  In  1444  he  confessed  to  one  of  his  friends  that  he  shrank  from 
entering  the  ecclesiastical  state,  timeo  enim  castitatem."  He  was  the 
father  of  several  illegitimate  children.  (History  of  the  Popes,  vol.  i. 
P-  343-) 


RODRIGO'S  CONDUCT  AT  SIENA      35 

young  Cardinal  who  had  practically  set  the  tiara  on 
his  head.  They  visited  Florence  and  chatted  with 
the  little  Leonardo  da  Vinci,  then  a  child  of  seven. 
They  also  went  to  Siena  and  Corsignano,  the  Pope's 
birthplace,  where  he  made  arrangements  for  the 
building  of  a  Cathedral,  an  episcopal  palace,  and  the 
Piccolomini  Palace  for  his  own  family.  The  super- 
intendence of  these  buildings  he  confided  to  Cardinal 
Rodrigo,  who  took  advantage  of  the  opportunity  to 
have  their  fa9ades  adorned  with  the  arms  of  the 
House  of  Borgia.1 

In  1460  the  Pope,  who  was  recruiting  his  health 
at  the  Baths  of  Petrioli,  received  disquieting  rumours 
of  Rodrigo's  proceedings.  The  young  Cardinal,  it 
seems,  was  disporting  himself  at  Siena,  where  he  took 
part  in  a  bacchanalian  orgy  and  conducted  himself 
in  a  manner  calculated  to  bring  deep  discredit  upon 
the  Church.  The  following  reproachful  letter  from 
Pius  II.  reveals  the  situation  : 


"  DEAR  SON, 

"  Four  days  ago  several  ladies  of  Siena  who  are 
entirely  given  up  to  worldly  frivolities  were  assembled 
in  the  gardens  of  Giovanni  di  Bichis.  We  have  heard 
that  you,  unmindful  of  the  high  office  with  which 
you  are  invested,  were  with  them  from  the  seventeenth 
to  the  twenty-second  hour.  In  company  with  you 
was  one  of  your  colleagues,  whose  years,  if  not  the 
respect  due  to  the  Holy  See,  ought  to  have  recalled 
to  him  his  duty.  From  what  we  have  heard,  the 
most  licentious  dances  were  indulged  in  ;  no  amorous 
seductions  were  lacking,  and  you  conducted  yourself 
in  a  manner  wholly  worldly.  Modesty  forbids  the 
mention  of  all  that  took  place,  for  not  only  the  acts 
themselves,  but  their  very  names,  are  unworthy  of 

1  Baron  Corvo,  Chronicles  of  the  House  of  Borgia,  pp.  61,  62. 


36     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

your  position.  In  order  that  your  lusts  might  have 
freer  course,  the  husbands,  fathers,  brothers,  and 
kinsmen  of  the  young  women  were  not  admitted. 
You  and  a  few  servants  were  the  organisers  of  this 
orgy.  To-day  every  one  in  Siena  is  talking  about 
your  frivolity,  which  is  the  subject  of  common  derision. 
Certain  it  is  that  here  at  the  Baths,  where  there  is 
a  large  number  of  ecclesiastics  and  laymen,  your  name 
is  upon  every  tongue.  Our  displeasure  is  beyond 
words,  for  your  conduct  has  brought  discredit  upon 
your  holy  office  and  state ;  people  will  say  that  they 
invest  us  with  riches  and  greatness,  not  that  we  may 
live  a  blameless  life,  but  that  we  may  have  means 
to  gratify  our  passions.  This  is  why  the  princes  and 
the  Powers  despise  us  and  the  laity  mock  us  daily ; 
this  is  why  our  own  conduct  is  thrown  in  our  face 
when  we  reprove  others.  The  Vicar  of  Christ  is 
exposed  to  contempt  because  he  appears  to  tolerate 
these  proceedings.  You,  dear  son,  have  charge  of 
the  bishopric  of  Valencia,  the  most  important  in 
Spain  ;  moreover,  you  are  Chancellor  of  the  Church, 
and,  what  makes  your  conduct  all  the  more  repre- 
hensible, is  your  having  a  seat  among  the  Cardinals, 
with  the  Pope,  as  adviser  of  the  Holy  See.  We 
submit  the  case  to  your  own  judgment :  is  it  becoming 
for  a  man  of  your  position  to  pay  court  to  young 
women,  to  send  fruit  and  wines  to  those  whom  you 
love,  and  to  have  no  thought  during  the  whole  day 
save  for  all  kinds  of  voluptuous  pleasures  ?  We 
are  blamed  on  your  account,  and  the  memory  of 
your  blessed  uncle,  Calixtus,  likewise  suffers,  and  he 
is  condemned  by  many  for  having  heaped  honour 
upon  your  head.  It  is  useless  to  seek  to  excuse 
yourself  on  account  of  your  age ;  you  are  no  longer 
so  young  as  not  to  be  able  to  understand  what  duties 
your  dignities  impose  upon  you.  A  cardinal  ought 
to  be  above  reproach  and  an  example  of  good  living 
to  all.  Have  we  the  right  to  be  vexed  when  temporal 


37 

princes  bestow  disrespectful  titles  upon  us,  when 
they  dispute  the  possession  of  our  property  and 
force  us  to  submit  to  their  injunctions  ?  It  must  be 
confessed  that  we  inflict  these  wounds  upon  ourselves, 
and  that  with  our  own  hands  we  prepare  these  troubles, 
by  every  day  diminishing  the  authority  of  the  Church 
through  our  conduct.  Our  punishment  for  it  in 
this  world  is  dishonour,  and  in  the  world  to  come 
well-merited  torment.  May,  therefore,  your  good 
sense  put  restraint  upon  irregularities,  and  may 
you  never  lose  sight  of  the  dignity  with  which  you 
are  clothed,  that  you  may  never  again  be  called  a 
gallant  among  women  and  young  men.  If  this 
occurs  again  we  shall  be  obliged  to  point  out  that  it 
is  in  spite  of  our  admonitions,  and  that  it  causes  us 
great  pain.  In  such  a  case  our  censure  would  cover 
you  with  confusion.  We  have  always  loved  you  and 
thought  you  worthy  of  our  protection  as  a  man  of 
modest  and  serious  character.  Therefore,  conduct 
yourself  in  such  a  way  that  we  may  retain  this  opinion 
of  you ;  nothing  could  contribute  further  to  this 
than  the  adoption  of  a  regular  mode  of  life.  Your 
age,  which  is  not  such  as  to  preclude  amendment, 
authorises  us  to  admonish  you  thus  paternally. 

"  PETRIOLI, 

"June  ii,  1460." 

Rodrigo  was  at  this  time  twenty-nine  years  of  age 
— a  man  of  remarkable  beauty,  tall  and  dark,  with 
piercing  black  eyes.  He  had  gracious  and  persuasive 
manners  and  a  strong  and  attractive  personality. 
But  he  made  no  effort  to  subordinate  his  insatiable 
sensuality  to  his  higher  faculties,  and  even  when,  in 
1464,  he  accompanied  the  ailing  Pope  on  his  cele- 
brated expedition  to  Ancona,  this  "  essentially  low- 
minded  man  "  could  not  refrain  from  his  dissolute 
habits.  Caspar  Veronensis  describes  him  later  as  "  a 
comely  man  of  cheerful  countenance  and  honeyed 


38      LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

discourse,  who  gains  the  affections  of  all  the  women  he 
admires,  and  attracts  them  as  the  lodestone  attracts 
iron."1 

To  all  his  physical  and  mental  gifts  was  added  the 
attraction  of  wealth.  Not  only  did  he  inherit  the 
large  fortune  left  by  his  brother,  Don  Pedro  Luis, 
but  he  was  the  occupant  of  many  lucrative  posts. 
His  income  from  the  Church  and  cloisters  in  Italy 
and  Spain  and  the  three  Cathedrals  of  Valencia, 
Carthegena,  and  Porto  was  immense.  As  Vice- 
Chancellor  alone  he  received  8,000  scudi.  His  wealth 
enabled  him  to  live  in  a  princely  manner  and  to 
sustain  a  numerous  retinue.  In  his  magnificent 
palace  were  heaped  up  treasures  of  all  kinds — silver 
caskets,  precious  stones,  silk  stuffs  and  gold  brocades. 
His  library  contained  rare  and  valuable  works  in 
every  branch  of  learning  and  his  stables  were  filled 
with  the  most  beautiful  horses.  The  whole  palace 
was  furnished  in  a  costly  and  luxurious  style,  and 
everywhere  was  displayed  an  amazing  amount  of  gold 
and  silver. 

But,  notwithstanding  this  abundance,  it  seems  that 
Rodrigo's  housekeeping  was  of  a  strangely  thrifty  kind. 
The  Ferrarese  ambassador,  writing  of  him  after  he 
had  become  Pope,  says  that  it  was  a  penance  to  dine 
with  him,  so  frugal  was  his  table,  and  that  for  this 
reason  Cardinal  Monreale  and  others,  whenever  possible, 
evaded  his  invitations. 

In  justice  to  Cardinal  Rodrigo,  however,  it  must 
be  said  that  he  was  in  many  respects  generous  and 
free-handed,  as  will  be  seen  by  his  behaviour  under 
the  following  circumstances. 

In  1462  Pope  Pius  II.,  seeking  relief  from  his  gout, 
went  to  Viterbo,  where  Rodrigo  owned  a  splendid 
palace.  As  the  Feast  of  Corpus  Domini  drew  near,  the 
Cardinals  and  the  populace  vied  with  one  another 
in  their  schemes  for  decorating  the  road  along  which 
1  Baron  Corvo,  Chronicles  of  the  House  of  Borgia,  p.  63. 


PROCESSION  AT  VITERBO         39 

the  sacred  procession  would  pass.  But  Rodrigo 
surpassed  them  all.  Gobellino,  the  Secretary  of 
Pius  II.,  writes :  "  The  space  which  Rodrigo  under- 
took to  arrange  contained  seventy-four  paces.  A 
purple  curtain  screened  statues,  reliefs  of  historical 
representations,  and  a  richly  decorated  stanza  con- 
taining a  costly  throne  and  a  fountain,  from  which 
flowed  not  merely  water,  but  choice  wine.  At  the 
Pope's  approach  two  young  maidens  advanced  to- 
wards him.  They  sang  as  sweetly  as  angels,  and  when 
they  had,  with  deference,  saluted  the  Blessed  Sacra- 
ment and  the  Pope,  they  retired  towards  the  curtain 
and  sang  in  their  clear  and  beautiful  voices,  '  Open 
your  gates,  O  Princes,  and  there  shall  enter  King 
Pius,  the  Lord  of  the  world.'  Then  stepped  forward 
five  kings  and  a  band  of  armed  men,  magnificently 
attired,  in  order  to  protect  the  entrance.  At  the 
angels'  words  they  exclaimed,  '  And  who  is  this  King 
Pius  ?  '  The  angels,  pointing  to  the  Holy  Sacrament 
which  Pius  bore  in  his  hands,  cried,  '  The  mighty 
Lord  of  the  Universe.'  Thereupon  the  curtain  was 
drawn  aside,  the  entry  made  free,  and  the  sound 
of  trombones,  organs,  and  many  other  instruments 
arose.  The  kings,  amid  much  applause,  intoned  a 
harmonious  chant  of  heroic  verses  in  praise  of  the 
Pope.  In  the  procession  was  a  savage,  leading  a 
fettered  lion  with  whom  he  often  wrestled.  Over 
the  whole  space  was  spread  a  canopy  of  rich  material, 
from  which  hung  banners  covered  with  mottoes  and 
symbols  of  Pope  Calixtus  and  Pedro  Luis  Borgia, 
Prefect  of  Rome.  On  both  sides  hung  carpets  [arazzi], 
valuable  both  from  their  material  and  their  artistic 
execution.  The  populace  and  the  cultured  alike 
admired  them  and  feasted  their  eyes  upon  their 
beauty.  At  the  exit  were  armed  men  arranged  in  a 
triumphal  arch  in  the  form  of  a  castello.  By  means 
of  metal  machines  they  contrived  to  imitate  thunder, 
so  that  the  passers-by  were  greatly  alarmed." 


40     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Rodrigo  also  distinguished  himself  on  the  occasion 
of  the  splendid  festivities  of  Holy  Week,  1462,  when 
the  head  of  St.  Andrew  was  carried  into  Rome  with 
great  pomp  and  ceremony.  According  to  Gobellino, 
Cardinal  Borgia  far  outshone  the  other  Cardinals  in 
the  brilliance  and  taste  he  displayed.  He  covered  the 
whole  of  his  own  house  with  rich  and  rare  materials, 
and  also  superintended  the  decoration  of  the  neigh- 
bouring dwellings,  so  that  the*  surrounding  space 
appeared  a  veritable  paradise,  full  of  beauty,  music, 
and  song.  His  palace  shone  like  gold,  and  the  walls 
were  adorned  with  verses  and  inscriptions  proclaiming 
in  large  letters  the  praise  of  the  Apostle  and  of  Pope 
Pius  II. 

Cardinal  Borgia's  generosity  also  displayed  itself  on 
later  occasions,  such  as  the  celebrations  in  honour 
of  the  taking  of  Granada,  and  the  restoration  of  the 
Church  of  Santa  Maria  in  the  Via  Lata.  He  contri- 
buted liberally  to  Paul  II.'s  equipment  for  the  siege  of 
Rimini,  as  indeed  he  did  to  every  public  undertaking. 
Pope  Paul  II.  entrusted  to  him  the  management  of 
the  poor  relief  fund,  and,  on  the  authority  of  an  eye- 
witness, it  is  said  that  the  Cardinal  saved  many  needy 
persons  from  perishing  of  hunger. 

As  we  have  already  mentioned,  the  necessity  for 
crushing  the  Turkish  power  was  keenly  felt  by  Pius 
II.  In  September  1459  he  delivered  a  great  oration 
showing  that,  if  the  Turks  conquered  Hungary,  there 
would  be  no  check  to  their  descent  upon  Italy.  After 
futile  efforts  to  rouse  the  princes  of  Europe  from 
their  apathy,  he  thought  to  put  them  to  the  blush  by 
leading  a  crusade  in  person,  fragile  and  infirm  as  he 
was.  This  heroic  decision  aroused  great  enthusiasm 
among  the  Cardinals.  Rodrigo  Borgia,  in  particular, 
was  ardent  in  his  expressions  of  approval :  "I  will 
be  at  your  side,  Pontiff,"  he  exclaimed,  "  on  sea  and  on 
land,  and  even,  if  necessary,  will  follow  you  through 
fire !  " 


DEATH  OF  POPE  PIUS  II.        41 

The  financial  needs  of  the  crusade  were  unexpectedly 
supplied  by  the  discovery  of  some  alum-mines  near 
Civita  Vecchia  by  a  friend  of  the  Piccolomini  family, 
who  gladly  contributed  to  the  great  cause. 

On  June  18,  1464,  Pius  II.,  weak  in  body  but 
strong  in  soul,  left  the  Eternal  City  for  Ancona,  the 
meeting-place  of  the  crusaders.  "  Farewell,  Rome  !  " 
he  cried  with  prophetic  insight,  "  never  wilt  thou 
see  me  again  alive  !  "  In  support  of  Cardinal  Borgia's 
generosity  it  is  mentioned  that,  not  only  did  he 
accompany  the  Pope,  but  that  at  his  own  expense  he 
equipped  a  fleet.  At  Ancona  Pius  II.  took  up  his 
abode  in  the  episcopal  palace  while  making  prepara- 
tions to  continue  his  journey.  But  the  hand  of  Death 
was  already  upon  him.  He  became  seriously  ill,  and 
the  gravity  of  his  condition  was  aggravated  by  the 
intense  heat  and  the  mental  distress  of  disillusionment 
regarding  the  success  of  the  projected  crusade.  He 
was  keenly  disappointed  at  the  non-arrival  of  the 
Venetian  fleet,  which  he  awaited  with  pathetic  per- 
sistence. At  last,  on  August  12,  their  approach  was 
announced.  The  dying  Pontiff  rallied  for  a  time 
and  asked  to  be  carried  to  the  window  which  looked 
out  upon  the  sea.  "  A  flood  of  despondency  over- 
whelmed his  spirit "  as  he  watched  the  ships  coming 
in,  and  with  plaintive  sadness  he  whispered  :  "  Until 
this  day  the  fleet  was  wanting  for  my  expedition,  and 
now  I  must  be  wanting  to  my  fleet." 

Two  days  later  the  Cardinals  gathered  round  the 
Pope's  death-bed  and  listened  with  tears  to  his  last 
counsels.  So  much  affected  were  they  by  his  im- 
pressive words  that  for  some  time  not  one  of  them 
could  speak,  but  finally  Bessarion,  in  the  name  of 
all,  made  a  short  reply.  Only  a  few  hours  longer  and 
the  brave,  worn  spirit  of  Pius  II.  passed  from  the 
fever  and  the  fret  of  life  to  its  eternal  reward. 

His  death  was  a  severe  loss,  not  only  to  Western 
Christendom  but  also  to  the  Christians  of  the  East, 


42     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

who  were  already  feeling  the  weight  of  Turkish 
oppression.  The  crusade  of  which  he  had  been  the 
life  and  soul  now  came  to  an  end,  and  the  Venetian 
fleet  returned  to  Venice. 

Those  Cardinals  who  had  been  in  attendance  on 
Pius  II.  hastened  to  Rome  for  the  election  of  his 
successor.  Cardinal  Borgia's  departure  seems  to  have 
been  delayed,  however,  by  an  attack  of  fever. 

On  August  28  the  Cardinals  went  into  Conclave, 
and  on  the  30th  the  result  of  the  election  was  made 
known  after  only  one  scrutiny.  For  a  long  time  it 
had  seemed  probable  the  tiara  would  fall  to  Cardinal 
Bessarion,  who  was  invested  with  the  dignity  of  Dean 
of  the  Sacred  College.  After  him  the  most  note- 
worthy among  the  Cardinals  were  d'Estouteville,  the 
head  of  the  French  party ;  the  zealous  Carvajal ; 
Torquemada,  the  famous  theologian,  and  his  two 
antitheses,  Scarampo  and  Barbo. *  In  the  first  scrutiny 
Scarampo  had  seven  votes,  d'Estouteville  nine,  and 
Barbo  eleven ;  the  latter  immediately  received  three 
more  votes  by  way  of  accessit,  and  his  election  was 
thus  secured.  The  news  was  welcomed  with  joy, 
and  the  handsome  and  popular  Cardinal  received 
homage  under  the  title  of  Paul  II.  He  was  at  this 
time  in  the  forty-eighth  year  of  his  age,  "  grand 
seigneur  d' esprit  leger,  tout  occupe  de  statues  grecques 
et  de  fetes  carnavalesques,"  says  Gebhart,  who  also 
remarks  that  "  with  Paul  II.  began  that  period  in 
the  history  of  the  Church  when  the  Popes  had  nothing 
apostolic  about  them."  He  had  originally  been 
intended  for  a  commercial  career,  and  his  adoption 
of  the  ecclesiastical  profession  was  due  to  his  uncle, 
Pope  Eugenius  IV.,  who  undertook  the  supervision  of 
his  education.  In  1440  Barbo,  together  with  his 
rival  Scarampo,  had  been  raised  to  the  purple,  and 
in  the  following  years  had  become,  through  his  gentle- 
ness, generosity,  and  charming  manners,  one  of  the 

1  See  Pastor,  History  of  the  Popes,  vol.  iv.  p.  5. 


POPE  PAUL  II.  43 

most  popular  personages  in  Rome.  Unfortunately  he 
took  no  interest  in  humanistic  studies,  and,  though  his 
hostile  attitude  towards  learning  has  probably  been 
exaggerated,  he  certainly  contributed  but  little  to 
the  advancement  of  literature  during  his  pontificate. 
What  he  lacked  in  intellectual  culture,  however,  he 
sought  to  make  up  by  the  pomp  and  splendour  of 
his  person  and  surroundings,  which  far  outshone  those 
of  any  previous  Pope.  His  love  for  precious  stones 
amounted  to  a  passion,  and  his  tiara  was  adorned 
with  the  most  costly  jewels.  In  appearance  he  was 
tall,  handsome,  and  of  dignified  bearing.  It  is  said 
that  for  half  a  century  no  handsomer  man  had  been 
seen  in  the  Senate  of  the  Church.  His  chief  faults 
were  vanity  and  jealousy,  but  these  were  to  a  certain 
extent  counterbalanced  by  his  great  kindness  of 
heart.  His  goodness  to  the  poor  was  proverbial,  and 
he  is  reputed  to  have  been  constant  in  visiting  the 
sick,  to  whom  he  dispensed  medicines  gratis.  To 
the  Cardinals  he  used  jokingly  to  say  that,  when 
he  became  Pope,  each  of  them  should  have  a  beautiful 
villa  into  which  he  might  retire  for  refreshment  during 
the  hot  days  of  summer. 

During  the  reign  of  Paul  II.  (1464-1471)  Rodrigo 
Borgia  remained  in  favour,  and,  by  reason  of  his 
courtly  manners  and  noble  presence,  was  deputed 
to  receive  the  Caesar,  Frederic  IV.,  at  Viterbo,  upon 
the  occasion  of  his  state-visit  to  the  Pope  in  1469. 

Paul  did  not  have  so  long  a  reign  as  his  comparative 
youth  had  led  people  to  expect.  On  the  morning  of 
July  26,  1471,  he  appeared  to  be  in  his  usual  good 
health  and  held  a  Consistory  lasting  for  six  hours. 
He  then  dined  in  the  garden,  indulging  in  two  enor- 
mous water-melons,  among  other  delicacies.  Later 
that  night  he  was  seized  with  an  apoplectic  fit  which 
quickly  terminated  his  career.  Compared  with  those 
that  followed,  his  reign  seems  almost  praiseworthy, 
though  his  private  life  and  morals  would  not  have 


44     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

borne  a  close  examination.  He  had  done  nothing 
to  forward  the  plans  of  his  predecessor,  and  his  chief 
merit  lies  in  his  having,  to  some  extent,  increased  the 
material  prosperity  of  the  Holy  See.  From  a  religious 
point  of  view  his  pontificate  was  unedifying,  and 
tended  to  pave  the  way  for  the  grossly  immoral  and 
worldly  Popes  who  were  to  follow. 


CHAPTER  II 

State  of  the  country  under  Henry  IV.  of  Castile — Birth  of  the  Bel- 
traneja — Revolt  against  the  King — The  Princess  Isabella — 
Battle  of  Olmeda — Marriage  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella — 
Character  and  appearance  of  Ferdinand — Rodrigo  Borgia's 
mission  to  Spain — His  shipwreck — Battle  of  Toro,  1476 — 
Isabella's  claim  to  Castile  recognised  by  Peace  of  Alcantara, 
1479 — Ferdinand's  accession  to  throne  of  Aragon — Inquisition 
in  Spain — War  with  Granada — Conquest  of  Granada — 
Christopher  Columbus — Death  of  Isabella. 

UNDER  the  dissolute  and  incompetent  rule  of  Henry  IV. 
of  Castile  the  country  fell  into  a  sorry  state.  Through 
the  debasement  of  the  coinage  and  the  depredations 
of  the  nobles,  the  most  shocking  confusion  prevailed. 
Travellers  were  plundered  and  Christian  prisoners  sold 
as  slaves  to  the  Moors,  while  the  castles  of  the  nobility 
became  neither  more  nor  less  than  dens  of  robbers. 
Not  only  were  the  King's  slackness  and  incapacity  a 
source  of  grievance,  but  he  rendered  himself  actively 
objectionable  by  making  favourites  of  men  of  low 
degree  and  promoting  them  over  the  heads  of  the 
ancient  nobility  of  the  land.  But  the  climax  of  his 
transgressions,  which  provoked  an  insurrection  of  the 
nobles  under  Juan  Pacheco,  Marquis  of  Villena,  was 
Henry's  proclamation  of  his  little  daughter  Juana  as 
heir  to  the  throne.  Thereby  hangs  a  tale.  In  1455 
Henry  had  married  the  sister  of  Alfonso,  King  of 
Portugal — the  gay  and  sprightly  young  Princess 
Juana.  For  many  years  their  union  proved  fruitless, 
but  in  the  spring  of  1462,  the  Queen  gave  birth  to  a 
baby  girl.  Public  rejoicings  were  set  on  foot,  but 
over  them  all  lay  the  shadow  of  hypocrisy,  for  popular 

45 


46     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

opinion  strongly  suspected  that  not  Henry,  but  Beltran 
de  la  Cueva,  the  young  Count  of  Ledesma,  was  the 
father  of  the  baby  princess.  Even  as  the  nobles, 
prelates,  and  deputies  advanced  to  swear  allegiance  to 
her,  words  of  anger  and  disdain  were  uttered  beneath 
their  breath,  and  when  she  was  invested  with  the 
nickname  of  "la  Beltraneja,"  no  official  remonstrance 
was  made. 

Only  a  fortnight  after  the  Cortes  had  taken  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  little  princess,  Pacheco  drew 
up  a  secret  protest,  maintaining  her  illegitimacy,  and 
before  long  the  rebellion  against  the  King  and  his 
favourite,  Beltran  de  la  Cueva,  came  to  a  head. 
Ever  since  the  birth  of  la  Beltraneja,  Beltran  had 
been  treated  with  almost  regal  honours  by  the  King, 
and  Villena  and  his  uncle,  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo, 
became  more  and  more  filled  with  resentment.  Now 
that  open  opposition  was  declared,  the  King's  position 
was  far  from  pleasant,  and  on  one  occasion  he  was 
forced  to  hide  in  his  own  palace  from  the  assaults 
of  Villena's  soldiers.  After  many  humiliations  and 
indignities  he  submitted,  and  tried  to  assuage  the 
wrath  of  his  mutinous  subjects. 

Living  at  the  Spanish  Court  at  this  time  (1466)  was 
the  King's  youngest  sister,  Isabella,  a  sage  and  dignified 
damsel  of  fifteen.  She  had  been  brought  up  by  her 
mother  in  deep  seclusion  in  the  little  town  of  Arevalo, 
but  in  1462,  at  Henry's  wish,  she  and  her  brother 
Alfonso  had  been  removed  to  the  Court.  Here,  in 
the  midst  of  much  that  was  corrupt,  Isabella  retained 
her  maiden  purity  and  grace,  and  soon  became  dis- 
tinguished for  her  strength  and  determination  of 
character.  Many  wooers  sought  her  hand,  among 
them  Don  Pedro  Giron,  Master  of  Calatrava  and 
brother  of  Villena.  He  was  a  coarse-mannered  upstart 
of  shady  reputation,  and  Isabella  would  have  none 
of  him.  In  spite,  however,  of  her  sturdy  opposition, 
King  Henry  was  insistent  in  his  endeavours  to  promote 


BATTLE  OF  OLMEDO  47 

this  match,  and  petitioned  the  Pope  to  dispense 
Don  Pedro  from  his  vow  of  celibacy.  But,  just  as  the 
dispensation  arrived  and  the  exultant  bridegroom 
set  out  to  claim  his  bride,  his  career  was  suddenly  cut 
short  by  poison.  It  has  never  been  known  whether 
Isabella  was  concerned  in  the  plot  to  kill  him,  for 
although,  in  these  days,  the  idea  of  a  high-principled 
woman's  taking  part  in  such  a  crime  is  barely  credible, 
we  must  remember  that  the  ethical  standards  of 
that  time  differed  in  many  ways  from  those  of 
to-day. 

Meanwhile  war  had  broken  out.     On  August  20, 

1467,  the  two  armies  met  on  the  field  of  Olmedo. 
The  Archbishop  of  Toledo  led  into  battle  the  King's 
half-brother,  the  boy  Alfonso,  whom  he  wished  to 
set  upon  the  throne,  while  on  the  other  side  Beltran 
de  la  Cueva  was  conspicuous  for  his  valour.    The 
result  of  the  battle  was  indecisive,  though  indirectly 
it  went  against  the  King,  who  appears  to  have  dis- 
played considerable  cowardice  on  this  occasion.     A 
fearful  state  of  anarchy  ensued,  and  the  whole  country 
was  divided  against  itself.    Although,  after  the  battle, 
an  arrangement  had  been  made  by  which  Henry  and 
Alfonso  respectively  were  to  govern  the  territories 
held  by  then:  partisans,  this  was  rendered  impossible 
by  the  fatuity  of  one  monarch  and  the  extreme  youth 
of  the  other. 

The  crisis  was  just  at  its  height  when  the  young 
Alfonso  came  to  a  sudden  and  mysterious  end,  July 

1468.  The  fact  that  his  death  was  publicly  announced 
some  days  before  it  occurred  confirms  the  suspicions 
of  foul  play,  and  it  is  commonly  supposed  that  he 
died  from  eating  some  poisoned  trout.     The  hopes 
of  his  party  were  now  centred  upon  Isabella,  who  in 
1467  had  left  the  corrupt  Court  and  thrown  in  her  lot 
with  her  brother  Alfonso.     Overwhelmed  with  sadness 
at  his  death,  she  retired  to  the  convent  of  Santa  Clara 
at  Avila,  refusing  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo's  request 


48     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

that  she  would  allow  herself  to  be  proclaimed  Queen 
of  Castile.  She  wished  to  be  reconciled  to  her  brother 
Henry,  she  said,  and  could  not  entertain  the  thought 
of  such  disloyalty  to  him.  She  was  not,  however, 
averse  from  accepting  the  position  of  heir  to  the  throne 
if  the  King  could  be  prevailed  upon  to  acknowledge 
her. 

Henry  was  easily  persuaded,  and  had  an  affectionate 
meeting  with  his  sister  at  a  place  called  Toros  de 
Guisando.  They  entered  upon  a  formal  agreement 
by  which  Isabella  was  recognised  as  the  heir  to  the 
crowns  of  Castile  and  Leon  (September  9,  1468). 

Isabella  was  now  about  seventeen,  strong  in  body 
and  mind,  and  clear-sighted  beyond  her  fellows.  In 
appearance  she  was  attractive — tall  and  blue-eyed, 
with  ruddy  chestnut  hair  and  clear  complexion — "  the 
handsomest  lady,"  says  one  of  her  household,  "  whom 
I  ever  beheld,  and  the  most  gracious  in  her  manners." 
Her  mother,  to  whom  she  was  tenderly  devoted,  had 
already  fallen  a  victim  to  the  hereditary  insanity  of 
the  House  of  Portugal,  so  that  Isabella  was  obliged 
to  face  the  world  alone.  Her  brother  Henry  was 
really  ill-disposed  towards  her,  and  she  had  no  other 
near  relation. 

All  sorts  of  plans  were  now  made  to  procure  a 
suitable  husband  for  Isabella.  Many  sought  her 
hand,  but  the  only  two  to  whom  she  gave  any  en- 
couragement were  the  Duke  of  Guienne,  brother  of 
Louis  XL,  and  Ferdinand  of  Aragon,  son  and  heir 
of  John  II.  of  Aragon.  Ferdinand,  who  was  an 
engaging  youth  of  her  own  age,  won  the  day,  greatly 
to  Henry's  displeasure,  for,  by  the  treaty  of  Toros, 
his  consent  was  necessary  to  his  sister's  marriage. 
He  gave  orders  for  her  arrest,  but  she  was  taken  by 
the  Archibshop  of  Toledo  and  Admiral  Henriquez 
to  Valladolid,  where  she  was  put  under  the  protection 
of  the  friendly  citizens.  After  a  time  she  was  joined 
by  Ferdinand,  disguised  as  a  servant.  The  nuptials 


PERHAPS    JUAN    BORGIA,    SECOND    DUKE    OF    GANDIA,    SECOND    SON    OF    POPE 
ALEXANDER    VI. 

Pintuncchio  (Borgia  Apartments,  the  Vatican). 


48] 


FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA       49 

were  not  long  delayed,  for,  though  Pope  Paul  II., 
who  was  on  the  side  of  the  Castilian  Court,  refused 
to  sanction  the  marriage  of  these  second  cousins 
by  a  dispensation,  Ferdinand  and  his  wily  supporters, 
John  II.  and  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  forged  a  papal 
bull  in  order  to  quiet  Isabella's  scruples  of  propriety. 
On  October  19,  1469,  their  marriage  was  publicly 
celebrated  at  the  palace  of  Juan  de  Vivero,  with 
whom  the  Princess  had  been  staying.  The  celebrations 
were  but  simple,  for  both  bride  and  bridegroom 
were  poor  in  this  world's  goods,  and  indeed  found 
difficulty  in  obtaining  the  wherewithal  to  set  up  their 
modest  household.  Ferdinand  at  this  time  was  about 
eighteen,  a  year  younger  than  his  bride.  He  was 
fair-complexioned,  with  a  muscular  and  well-propor- 
tioned figure,  an  excellent  rider  and  sportsman, 
and  an  eloquent  talker.  He  maintained  his  health  by 
great  moderation  in  eating  and  drinking  combined 
with  exercise  and  hard  work.  Unlike  Isabella,  he 
had  little  taste  for  study,  for  his  literary  education 
had  been  neglected.  He  had  spent  more  of  his  boyhood 
in  the  military  camp  than  at  school,  thereby  gaining  an 
experience  of  men  and  things  which,  later  on,  stood 
him  in  good  stead.  Though  possessing  less  refinement 
and  nobility  of  character  than  his  wife,  he  shared  many 
of  her  admirable  qualities.  He  was  a  master  of  states- 
manship and  used  to  say  that  chancellors  are  King's 
spectacles,  but  woe  unto  those  who  cannot  see  with 
unprotected  eyes.  He  was  diplomatic,  not  to  say 
cunning,  and  showed  great  wariness  in  most  of  his 
proceedings.  The  frugality  of  his  manage  was  remark- 
able. "  Stay  to  dinner,  Almirante,"  he  would  say  to 
his  uncle,  "  to-day  we  have  an  olla."  Isabella  is 
reputed  to  have  made  his  clothes  with  her  own  hands — 
a  not  overwhelming  task,  considering  the  apparent 
scantiness  of  his  wardrobe.  It  is  said  that  on  one 
occasion  he  turned  to  a  courtier  who  was  noted  for 
his  extravagant  dress,  and,  touching  his  own  doublet, 
DB 


50     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

exclaimed,  "What  durable  stuff  this  is  !  it  has  already 
lasted  me  three  pairs  of  sleeves." 

The  marriage  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  did  not 
harmonise  the  discord  which  prevailed  in  the  land. 
Alfonso  of  Portugal  would  not  renounce  his  claims, 
and  doubt  was  cast  over  the  legality  of  the  marriage. 
In  order  to  pour  oil  on  the  troubled  waters,  Pope 
Sixtus  IV.  (who  had  become  Pope  in  1471)  despatched 
Cardinal  Rodrigo  Borgia  on  a  mission  to  Spain  and 
Portugal  with  the  object  of  settling  the  dispute. 
The  Cardinal  took  with  him  the  bull  of  dispensation 
for  Ferdinand's  marriage,  demanding  in  return  an 
annual  sum  of  money  to  be  devoted  to  the  war  against 
the  Turks.  The  Cardinal  of  Pavia  represents  Rodrigo's 
behaviour  on  this  occasion  in  a  most  unfavourable 
light,  alleging  that  his  chief  purpose  was  to  dazzle 
the  eyes  of  his  countrymen  with  the  magnificence  of 
his  display.  It  has  also  been  said  that  he  carried  on 
the  most  scandalous  intrigues  with  the  ladies  of  the 
Portuguese  Court,  thereby  giving  great  cause  of 
offence  to  the  King,  who  treated  him  with  obvious 
coldness. 

However  this  may  be,  Rodrigo  seems  to  have  had 
a  pleasurable  time  in  his  native  land,  for  he  stayed 
there  more  than  a  year  and  many  letters  from  the 
Cardinal  of  Pavia  were  needed  to  entice  him  back 
to  Rome. 

On  his  way  home,  in  September  1473,  he  narrowly 
escaped  shipwreck.  He  had  embarked  on  a  Venetian 
galley  and  designed  another  for  his  suite  and  his 
baggage,  which  contained  several  objects  of  great 
value.  Near  Pisa  a  terrible  storm  arose  and  it  seemed 
as  if  the  boat  would  be  dashed  to  pieces,  but  the 
Cardinal's  good  luck  did  not  desert  him,  and  they 
got  safely  to  land.  The  other  boat,  containing  his 
suite  and  his  treasures,  was  lost.  No  fewer  than 
1 80  persons  were  swallowed  up  by  the  waves,  among 
them  three  bishops  and  several  jurists. 


51 

The  Spanish  confusion  was  by  no  means  rectified. 
Henry  proclaimed  that  the  Treaty  of  Toros  had 
been  violated  by  the  marriage  of  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella,  since  he  had  not  sanctioned  it,  and  declared 
Juana,  whose  legitimacy  was  sworn,  to  be  the  heir  to 
the  throne.  Isabella,  on  the  other  hand,  was  recog- 
nised as  heir  by  the  Cortes.  Alfonso  of  Portugal 
united  with  Henry  and  the  Marquis  of  Villena,  while 
Isabella's  former  friend,  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo, 
joined  her  opponents.  The  civil  war  now  raged 
more  violently  than  ever.  Alfonso  invaded  Castile 
and  gained  considerable  successes,  which,  however, 
he  did  not  know  how  to  follow  up.  The  Portuguese 
troops  pushed  forward  to  Zamora,  but  found  the  town 
so  ably  protected  that  they  retired  towards  Toro. 
Ferdinand  followed  them  and  a  bloody  battle  was 
fought  on  the  ledge  of  rocks  separating  the  two 
towns.  The  royal  standard  was  defended  with  mar- 
vellous bravery  by  Duarte  de  Almeida,  who  fought 
until  both  hands  were  hacked  off  and  he  fell  down 
exhausted,  still  clinging  to  the  banner  with  his  teeth. 
But  another  knight,  Gonzalo  Pirez,  who  subsequently 
received  the  nickname  of  Bandiera,  tore  the  banner 
back  from  the  enemy.  Ferdinand,  it  seems,  had  but 
little  share  in  the  victory,  and  his  wife,  with  some 
reason,  blamed  him  for  the  unknightly  conduct 
which  had  made  him  flee  when  threatened  with 
personal  risk.  Alfonso,  on  the  other  hand,  fought 
like  a  lion  in  the  thickest  of  the  fray,  and  did  not 
retreat  until  all  hope  was  lost  and  the  Castilians  were 
sure  of  their  victory.  By  this  battle  of  Toro,  1476, 
the  fate  of  Castile  was  decided.  By  degrees  the 
adherents  of  King  Alfonso  fell  away  from  him  and 
he  and  his  son  Juan  were  obliged  to  retire  to  defend 
the  Portuguese  boundaries.  The  civil  war  was 
definitely  ended  in  1479  by  the  Peace  of  Alcantara 
which  recognised  Isabella's  claims  to  the  throne  of 
Castile,  and  gave  the  last  blow  to  the  hopes  of  the 


52     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Beltraneja.  Few  victories  have  been  more  complete 
than  that  of  Toro,  and  when  Ferdinand's  old  father 
— John  of  Aragon — died  in  1479,  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella — "  the  Catholic  Kings  " — reigned  over  the 
whole  of  Spain  from  the  Pyrenees  to  the  Pillars  of 
Hercules  with  the  one  exception  of  the  Moorish  realm 
of  Granada. 

The  kingdoms  of  Castile  and  Aragon  were  now 
united  though  they  still  remained  independent  of 
one  another.  There  was  some  difference  of  opinion 
between  the  King  and  Queen  as  to  which  should 
have  the  first  place ;  Castile  and  Leon  had  hitherto 
taken  the  precedence  of  Aragon  in  all  political  transac- 
tions ;  but  Ferdinand  now  maintained  that,  as 
Isabella's  husband,  his  titles  should  rank  higher  than 
those  of  his  wife,  Isabella,  however,  was  firm, 
declaring  that,  while  acknowledging  the  supremacy  of 
Ferdinand  as  her  husband,  she  could  never,  as  Queen 
of  Castile,  yield  precedence  to  the  King  of  Aragon. 
She  finally  gained  her  point,  and  it  was  arranged 
that,  in  all  public  enactments  bearing  their  joint 
names,  the  titles  of  Castile  and  Leon  should  precede 
those  of  Aragon  and  Sicily. 

Isabella's  Confessor,  Torquemada,  had  imbued  her 
with  the  idea  that  the  suppression  of  all  heresy  within 
her  realms  was  a  sacred  duty.  She  had,  therefore, 
in  November  1478,  obtained  a  bull  from  the  Pope, 
Sixtus  IV.,  for  the  establishment  of  the  Inquisition 
in  Castile.  Many  modern  writers  have  sought  to 
reduce  her  share  in  the  introduction  of  this  terrible 
institution,  but  it  must  be  remembered  that  Isabella 
herself  probably  considered  it  a  meritorious  action  to 
punish  with  inhuman  barbarity  those  whom  she 
looked  upon  as  the  enemies  of  the  Almighty.  In 
1480  two  Dominicans  were  appointed  by  her,  as 
Inquisitors,  to  set  up  their  tribunal  at  Seville.  Before 
the  end  of  the  year  1481  2,000  victims  were  burned 
alive  in  Andalusia  alone.  The  Pope  himself  became 


SIEGE  OF  GRANADA  53 

alarmed  and  threatened  to  withdraw  the  bull,  but 
Ferdinand  intimated  that  he  would  make  the  Inquisi- 
tion altogether  an  independent  tribunal.  This  it 
became  later  for  all  practical  purposes,  and  its  iniqui- 
tous proceedings  continued  unchecked. 

In  1483  Torquemada  was  made  Inquisitor-General, 
and  he  thus  became  the  most  potent  personage  in  the 
country,  "  master  of  Isabella's  conscience  and  feeder 
of  Ferdinand's  purse." 

The  great  event  of  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella  was  the  war  with  Granada.  For  many 
centuries  the  existence  of  this  Moorish  kingdom  had 
been  a  bitter  pill  for  the  Spaniards  to  swallow.  Isa- 
bella in  her  sincere,  though  misguided,  religious  zeal 
deemed  that  the  subjection  of  the  Moors  would  be 
well-pleasing  in  the  sight  of  Heaven.  Ferdinand, 
though  animated  by  baser  motives,  supported  his 
wife's  desire.  The  Moorish  king,  old  Muley  Abdul 
Hassan,  was  a  brave  and  fiery  warrior,  and  the  Moors 
under  his  lead  made  a  valiant  stand  for  their  inde- 
pendence. Space  forbids  our  going  into  the  details 
of  the  wearisome  and  sanguinary  war  which  dragged 
on  until  1491,  when  the  siege  of  the  beautiful  city  of 
Granada,  the  last  spot  held  by  the  infidel  in  Spain, 
was  begun.  The  Moors  defended  it  with  wonderful 
tenacity,  but  famine  and  the  loss  of  their  most  coura- 
geous men  forced  them  to  capitulate.  Their  King 
Boabdil,  who  had  succeeded  his  father,  was  feeble  and 
incapable,  and,  greatly  to  the  indignation  of  his 
subjects,  was  only  too  glad  to  accept  the  not  ungenerous 
terms  offered  by  the  enemy.  Early  in  January  1492 
Isabella  and  Ferdinand  made  their  triumphal  entry 
into  Granada.  The  Queen,  mounted  upon  a  splendid 
charger,  rode  by  her  husband's  side  accompanied  by 
the  nobility  and  chivalry  of  Castile  and  Aragon  and 
many  of  their  bravest  soldiers.  At  a  given  signal  the 
city  gates  were  thrown  open  and  a  melancholy  pro- 
cession emerged.  Boabdil,  scornfully  called  "  The 


54     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Little,"  with  downcast  eyes  and  dejected  mien, 
advanced  towards  the  royal  group  ;  he  was  about  to 
dismount  and  kiss  the  feet  of  the  Queen  and  her 
husband  in  token  of  submission,  but,  with  diplomatic 
generosity,  they  forbade  it.  Having  delivered  up  the 
keys  of  the  fallen  city,  Boabdil,  with  his  family,  and 
suite,  made  their  way  towards  the  little  principality 
in  the  Alpajarra  mountains  which  had  been  assigned 
to  him.  From  a  hill  above  Granada  the  sorrowful  little 
cavalcade  could  view  the  glories  of  the  noble  city 
which  had  once  been  theirs.  Tears  ran  down  the 
cheeks  of  the  unhappy  king  as  he  gazed  upon  it. 
"  Yes,  weep  !  "  said  his  courageous  and  high-spirited 
mother,  "  weep  like  a  woman  for  the  city  you  knew 
not  how  to  defend  like  a  man  !  " 

Four  days  after  the  delivery  of  the  keys,  Granada 
was  blessed,  and  purified  with  the  sprinkling  of  holy 
water  and  made  ready  for  the  reception  of  the  Chris- 
tian monarchs.  "  The  steep,  narrow  lane  leading 
to  the  Alhambra  from  the  Gate  of  Triumph  was 
lined  by  Christian  troops,  and  only  a  few  dark-skinned 
Moors  scowled  from  dusky  jalousies  high  in  the  walls, 
as  the  gallant  chivalry  of  Castile,  Leon,  and  Aragon 
flashed  and  jingled  after  the  King  and  Queen.  As 
they  approached  the  Alhambra,  upon  the  tower  of 
Comares  there  broke  the  banner  of  the  Spanish  Kings 
fluttering  in  the  breeze,  and  at  the  same  moment,  upon 
the  summit  of  the  tower  above  the  flag,  there  rose  a 
great  gilded  cross,  the  symbol  of  the  faith  triumphant. 

Then,  at  the  gates,  the  heralds  cried  aloud,  "  Gra- 
nada !  Granada  !  for  the  Kings  Isabel  and  Ferdinand," 
and  Isabel,  dismounting  from  her  charger,  "  as  the 
cross  above  glittered  in  the  sun,  knelt  upon  the 
ground  in  all  her  splendour  and  thanked  God  for 
the  victory."1 

The  fame  of  Isabel's  victory  rang  through  the 
whole  of  Christendom,  for  the  conquest  of  Granada 

1  Martin  Hume,  Queens  of  Old  Spain. 


CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS        55 

"  marked  an  epoch,  and  sealed  with  permanence  and 
finality  the  christianisation  of  Europe."  For  the 
first  time  Spain  appeared  as  a  Power  of  the  foremost 
rank,  a  fact  which  quite  changed  European  relations. 
In  Rome  great  rejoicings  were  held,  and  the  Spanish 
ambassadors  who  had  brought  the  news  gave  a  repre- 
sentation of  the  Conquest  of  Granada  with  an  imita- 
tion fortress  of  wood. l  All  eyes  were  turned  towards 
the  warrior-queen,  so  brave  and  spirited,  yet  withal 
so  modest  and  gentle.  That  she  could  be  cruel  and 
merciless  upon  occasion  it  would  be  idle  to  deny, 
but  her  whole  life  was  dominated  by  a  fiery,  not  to 
say  fanatical,  zeal  for  the  destruction  of  all  hostility 
to  her  faith,  and  what  seems  to  us  like  bigoted  bar- 
barity was,  in  her  case,  undertaken  in  direct  obedience 
to  what  she  considered  was  the  divine  will. 

A  familiar  figure  in  the  Christian  camp  outside 
Granada  was  a  tall,  fair  man  with  dreamy  eyes,  who 
for  eight  weary  years  had  followed  the  Court,  awaiting 
the  royal  convenience  to  listen  to  his  plans  for  reach- 
ing Asia  by  a  western  route.  His  scheme  had  already 
been  rejected  by  the  Senate  of  his  native  city,  Genoa, 
and  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  had  been  too  much 
engrossed  with  the  exigencies  of  the  war  to  pay  serious 
attention  to  this  man,  who  was  no  warrior,  but,  as 
many  suspected,  a  mere  visionary  and  dreamer  of 
dreams.  Little  did  they  imagine  that,  while  they 
were  concentrating  all  their  efforts  upon  the  conquest 
of  a  petty  kingdom,  they  were  unwittingly  rejecting 
the  acquisition  of  a  new  world. 

For  this  blue-eyed  dreamer  was  none  other  than 
the  great  Christopher  Columbus  himself.  He  knew 
full  well  that  the  patronage  of  a  powerful  sovereign 
was  necessary  to  the  fulfilment  of  his  splendid  schemes, 
and  the  gibes  and  jeers  of  the  Spanish  courtiers  fell 
unheeded  as  he  persistently  awaited  the  pleasure  of 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella. 

1  See  Gregorovius's  Lucrezia  Borgia. 


56     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

When  the  excitement  of  the  conquest  of  Granada 
had  to  some  extent  subsided,  Columbus,  or  "  Colon," 
as  he  called  himself,  was  able  to  gain  the  Queen's 
ear.  But  his  demands  were  considered  so  exorbitant 
and  impracticable  that  Isabella,  after  some  hesitation, 
agreed  with  her  husband  that  they  must  be  dismissed. 
Columbus,  after  seven  years  of  fruitless  waiting, 
turned  away  in  bitter  disappointment,  his  once  ruddy 
locks  now  white  with  care. 

But  Luis  de  Sant'  Angel,  the  Jewish  Secretary  of 
supplies,  rose  to  the  occasion,  and,  with  all  due 
humility,  prevailed  upon  the  Queen  to  reconsider  the 
matter.  Columbus  was  recalled,  and  finally  Ferdinand 
was  won  over,  by  his  wife's  representation,  to  accede  to 
the  explorer's  demands.  The  money  for  the  expedi- 
tion was  advanced  by  Luis  de  Sant'  Angel  from  the 
Aragonese  treasury.  The  popular  legend  of  Isabella's 
pawning  her  jewels  for  the  purpose  has  now  been 
completely  disproved  ;  indeed,  they  had  already  been 
pawned  for  the  expenses  of  the  war. 

The  agreement  was  signed  at  Santa  Fe  on  April  17, 
1492,  and  on  August  3  Columbus  set  forth  on  his 
immortal  expedition.  Nine  months  later,  after  a 
triumphal  progress  through  Spain,  the  great  explorer, 
uplifted  with  success,  entered  Barcelona,  where  he  was 
received  by  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  with  princely 
honours.  With  him  he  brought  dusky  natives,  gold- 
dust  and  nuggets,  rare  birds  and  plants,  and  many 
curious  beasts — all  testifying  to  the  value  of  the 
country  he  had  discovered.  The  Queen  was  greatly 
touched  by  the  story  of  his  adventures,  and  when 
Columbus  ceased  his  eloquent  recital  the  whole  assembly 
knelt  and  thanked  God  for  having  granted  so  mighty 
a  favour  to  the  crown  of  Castile.  The  discoverer 
was  overwhelmed  with  privileges  ;  the  title  of  Don 
was  conferred  upon  him  and  his  brothers,  and  he  was 
treated  as  a  Spanish  grandee.  A  new  scutcheon 
was  blazoned  for  him,  combining  the  royal  castle  and 


o  a 


a    <s 

^     r  ^ 


B  5 

* 


U    Z     «; 

K  5   o 

rs    H    'O 


COLUMBUS  RECALLED  TO  SPAIN    57 

lion  of  Castile  and  Leon,  with  the  four  anchors  of  his 
own  coat-of-arms. 

When  Columbus  began  in  May  to  prepare  for  a 
second  expedition  to  the  newly  discovered  country, 
he  was  equipped  with  vast  power  in  order  to  enable 
him  to  christianize  Queen  Isabella's  new  subjects. 
On  May  3  or  4  Alexander  VI.  granted  bulls  confirming 
Castile  and  Leon  in  the  possession  of  all  lands  discovered 
or  to  be  discovered,  beyond  a  certain  boundary  line. 
Ferdinand,  however,  realised  the  undesirability  of 
vesting  so  much  authority  in  the  person  of  an  Italian 
sailor,  Admiral  of  the  Indies  and  perpetual  Spanish 
Viceroy  though  he  might  be.  A  Council  of  the  Indies 
was  formed  to  control  the  affairs  of  the  new  domain, 
and  the  priests  who  governed  it  did  their  utmost  to 
baulk  the  plans  which  Columbus  had  made.  The 
news  of  this  second  expedition  was  at  first  bright 
and  cheering,  but  soon  came  complaints  of  the  high- 
handedness and  tyranny  of  the  Admiral,  while  he, 
for  his  part,  had  much  to  say  of  the  lack  of  discipline 
and  justice  among  his  subordinates.  Finally,  Colum- 
bus was  summoned  to  Spain  to  give  some  explanation 
of  his  proceedings.  In  1496  he  had  an  interview  with 
the  Queen  at  Burgos,  and  found  her  sympathetic  and 
full  of  confidence  in  his  ultimate  success.  But  the 
tide  of  public  opinion  had  turned  against  him,  the 
treasury  was  empty,  and  it  was  only  with  much 
difficulty  and  discouragement  that  the  third  expedition 
was  laboriously  fitted  out.  In  May  1498  he  set  out 
on  his  third  voyage.  On  his  arrival  at  Hispaniola 
he  found  nothing  but  disorder  and  oppression  caused 
by  the  insolence  of  the  Spaniards  whom  he  had  left 
in  charge.  Complaints  reached  the  King  and  Queen 
by  every  ship,  and  it  was  finally  decided  to  send  out 
an  ambassador  to  investigate  affairs.  The  man 
selected  was  the  tyrannical  Francisco  de  Bobadilla, 
who,  with  inexorable  harshness,  immediately  upon  his 
arrival  in  Hispaniola  had  Columbus  thrown  into 


58     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

prison,  and  then,  after  collecting  all  the  accusations 
against  him,  shipped  him  back  to  Spain  in  disgrace. 

He  reached  home  in  December  1580.  Isabella 
and  Ferdinand  sent  him  a  letter  of  regret  for  the  way 
in  which  he  had  been  treated,  commanded  his  imme- 
diate release,  and  summoned  him  to  appear  before  them 
at  the  Alhambra  Palace.  As,  with  bowed  white  head 
and  grief-stricken  bearing,  the  degraded  Admiral  stood 
before  them,  Isabella,  overcome  with  remorse  at  his 
pitiful  situation,  burst  into  uncontrollable  weeping. 
Columbus,  deeply  affected,  also  broke  down,  and, 
casting  himself  at  her  feet,  was  unable  for  some  time 
to  restrain  the  violence  of  his  tears.  The  King  and 
Queen  finally  arranged  that  the  title  of  Admiral  should 
be  restored  to  him,  and  that  a  new  Viceroy — Nicolas 
de  Ovando — should  be  despatched  with  thirty-two 
ships  to  take  Bobadilla's  place.  Disaster,  however, 
overtook  the  expedition,  and,  though  the  viceroy 
arrived  in  safety,  it  was  with  the  loss  of  most  of  his 
ships  and  men. 

Although  the  fame  of  Columbus's  enterprise  had 
brought  Castile  and  its  Queen  before  the  eyes  of  the 
whole  world,  the  financial  gain  had  been  extremely 
small.  For  several  reasons  Ferdinand  had  never 
been  very  favourably  disposed  towards  it,  and  though, 
when  Columbus  asked  Isabella's  help  towards  equipping 
a  fourth  expedition  early  in  1502,  she  was  anxious 
that  his  plans  should  not  be  hindered,  she  herself  was 
disinclined  to  assist  him.  In  March  1502,  the  Admiral 
sailed  westward  for  the  last  time.  When,  nearly  three 
years  later,  feeble  in  health  and  broken  down  in 
spirit,  he  returned  to  Spain,  Queen  Isabella  was 
no  more.  The  cares  of  the  last  few  years  had  pressed 
heavily  upon  her,  for  she  was  a  woman  as  well  as  a 
Queen.  In  1499,  after  much  bargaining  between 
Ferdinand  and  Henry  VII.  of  England,  the  young 
Princess  Katharine  of  Aragon  had  been  married  by 
proxy  to  Arthur,  Prince  of  Wales.  The  prospect  of 


DEATH  OF  ISABELLA  THE  CATHOLIC  59 

a  separation  from  her  youngest  daughter  preyed  upon 
Isabella's  mind,  and  she  tried  hard  to  delay  her 
departure.  But  Henry  was  in  a  hurry,  and  in  May 
1501,  setting  aside  personal  inclinations  at  the  call  of 
political  duty,  Katharine  and  her  mother  endured 
the  sadness  of  farewell,  never  to  meet  again  on  earth. 

In  1497  the  Prince  of  Asturias,  Isabella's  darling 
son,  was  carried  to  the  grave,  and  the  following  year 
saw  the  death  of  her  eldest  daughter,  the  wife  of 
King  Emmanuel  of  Portugal.  Her  other  daughter, 
Joan,  was  also  a  source  of  grief,  for  her  obstinacy  and 
eccentricity  were  already  earning  for  her  the  title  of 
"  Joan  the  Mad."  All  the  domestic  sorrow,  added 
to  the  peculiar  cares  of  her  position,  gradually  under- 
mined the  Queen's  health,  and,  after  a  lingering  illness, 
she  gently  breathed  her  last,  November  26,  1504. 
In  her  will  she  expressed  a  wish  to  be  buried  unostenta- 
tiously at  Granada,  the  city  of  her  triumph,  "  but, 
if  the  King,  my  lord  "  desired  to  be  buried  elsewhere, 
then  her  body  was  to  be  laid  by  his,  "  in  order  that 
the  union  we  have  enjoyed  while  living,  and  which 
(through  the  mercy  of  God)  we  hope  our  souls  will 
experience  in  heaven,  may  be  represented  by  our 
bodies  on  earth."  All  her  j ewels  were  left  to  Ferdinand, 
"  that  they  may  serve  as  witness  of  the  love  I  have 
ever  borne  him,  and  remind  him  that  I  await  him  in  a 
better  world,  and  so  that  with  this  memory  he  may 
the  more  holily  and  justly  live." 

An  entry  in  the  Diary  of  John  Burchard,  Bishop 
of  Orta,  relating  to  the  conquest  of  Granada,  runs 
as  follows :  "  Monday,  4  February,  1488.  There 
entered  the  consistory  and  passed  to  the  second  hall 
about  one  hundred  moors,  each  one  with  a  large  iron 
ring  round  his  neck  and  all  bound  together  with  a 
long  chain  and  ropes,  all  being  dressed  alike.  These 
were  followed  by  an  ambassador  from  the  kings  of 
Spain,  who  knelt  before  our  most  holy  Lord  (Pope 
Innocent  VIII.) ,  kissing  his  holiness'  foot  only,  and 


60     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

presented  the  letters  of  the  aforesaid  King  and  Queen, 
written  in  the  Spanish  tongue.  The  Rev.  Father 
Antoniotto,  Lord  Bishop  of  Auray,  read  these  letters 
aloud,  to  the  effect  that  the  King  and  Queen  of  Spain 
were  sending  to  his  holiness  about  one  hundred  moors, 
a  part  of  their  spoils  taken  in  the  victory  at  Granada, 
the  preceding  summer,  which  moors  they  presented 
as  a  gift  to  his  holiness  and  offered  to  send  others." 
The  Pope  divided  these  slaves  among  the  Cardinals 
attached  to  the  Curia. 


CHAPTER  III 

Death  of  Sixtus  IV.,  1484 — Letter  from  the  Cardinal  of  Pa  via  to 
Rodrigo  Borgia — Election  of  Innocent  VIII.,  1484 — His  char- 
acter— Corruption  of  the  clergy — Rodrigo  and  Vannozza — 
Death  of  Innocent  VIII.,  1492 — Lawless  state  of  Rome — 
Methods  of  electing  Pope — Simoniacal  election  of  Cardinal 
Borgia  as  Pope  Alexander  VI. — His  magnificent  coronation 
festivities — Guicciardini's  opinion  of  the  new  Pope — Alexander's 
vigorous  administration  of  justice — His  nepotism. 

BEFORE  Cardinal  Rodrigo  Borgia  reappeared  at  Rome 
after  his  Spanish  mission,  Pope  Sixtus  IV.  died  (1484), 
His  reign,  as  we  shall  see  later,  had  been  one  of  much 
agitation  and  trouble.  Borgia,  who  had  been  instru- 
mental in  his  election,  had  consequently  enjoyed 
the  papal  favour,  receiving  in  reward  for  his  services 
the  Abbey  of  Subiaco,  in  commendam.  From  the 
following  letter  from  the  Cardinal  of  Pavia,  dated 
November  15,  1476, 1  it  would  appear,  however,  that 
his  manner  of  life  had  not  become  more  saintly.  The 
Cardinal  exhorts  Rodrigo  to  abandon  his  dissolute 
habits : 

"  May  God  grant,"  he  writes,  "  that  we  may 
forget  the  past  and  become  new  men,  and  that  we 
may  carry  out  what  we  have  expressed  in  writing. 
For  my  part,  I  am  honestly  determined  to  do  so,  and 
my  letter  may  serve  you  as  a  pledge  of  my  intention. 
.  .  .  Do  not  give  this  letter,  which  comes  from  a 
full  heart,  to  your  secretary,  but  shut  it  in  your 
writing-table,  in  a  place  where  you  can  take  it  out 

1  The  year  of  Caesar's  birth. 
61 


62     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

every  year,  when  you  have  time  and  inclination,  and 
read  it  over  again.   ..." 

The  new  Pope,  Innocent  VIII.  (1484-92),  was 
a  mild  and  colourless  person,  not  altogether  devoid 
of  attractions.  He  seems  to  have  had  the  virtues  of 
gentleness  and  benevolence,  but  he  was  tame-spirited 
and  immoral  and  easily  led  by  those  around  him. 
Giuliano  della  Rovere,  afterwards  Pope  Julius  II., 
gained  a  remarkable  influence  over  him,  and  came 
to  live  in  the  Vatican.  He  could  obtain  whatever 
he  liked  from  the  new  Pontiff  and  is  mentioned  in 
a  letter  from  the  Florentine  envoy  to  Lorenzo 
de'  Medici  as  being  "  Pope,  and  more  than  Pope." 

Innocent  VIII.  was  the  first  Pope  who  publicly 
acknowledged  his  children.  Nepotism  was  one  of  his 
failings,  and  he  made  lavish  provision  for  two  of  his 
sons.  To  the  elder,  Franceschetto,  he  gave  dominion 
over  Anguillari  and  Cervetri,  as  well  as  a  large  estate ; 
but  after  the  Pope's  death  Franceschetto  sold  them 
both  and  betook  himself  to  Florence,  where  he  lived 
in  retirement  with  his  wife  Maddalena,  daughter  of 
Lorenzo  the  Magnificent. 

During  the  pontificate  of  Innocent  VIII.,  Djem, 
brother  of  the  Sultan  Bajazet,  of  whose  tragic  end 
we  shall  shortly  hear,  was  brought  captive  to  Rome. 

From  Infessura  we  get  a  disapproving  account  of 
Pope  Innocent  VIII.  Among  other  things  he  relates 
the  following :  "  The  Vicar  of  the  Pope  in  Rome  and 
neighbourhood,  watchful  of  his  flock  as  befits  an 
honourable  man,  published  an  edict  forbidding  clergy 
as  well  as  laics,  whatever  their  position  might  be, 
to  keep  mistresses,  either  openly  or  in  secret.  The 
penalty  for  so  doing  would  be  excommunication  and 
confiscation  of  their  benefices,  for  it  was  a  practice 
which  redounded  to  the  discredit  of  priestly  dignity 
and  divine  law. 

"  When  the  Pope  heard  this,  he  summoned  the  Vicar 


CORRUPTION  OF  MORALS          63 

and  commanded  him  to  annul  the  edict,  saying  that 
the  practice  was  not  forbidden.  And  indeed,  such 
was  the  life  led  by  the  clergy  that  there  was  hardly 
one  who  did  not  keep  a  mistress.  The  number  of 
harlots  at  that  time  living  in  Rome  amounted  to 
6,800,  not  counting  those  who  practised  their  nefarious 
trade  under  the  cloak  of  concubinage  and  those  who 
exercised  their  arts  in  secret." 

From  this  state  of  things  it  is  evident  how  they 
lived  in  Rome  at  that  time  and  how  the  State  of  the 
Church  was  governed.  To  Innocent  VIII.  is  due 
the  establishment  of  a  kind  of  bank  at  Rome  for  the 
disposal  of  pardons1  in  exchange  for  pecuniary  offerings. 
After  a  certain  proportion  of  the  money  paid  had 
gone  into  the  papal  treasury,  the  rest  fell  to  Frances- 
chetto,  his  son. 

When  Borgia  had  returned  from  Spain  he  received 
several  letters  from  Vannozza,  which  aroused  his 
desire  to  see  his  family.  He  therefore  begged  the 
Pope's  permission  to  go  to  Venice  on  important 
business.  Innocent,  suspicious,  forbade  him  to  leave 
Rome.  Rodrigo,  incensed,  boldly  disobeyed.  He 
journeyed  to  Marino,  where,  under  pretext  of  indis- 
position, he  stayed  several  days.  From  there  he  sent 
a  letter  to  Vannozza  asking  her  to  come  immediately 
to  Rome  and  take  up  her  abode  in  an  outlying  part 
of  the  city.  In  spite  of  Innocent's  repeated  com- 
mands to  return,  the  Cardinal,  now  a  man  of  over 
fifty  years  of  age,  determined  to  await  Vannozza's 
answer  in  Marino,  and  wrote  to  the  Pope  to  excuse 
himself  on  the  ground  of  illness.  But  through 
Paoletti,  who  visited  Borgia  at  Marino,  Innocent 
learned  that  he  was  by  no  means  incapable  of  travelling. 
Finally,  Rodrigo  was  obliged  to  make  up  his  mind 
to  return  to  Rome.  Arrived  there,  he  was  taken  in  a 
chair  to  St.  Peter's,  where  he  performed  his  devotions 
before  the  Confession,  and  then  proceeded  to  the 

1  Indulgences,  i.e.  remissions  of  canonical  penances. 


64     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Lateran.  There  he  paid  his  respects  to  the  Pope  and 
besought  his  pardon.  But  soon  came  the  news  that 
his  family  had  arrived  in  Rome  and  were  established 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Capitol,  in  a  house 
belonging  to  the  Monks  of  del  Popolo.  Vannozza  had 
hardly  reached  the  Eternal  City  when  the  curiosity  of 
one  of  these  monks  led  him  to  pry  into  the  circum- 
stances which  led  her  to  settle  in  such  a  remote  part. 
It  is  related  that  the  Prior  of  the  Order  was  attracted 
by  the  unusual  beauty  of  her  daughter  and  sought 
to  become  acquainted  with  the  family.  But  Vannozza, 
prompt  to  act,  left  her  dwelling  secretly,  and  moved 
into  a  house  in  the  vicinity  of  St.  Peter's,  where 
precautions  were  taken  that  she  might  live  undisturbed. 
Her  major-domo,  Don  Manuele,  who  had  accompanied 
her  to  Venice,  was  now  announced  as  her  husband ; 
he  adopted  the  title  of  Count  Ferdinand  of  Castile. 

Although  her  house  was  luxuriously  furnished  and 
Don  Manuele  had  access  to  the  most  distinguished 
social  circles  of  Rome,  Vannozza  continued  to  live 
in  the  deepest  seclusion ;  she  never  left  the  house 
unless  it  was  for  the  purpose  of  meeting  Rodrigo,  who, 
under  pretext  of  a  close  friendship  with  the  so-called 
Count  Ferdinand,  often  passed  his  evenings  at  her  home. 

Borgia's  days  were  spent  in  outward  piety,  visiting 
churches  and  hospitals.  He  realised  that  the  Pope's 
strength  was  steadily  failing,  and,  with  an  eye  to  the 
approaching  election,  did  all  he  could  to  ingratiate 
himself  with  the  other  Cardinals.  He  was  now  a 
rich  and  powerful  man,  senior  member  of  the  Sacred 
College,  Dean  of  the  Cardinal-Bishops,  and  Vice- 
Chancellor  of  the  Church,  and  his  ambition  did  not  stop 
short  of  the  tiara  itself.  Many  of  the  other  Cardinals 
were  the  creatures  of  Sixtus  IV.  or  Innocent  VIII.,  and 
having  bought  their  positions,  were  now  quite  willing 
to  seU  their  votes  to  the  highest  bidder.  Rodrigo 
ascertained  their  demands  and  laid  his  plans  accord- 
ingly, with  what  success  will  shortly  be  seen. 


LUCREZIA    BORGIA,    DUCHESS    OF    FERRARA. 

From  a  portrait  painted  on  wood,  dated  MDXX.,  preserved  in  the  Museum 

at  Nimes. 

Lucrezia    died   in    1519.      This   portrait   is   believed    to    be    a   copy   of    a 
picture  by  Dosso  Dossi. 


64] 


VANNOZZA  65 

According  to  Infessura,  Rodrigo  had  married  Van- 
nozza  to  Domenico  of  Arignano  in  1476,  in  order  to 
give  an  appearance  of  legitimacy  to  their  son  Caesar. 
This  information,  however,  is  of  doubtful  accuracy. 
It  seems  certain  that  she  was  married  in  1480  to 
Giorgio  della  Croce,  a  Milanese,  for  whom  Rodrigo 
had  obtained  the  post  of  Apostolic  Secretary.  It  is 
remarkable  that  in  the  official  record  of  this  marriage 
Vannozza  is  described  as  widow  of  Messer  Antonio 
de  Brixa.  To  Giorgio  della  Croce  she  bore  a  son 
Ottaviano,  who  died  in  1486,  the  same  year  as  his 
father.  During  her  connection  with  Giorgio,  Van- 
nozza increased  in  worldly  prosperity.  She  appears 
to  have  been  the  lessee  of  several  taverns  in  Rome, 
to  say  nothing  of  a  picturesque  country  house  and  a 
vineyard.  After  his  death  she  soon  married  a  third 
husband,  Carlo  Canale  of  Mantua,  a  man  of  some 
literary  repute,  who,  through  Rodrigo's  influence, 
obtained  the  office  of  sollicitator  bullarum.  This 
marriage  resulted  in  the  birth  of  a  child  for  whom 
Vannozza  requested  Lodovico  Gonzaga  to  stand 
sponsor — a  significant  fact  which  sheds  a  ray  of 
light  upon  the  naive  and  unblushing  effrontery  of  the 
age. 

Vannozza  was  fifty  years  old  when  Rodrigo  became 
Pope,  and  was  openly  recognised  as  the  mother  of  his 
four  surviving  children.  Though  the  days  of  his 
passion  for  her  were  over,  he  still  regarded  her  with 
affection.  She  herself  lived  a  retired  life,  so  that  her 
name  has  never  become  entangled  in  the  criminal 
annals  of  the  House  of  Borgia.  The  historian,  Paulus 
Jovius,  who  knew  her  personally,  speaks  of  her  as 
"  an  honourable  woman,"  and  the  inscription  on  her 
tomb  describes  her  as  "  upright,  pious,  and  charitable, 
and  deserving  much  on  account  of  what  she  did  for 
the  Lateran  hospital."  In  a  letter  to  her  daughter 
Lucrezia  she  signs  herself  "  La  felice  e  infelice  Madre, 
Vannozza  Borgia,"  which  implies,  perhaps,  that  she 

EB 


66     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

felt  the  embarrassment  of  her  position.  There  can 
be  no  doubt  that,  during  her  last  years,  she  sought 
to  atone  for  past  sins  by  devoting  herself  to  a  life  of 
extreme  piety. 

On  the  evening  of  July  25,  1492,  the  good-natured 
and  incompetent  Pope  Innocent  VIII.  passed  away. 
It  is  related  that,  during  his  last  illness,  the  operation 
for  transfusion  of  blood  was  unsuccessfully  performed. 
This,  however,  is  an  error  arising  from  the  forgetfulness 
of  two  important  facts  :  (i)  that  the  idea  of  this 
operation  could  not  occur  to  any  one  to  whom  the 
circulation  of  the  blood  was  unknown  ;  (2)  that  the 
phenomenon  of  the  circulation  of  the  blood  was  not 
discovered  until  the  seventeenth  century.  Raynaldus 
and  Infessura  say  that  a  certain  Jewish  physician 
undertook  to  restore  the  Pope's  health  ;  for  this 
purpose  he  drew  all  the  blood  out  of  three  young 
boys,  who  immediately  died.  With  their  blood  he 
prepared  a  draught,  which,  in  spite  of  the  doctor's 
protestations,  failed  to  improve  the  sick  Pontiff's 
condition.  The  saving  virtue  of  drinking  human 
blood  was  no  new  idea,  as  may  be  seen  from  Tertullian, 
ApoL  ix.  :  Item,  illi  qui  munere  in  arena  noxiorum 
ingulatorum  sanguinem  recentem  (de  ingulo  decurrentem 
exceptum)  avida  siti  comitiali  morbo  medentes  hauserunt, 
ubi  sunt  ?  * 

On  August  5  the  Pope's  body  was  laid  in  St.  Peter's, 
where  his  memory  has  been  perpetuated  by  a  wonder- 
fully executed  monument  in  bronze — the  work  of 
Antonio  Pollaiulo.  The  lawless  state  which  prevailed 
in  the  capital  at  this  time  may  be  seen  from  the  fact 
that,  during  the  seventeen  days  before  the  new 
election  was  completed,  no  less  than  two  hundred 
assassinations  took  place.  The  disturbances  at  last 
became  so  serious  that  some  of  the  barons,  at  the 
instigation  of  Cardinal  Giuliano  della  Rovere,  agreed 
1  Baron  Corvo,  Chronicles  of  the  House  of  Borgia,  p.  79* 


METHODS  OF  ELECTING  A  POPE     67 

to  sink  their  party  differences  and  unite  with  the 
Conservators  of  the  city  in  maintaining  order.  This 
had  a  beneficial  effect  and  succeeded  in  reducing  the 
confusion. 

There  are  several  ways  by  which  a  Pope  may  be 
elected : 

(1)  By   Inspiration — i.e.    when    several    Cardinals 

together,  as  though  impelled  by  an  unseen 
power,  shout  aloud  the  name  of  the  one  they 
desire  to  see  elected.  By  this  method  other 
voices  are  attracted  and  the  minimum  majority 
attained.  It  is,  however,  rarely  employed. 

(2)  By  Compromise — i.e.  when  the  Cardinals  cannot 

agree,  and  then  appoint  a  committee  of  them- 
selves with  power  to  decide  the  election.  In 
this  way  John  XXII.  managed  to  secure 
his  own  appointment,  so  that  the  Cardinals 
determined  never  again  to  have  recourse  to 
this  method  without  securing  it  against  abuse 
by  stringent  precautions. 

(3)  By    Majority — i.e.    each    Cardinal    writes    the 

name  of  his  candidate  on  a  slip  of  paper  and, 
with  much  ceremony  and  genuflection,  places 
it  in  a  large,  beautifully  decorated  chalice  on 
the  High  Altar  of  the  Chapel  in  which  the 
Conclave  is  assembled.  These  slips  are  then 
taken  out  by  a  Cardinal  specially  appointed 
for  the  purpose,  and  carefully  compared  with 
the  number  of  persons  present.  If  then  one 
of  the  Candidates  has  two-thirds  of  the  votes, 
he  is  immediately  proclaimed  Pope.  If,  how- 
ever, after  repeated  attempts,  the  necessary 
majority  is  not  obtained,  they  have  recourse 
to  the  Method  of — 

(4)  Accession — i.e.  every  Cardinal  is  free  to  accede 

to  another  and  to  strike  out  the  name  of  his 
first  Candidate.  After  the  election  is  finished 
all  the  slips  of  paper  are  carefully  burned,  so 


68     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

that  no  future  reference  can  ever  be  made 
to  them. 

On  August  6,  1492,  the  Conclave  met  in  the  Sistine 
Chapel.  The  competitors  were  numerous,  each  one 
having  some  claim  to  consideration.  Ascanio  Sforza 
was  the  brother  of  the  first  tyrant  of  Italy.  Giuliano 
della  Rovere  and  Riario  were  connected  with  Sixtus  IV. 
Lorenzo  Cibo  seemed  to  be  the  direct  heir  of  Innocent 
VIII.,  Borgia  was  a  kinsman  of  Calixtus  III.,  Orsini 
and  Colonna  shared  the  secular  greatness  of  their 
families.  France  and  Genoa  openly  took  the  part 
of  della  Rovere.1  Borgia  opposed  to  him  Cardinal 
Sforza,  but  Ascanio,  whose  house  was  threatening 
the  whole  of  Italy,  realising  that  his  chances  were 
slight,  began  to  lend  a  favourable  ear  to  Borgia's 
attractive  offers.  The  other  Cardinals  were  un- 
decided, but  Rodrigo  knew  how  to  win  them  by 
bribery  and  flattery.  For  three  days  the  Conclave 
resembled  a  banker's  counter.  To  Sforza,  Borgia 
promised  his  own  palace  and  furniture,  all  his  bene- 
fices, the  castle  of  Nepi,  the  Bishopric  of  Erlau,  and 
a  large  sum  of  money  as  well  as  the  Vice-Chancellor- 
ship of  the  Roman  Chair.  Cardinal  Orsini  was  to 
receive  the  two  fortified  towns  of  Monticelli  and 
Soriano,  the  legation  of  the  Marches,  and  the  Bishopric 
of  Carthagena ;  Cardinal  Colonna  and  his  family  the 
Abbey  of  Subiaco  and  all  the  surrounding  villages. 
Savelli,  Michieli,  and  Pallavicini  were  to  be  paid  for 
their  votes  with  bishoprics,  and  Cardinals  Sclafetani, 
Sanseverino,  Riario,  and  Domenico  della  Rovere  were 
to  receive  valuable  abbacies  and  benefices. 

In  this  reprehensible  way  Borgia  managed  to  secure 
twenty-four  votes,  and  only  one  was  wanting  to 
complete  the  minimum  majority.  Cardinals  Caraffa, 
Piccolomini,  Zeno,  and  Costa,  as  well  as  Lorenzo 
Cibo,  Giovanni  de'  Medici,  Cardinal  Basso,  and 
Giuliano  della  Rovere,  all  held  aloof  from  these 

» Gebhart. 


69 


unrighteous  proceedings,  but  finally  the  required  vote 
was  wormed  out  of  Gherardo,  Patriarch  of  Venice,  an 
old  man  already  in  his  dotage. 

Rome  was  in  wild  excitement  about  this  election. 
From  the  Diary  of  John  Burchard,  Bishop  of  Orta, 
we  learn  that,  a  little  while  before  the  assembly  of 
the  Conclave,  Borgia  had  sent  four  mule-loads  of 
silver  to  Cardinal  Sforza's  house,  under  pretext  that 
the  treasure  might  be  more  safely  guarded  there, 
but  that  really  it  was  the  price  of  the  Cardinal's  vote. 

On  the  night  of  August  10-11,  1492,  the  name  of 
Borgia  was  drawn  out  of  the  electoral  chalice.  At 
dawn  a  window  of  the  Conclave  was  opened  and  the 
election  of  Pope  Alexander  VI.  made  known  to  the 
drowsy  city. 1  The  newly  made  Pontiff,  deeply  excited 
and  perhaps  fearful  as  to  the  way  in  which  his  simo- 
niacal  election  might  be  received,  hastened  to  don 
the  pontifical  insignia.  For  the  same  reason  he 
desired  that  the  news  of  his  appointment  should  be 
spread  speedily,  and  had  pieces  of  paper,  inscribed 
with  his  name  as  Pope,  thrown  from  the  Vatican 
windows  into  the  midst  of  the  people. 

Alexander  had  hardly  dressed  himself  in  his  official 
garb  when  he  repaired  to  St.  Peter's  for  the  inaugural 
ceremonies.  The  Cardinal  Sanseverino  lifted  him  up 
in  his  powerful  arms  and  placed  him  on  the  throne, 
and  the  Sacred  College  paid  him  the  fisrt  Adoration. 
Huge  crowds  assembled  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  new 
Pope,  whose  election,  notwithstanding  the  known 
immorality  of  his  life,  was  by  no  means  unwelcome. 
Rodrigo  Borgia  appeared  to  possess  all  the  attributes 
of  a  successful  temporal  ruler,  and  the  prospect  of 
his  being  able  to  steer  the  Papacy  through  a  difficult 
political  crisis  outbalanced  any  disadvantages  from 
a  spiritual  point  of  view.  Sigismondo  de'  Conti 
describes  him  as  a  thoroughly  capable  man  with 
remarkable  intellectual  gifts.  He  says  :  "  Few  people 

1  Baron  Corvo,  Chronicles  of  the  House  of  Borgia,  p.  86. 


70     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

understood  etiquette  so  well  as  he  did  ;  he  knew  how 
to  make  the  most  of  himself,  and  took  pains  to  shine 
in  conversation  and  to  be  dignified  in  his  manners. 
In  the  latter  point  his  majestic  stature  gave  him  an 
advantage.  Also  he  was  just  at  the  age  (about  sixty) 
at  which  Aristotle  says  men  are  wisest ;  robust  in 
body  and  vigorous  in  mind,  he  was  admirably  equipped 
for  his  new  position.  .  .  .  He  was  tall  and  powerfully 
built,  and,  though  he  had  blinking  eyes,  they  were 
penetrating  and  lively ;  in  conversation  he  was 
extremely  affable ;  he  understood  money  matters 
thoroughly  "  (quoted  by  Pastor). 

Borgia's  physical  beauty,  though  not  altogether  in 
accordance  with  twentieth-century  standards,  seems 
to  have  been  universally  conceded.1  This,  combined 
with  a  fine  presence  and  a  superabundant  vitality,  was 
quite  enough  to  recommend  him  to  the  sensual, 
beauty-loving  Italians.  Portius  thus  describes  him 
in  1493  :  "  He  is  tall,  in  complexion  neither  fair  nor 
dark ;  his  eyes  are  black,  his  mouth  somewhat  full. 
His  health  is  splendid,  and  he  has  a  marvellous  power 
of  enduring  all  sorts  of  fatigue.  He  is  singularly 
eloquent  in  speech,  and  is  gifted  with  an  innate  good 
breeding  which  never  forsakes  him  "  (Pastor). 

Although  no  reference  is  made  in  this  description 
to  Borgia's  dissolute  habits,  it  must  not  be  supposed 
that  they  were  unknown.  In  a  College  of  gay  and 
riotous  Cardinals,  Rodrigo  had  been  the  gayest  and 
most  riotous  of  them  all.  But  the  level  of  morality 
among  the  higher  classes  in  Italy  at  this  time  was  so 
distressingly  low  that  public  opinion  found  no  diffi- 
culty in  condoning  the  profligacy  of  the  new  Pope's 
previous  life.  At  the  same  time,  considerable  resent- 
ment was  aroused  at  the  unblushing  simony  by  means 
of  which  his  election  had  been  obtained.* 

1  His  portrait  in  the  Uffizi  Gallery  at  Florence  is  considered  to  bear 
a  strong  resemblance  to  the  late  Cardinal  Vaughan  of  Westminster. 

*  Many  objections  have  been  raised  to  the  assertion  that  Alexander's 


CORONATION  FESTIVITIES         71 

To  return  to  the  morning  after  the  Conclave.  From 
St.  Peter's  the  Pope  went  back  to  the  Vatican,  where 
he  addressed  the  Cardinals  for  a  second  time,  admon- 
ishing them,  with  pious  zeal,  to  change  their  manner 
of  life,  and  declaring  that  he  would  make  an  impartial 
investigation  of  all  accused  of  simony.  It  was  obvious 
that,  as  Pope  Alexander  VI.,  he  was  not  inclined 
to  maintain  his  former  compacts  with  the  Cardinals. 
Indeed,  it  is  remarkable  that  he  had  already  decreed 
the  downfall  of  the  very  men  who  had  most  con- 
tributed to  his  election.  Towards  Sforza,  Riario, 
San  Michieli,  and  others,  he  subsequently  displayed 
the  greatest  cruelty,  banishing  some,  and  condemning 
others  to  imprisonment  or  an  unmerciful  death. 
It  was  with  reason  that  Giovanni  de'  Medici,  a  sage 
youth  of  seventeen,  observed  to  Cardinal  Cibo,  on 
the  announcement  of  the  election,  "  Now  we  are 
in  the  power  of  a  wolf,  the  most  rapacious,  perhaps, 
that  this  world  has  ever  seen  ;  and,  if  we  do  not  flee, 
he  will  infallibly  devour  us." 

Never  had  there  been  such  gorgeous  celebrations 
at  a  papal  election.  The  Coronation  on  August  26 

accession  to  the  Papacy  was  brought  about  by  simoniacal 
means.  Pastor,  in  replying  to  these,  calls  attention  to  some  docu- 
ments discovered  in  recent  years.  The  first  of  these  is  Brognolo's 
Despatch  of  August  31,  1492,  in  which,  it  is  true,  A.  Sforza  is  not 
named.  But  in  Frakn6i,  in  the  Erlauer  Diocesanblatt,  1833,  No.  20, 
the  appointment  of  Ascanio  Sforza  to  the  Bishopric  of  that  place 
appears,  and  the  other  gifts  can  equally  be  substantiated.  Thus  the 
appointment  to  the  Vice-Chancellorship  appears  from  Decret. 
Eximice  tuce  Circ.  industria,  dat.  Rom,  1492,  vii.  Cal.  Sept.  Regest. 
869,  f.  i.  See  also  Cod.  xxxv.  94,  in  the  Barberini  Library.  As  to  the 
handing  over  of  the  palace,  see  Appendix,  N.  13.  The  grant  of  Nepi 
is  certain,  see  Leonetti,  i.  61  ;  Ratti,  i.  86,  whose  apology  for  Ascanio 
is  quite  futile.  Besides  this,  Ascanio  received  (Regest.  773,  f.  I5b) 
two  Canonries  (dat.  Laterani,  1492,  vii.  Cal.  Sept.  A°  i°) ;  f .  45  :  the 
Priorate  of  a  Convent  in  the  Diocese  of  Calahorra,  which  belonged 
to  Alexander  VI.  (D.  ut  S.)  ;  f.  167  :  an  Abbey  (D.  ut  5.)  and  various 
other  favours,  f.  187,  260,  and  295,  all  dated  vii.  Cal.,  Sept.  1492. 
Pastor,  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican,  v.,  p.  382. 


72     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

was  the  occasion  for  the  most  brilliant  and  resplendent 
festivities.  The  streets  were  decorated  with  triumphal 
arches  inscribed  with  predictions  of  a  Golden  Age. 
Alexander  was  feted  like  a  divinity,  and  the  following 
inscriptions  are  typical  of  the  inanity  and  profanity 
of  the  compliments  with  which  he  was  surfeited  : 

Ccesare  magna  fuit,  nunc  Roma  est  maxima,  Sextus 
regnat  Alexander,  ille  vir,  iste  Deus  ; 

and, 

Libertas  pia,  justitia,  et  pax  aurea,  opes  quce  sunt 
tibi,  Roma,  novus  fert  deus  iste  tibi. 

The  Borgia  arms,  a  bull  passant  on  a  field  or, 
lent  themselves  to  ingenious  symbolical  representa- 
tions. By  the  Palazzo  of  San  Marco  was  erected  the 
colossal  figure  of  a  bull  from  whose  horns,  eyes, 
ears,  and  nostrils  flowed  water,  and  from  its  forehead 
wine. 

When  all  the  customary  ceremonies  had  been 
observed,  Alexander  bestowed  his  pontifical  benedic- 
tion upon  the  people.  He  proceeded  to  this  first 
official  duty,  says  Corio,  "  patiently  as  an  ox  and 
fulfilled  it  proudly  as  a  lion." 

That  the  new  Pope  was  no  divinity,  but  made  of 
mortal  clay,  was  demonstrated  before  the  coronation 
celebrations  were  ended.  In  taking  formal  possession 
of  the  Lateran  Basilica,  he  was  so  overcome  with 
emotion  and  fatigue  that  he  suddenly  fainted,  and 
restoratives  had  to  be  administered  before  he  recovered 
consciousness.  "  This,"  writes  the  devout  Delfini  to 
a  friend,  "  forcibly  reminded  me  of  the  instability  of 
all  human  things." 

The  news  of  Borgia's  election  excited  much  dis- 
pleasure in  certain  quarters,  though  we  can  hardly 
credit  Guicciardini's  assertion  that  all  men  were 
filled  with  dismay,  and  that  Ferrante  of  Naples,  one 
of  the  most  keen-sighted  rulers  of  the  day,  told 
his  wife  with  tears — tears  which  he  had  not  shed  even 
at  the  death  of  his  two  sons — "  This  election  will  not 


PROMISES  OF  REFORM  73 

only  undermine  the  peace  of  Italy,  but  that  of  the 
whole  of  Christendom." 

On  the  other  hand,  Alexander's  accession  was 
hailed  with  joy  by  some  of  the  Italian  Powers,  espec- 
ially by  Milan  and  Florence.  His  true  self  had  not 
yet  been  revealed,  and  many  entertained  a  mistakenly 
high  opinion  of  his  character. 

It  may  be  interesting  to  hear  what  Guicciardini 
thought  of  the  new  Pope.  He  writes :  "  Alexander 
was  very  active,  and  possessed  of  remarkable  pene- 
tration ;  his  judgment  was  excellent,  and  he  had  a 
wonderful  power  of  persuasion ;  in  all  serious  business 
he  displayed  an  incredible  attention  and  ability. 
But  these  virtues  were  bound  up  with  still  greater 
faults :  his  manner  of  living  was  dissolute,  and  he 
knew  neither  shame  nor  sincerity,  neither  faith  nor 
religion.  He,  moreover,  was  possessed  by  an  in- 
satiable greed,  an  overwhelming  ambition,  a  more  than 
barbarous  cruelty,  and  a  burning  passion  for  the 
advancement  of  his  many  children,  who,  in  order  to 
cany  out  his  iniquitous  decrees,  did  not  scruple 
to  employ  the  most  heinous  means." 

The  new  Pope  at  once  took  vigorous  steps  for  the 
restoration  of  order  in  Rome,  which  had  been,  during 
the  interregnum,  the  scene  of  frightful  anarchy  and 
bloodshed.  The  first  assassin  to  be  captured  was 
hanged  as  an  example,  and  his  house  destroyed.  Alex- 
ander also  established  commissioners  for  the  trial  of 
disputes,  and  set  aside  certain  times  when  he  himself 
gave  audience  to  all  who  had  any  cause  of  complaint. 
"  He  has  promised,"  wrote  the  Ferrarese  envoy  on 
August  17,  "  to  make  many  reforms  in  the  Curia, 
to  dismiss  the  secretaries  and  many  tyrannical  officials, 
to  keep  his  sons  far  from  Rome,  and  make  worthy 
appointments.  It  is  said  that  he  will  be  a  glorious 
Pontiff,  and  will  have  no  need  of  guardians." 

Thus  the  new  reign  opened  with  fair  prospects 
and  promises.  Even  the  unfriendly  Infessura 


74     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

admitted  that  Alexander  "  adminstered  justice  after 
a  marvellous  sort,"  and  the  powers  of  Italy  were  well 
pleased.  But  their  pleasure  was  of  short  duration 
for  the  Pope  soon  began  to  show  symptoms  of  the 
nepotism  which  was  to  play  deadly  havoc  with  the 
prosperity  of  his  pontificate.  All  his  relations  flocked 
to  Rome,  anxious  to  receive  the  favours  which  he 
was  eager  to  bestow.  Gian  Andrea  Boccaccio  declares, 
in  a  letter  to  the  Duke  of  Ferrara,  "  ten  Papacies 
would  not  suffice  to  satisfy  the  greed  of  all  his  kindred," 
and  subsequent  events  proved  that  these  fears  were 
only  too  well  grounded. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Children  of  Rodrigo  Borgia — Girolama  and  Isabella — Don  Pedro 
Luis — Don  Giovanni,  second  Duke  of  Gandia — Caesar  :  his 
education  and  subsequent  career — His  appearance  and  person- 
ality— Machiavelli's  opinion  of  him — Lucrezia  Borgia — Accusa- 
tions against  her  character — Her  birth  and  education — Giulia 
Farnese,  Rodrigo  Borgia's  second  known  mistress — Lucre- 
zia's  betrothal  and  marriage — Birth  of  Laura,  daughter  of 
Rodrigo  Borgia  and  Giulia — Lucrezia's  domestic  life — Don 
Jofre,  youngest  son  of  Rodrigo  Borgia  and  Vannozza — Giovanni 
Sforza — Letter  from  Rodrigo  Borgia,  when  Pope  Alexander 
VI.,  to  Lucrezia — Lucrezia  at  Pesaro — Immorality  in  Rome — 
The  Infans  Romanus — Rodrigo,  Pope  Alexander's  tenth  child 
— Lucrezia's  divorce. 

LET  us  now  follow  the  fortunes  of  Rodrigo's  children. 

His  two  eldest  daughters — Girolama  and  Isabella — 
are  almost  unknown  to  history.  They  must  have 
been  born  before  1470,  but  the  name  of  their  mother 
is  wrapped  in  mystery.  We  know  that  Girolama 
was  married  to  Gian  Andrea  Cesarini  in  1482,  when 
she  was  probably  about  thirteen,  and  that  her  brief 
career  ended  in  the  following  year.  We  know,  too, 
that  her  sister  Isabella  became  the  wife  of  a  Roman 
noble — Pier  Giovanni  Matuzzi — in  1483 — only  this 
and  nothing  more.  In  the  two  marriage  contracts 
Rodrigo  Borgia  is  mentioned  as  their  father,  but 
their  mother's  name  does  not  appear. 

Don  Pedro  Luis,  the  eldest  son  of  Rodrigo  and 
Vannozza,  was  probably  born  in  Spain,  though  the 
date  of  his  birth  is  uncertain.  Yriarte1  gives  it  as 
about  1467.  Sabatini  prefers  1460  as  the  date.1 

1  Cesar  Borgia,  vol.  i.  pp.  33,  34.    Pastor,  vol.  v.  p.  364. 

1  The  Life  of  Cesare  Borgia,  p.  39.     (Stanley  Paul  &  Co.,  Ltd.) 

75 


76     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Little  is  known  of  his  career  beyond  the  fact  that 
he  served  in  the  army  of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic 
and  fought  bravely  in  the  war  against  the  King  of 
Granada,  distinguishing  himself  at  the  capture  of 
Ronda,  1485.  The  same  year  he  was  invested  by 
Ferdinand  with  the  hereditary  duchy  of  Gandia, 
near  Valencia.  He  was  betrothed  to  Maria  Enriquez, 
the  King's  cousin,  but  died  before  the  marriage  was 
completed.  The  date  of  his  death  was  probably 
1488,  when  he  would  have  been  about  twenty-one 
years  old.  He  bequeathed  all  his  possessions  to  his 
brother  Juan,  who  adopted  the  title  of  Duke  of 
Gandia  and  eventually  married  Maria  Enriquez. 

This  Juan  (Don  Giovanni)  was  Rodrigo's  second 
son,  born  in  1474.  At  the  time  of  his  father's  pro- 
motion to  the  Papal  See  he  was  already  in  a  wealthy 
and  influential  position.  When  the  news  of  the 
election  reached  him,  he  journeyed  to  Rome  to  join 
the  other  members  of  his  family.  He  originally 
intended  to  stay  only  a  short  time  there,  and  therefore 
sent  his  wife  back  to  Spain ;  but  his  visit  prolonged 
itself,  and  on  June  12,  1493,  he  was  present  at  the 
wedding  of  his  sister  Lucrezia  with  Giovanni  Sforza, 
and  presented  her  with  a  goblet  worth  seventy  ducats. 
On  June  16  he  went  with  his  brother  Caesar  to 
receive  the  Spanish  ambassador,  and  on  this  occasion 
they  displayed  so  much  pomp  and  magnificence 
that  they  might  have  been  taken  for  monarchs. 
From  a  letter  from  the  King  of  Naples  appointing 
him  Duke  of  Sessa  and  Prince  of  Teano,  it  is  evident 
that  he  tarried  in  Rome  till  the  beginning  of  August, 
when  he  returned  to  Spain  on  board  a  Spanish  galley 
laden  with  valuables  on  which  the  Roman  goldsmiths 
had  been  working  for  two  months.  Nothing  more 
is  heard  of  him  until  August  10,  1496,  when  he  came 
back  to  Rome.  He  made  his  entry  into  the  capital 
with  great  ceremony,  accompanied  by  his  brother, 
Cardinal  Caesar  Borgia,  and  the  whole  papal  Court. 


CJESAR  BORGIA  77 

A  few  months  later,  on  May  20,  another  brother, 
Jof re,  appeared  with  his  wife,  Donna  Sancia  of  Aragon, 
in  Rome,  where  the  whole  family  was  now  assembled. 
This  family  union  seemed  to  portend  some  great 
undertaking. 

Soon  afterwards  the  Duke  of  Gandia  was  appointed 
Captain  of  the  Church  by  the  Pope,  and,  in  spite  of 
a  conspicuous  lack  of  military  ability,  on  June' 7,  1497, 
he  was  made  Duke  of  Beneventum  by  the  unanimous 
vote  of  the  College  of  Cardinals. 

Tomaso  Tomasi  represents  Juan  as  a  good  and 
honest  man,  of  no  mean  ability ;  there  is  little  doubt, 
however,  that  he  led  an  immoral  life,  giving  himself 
up  to  gambling  and  other  less  pardonable  excesses. 
His  father  loved  him  with  a  passionate  love,  and 
his  tragic  death,  in  June  1497,  of  which  we  shall  hear 
anon,  was  a  source  of  deepest  sorrow  to  him.  He 
left  two  children,  Juan,  third  Duke  of  Gandia,  and  a 
daughter,  Isabella,  who  were  piously  educated  by  a 
saintly  mother.  Juan  married  an  illegitimate  daughter 
of  the  Archbishop  of  Saragossa,  himself  a  bastard, 
and,  strangely  enough,  the  first  child  of  this  alliance 
which  united  so  much  family  iniquity  was  Francisco 
Borgia,  fourth  Duke  of  Gandia,  who  afterwards 
became  a  saint. 

The  third  son  of  Rodrigo  and  Vannozza  was  Caesar, 
born  in  1476.  The  first  authentic  document  dealing 
with  his  life  is  to  be  found  at  Rome  in  the  Liber 
Sillabicorum,  published  in  1488  by  a  certain  Pompilius. 
From  it  we  learn  that  Caesar,  when  in  his  twelfth 
year,  was  appointed  Protonotary  of  the  Papal  Chair, 
a  sinecure  with  important  emoluments.  From  1490 
to  1492  he  studied  at  the  University  of  Pisa,  at  that 
time  of  world-renown,  and  rendered  doubly  attrac- 
tive by  the  theological  lectures  of  the  celebrated 
Filippo  Decio.  Among  Caesar's  fellow-students  were 
Giovanni  de'  Medici,  afterwards  Pope  Leo  X., 
and  Alexander  Farnese,  later  Pope  Paul  III. 


78     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Besides  the  university  professors,  two  Spanish  savants, 
Romolino  da  Herda  and  Giovanni  Vera  d'Arcilla, 
contributed  towards  his  education,  which  he  appar- 
ently pursued  with  industry.  On  September  12, 

1491,  Innocent    VIII.    appointed    him    Protonotary 
and  Bishop  of  Pampeluna,  though  only  on  condition 
that  he  should  not   be   consecrated   for   ten   years. 
When  his  father  was  made  Pope,  Caesar,  at  his  command, 
left  Pisa  for  Spoleto,  where  he  arrived  on  August  26, 

1492.  He  was  still  there  on  October  5,  as  is  proved 
by    a    letter  written  by  him  to  Piero  de'   Medici, 
Giovanni's  brother,  with  whom  he  was  on  intimate 
terms. 

There  is  no  trace  of  Caesar's  presence  at  Rome 
before  March  19,  1493,  when  the  ambassador  Boc- 
caccio writes  to  Duke  Ercole  of  Ferrara :  "  The 
day  before  yesterday  I  visited  Caesar  in  his  house 
in  Trastevere,  just  as  he  was  about  to  go  hunting. 
He  was  clad  in  secular  garments  of  silk  and  only 
a  small  tonsure  was  visible.  We  rode  part  of  the 
way  together,  as  we  are  on  terms  of  intimacy.  He 
is  a  man  of  great  and  surpassing  cleverness  and 
excellent  disposition ;  and  his  manners  are  worthy 
of  the  son  of  a  great  Prince.  He  is  cheerful,  even 
merry,  and  always  seems  to  be  in  high  spirits.  Owing 
to  his  great  modesty,1  he  presents  a  more  distin- 
guished and  amiable  appearance  than  his  brother, 
the  Duke  of  Gandia.  He  also  enjoys  a  good  income. 
The  Archbishop  (Caesar)  has  no  bent  towards  the 
priesthood,  though  his  benefices  yield  him  more 
than  16,000  ducats.  If  he  does  not  marry,  his  revenues 
will  go  to  another  of  his  brothers,  who  is  hardly 
thirteen  years  of  age." 

This  description  confirms  the  idea  that  his  amiable 
manners  and  charm  of  speech  made  him  irresistibly 
fascinating,  and  also  proves  that  he  adopted  an 

1  It   is   evident    that   the  word    "  modesty  "    has   changed  its 
meaning. 


MACHIAVELLI'S  OPINION  OF  CAESAR  79 

ecclesiastical  career  against  his  inclination.  This 
latter  fact  makes  it  all  the  more  credible  that  he 
was  the  instigator  of  his  brother's  murder,  which 
afforded  him  a  means  of  escape  from  the  uncongenial 
priesthood. 

Paolo  Giovio  represents  Caesar  as  distinctly  unattrac- 
tive in  appearance,  having  a  red  face  covered  with 
blotches,  and  deep-set,  sinister  eyes.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  portraits  of  him  by  Raphael,  Bronzino, 
and  other  noted  artists  depict  him  as  a  tall,  slender 
man  with  interesting  features. 

Machiavelli  sees  Caesar  through  rose-coloured 
glasses,  and  represents  him  as  the  embodiment  of 
political  wisdom  and  superhuman  sagacity.  "  Caesar 
Borgia,"  he  says,  "  obtained  his  high  position  through 
his  father's  lucky  star,  and  lost  it  after  the  Pope's 
death,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  he  spared  no  pains 
and  neglected  nothing  that  a  wise  and  courageous 
man  could  do  to  take  firm  root  in  the  State  which  he 
had  acquired  through  the  arms  and  good  fortune  of 
another.  ...  In  the  future  he  had  to  face  the  fear 
that  another  Pope  would  be  less  favourably  inclined 
towards  him,  and  deprive  him  of  what  Alexander 
had  given  him.  He  therefore  sought  to  secure  his 
position  by  four  means  : 

"  (i)  By  the  extirpation  of  all  noble  families,  whom 
he  had  deprived  of  their  States,  so  that  the  future 
Pope  might  not  re-establish  them. 

"  (2)  By  trying  to  win  over  all  the  Roman  nobles 
and  thus  hold  the  Pope  in  check. 

"  (3)  By  making  as  many  friends  as  possible  in  the 
College  of  Cardinals. 

"  (4)  By  seeking  to  acquire  so  much  authority  before 
the  Pope's  death  that  he  would  be  able  by  himself 
to  resist  a  first  attack.  At  the  time  of  Alexander's 
decease  he  had  fulfilled  three  of  these  aims  and  the 
last  nearly  so. 

"If  we  examine  the  whole  conduct  of  Borgia  we 


80     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

shall  see  how  firm  a  foundation  he  had  laid  for  future 
greatness.  ...  I  know  no  better  lesson  for  the 
instruction  of  a  prince  than  is  afforded  by  the  action 
and  example  of  this  Duke." 

Machiavelli  further  observes  :  "  When  I  consider 
all  the  actions  of  the  Duke,  I  find  it  impossible  to 
blame  him  with  having  omitted  any  precaution. 
Rather  must  I  hold  him  up  as  an  example  to  all  who, 
by  fortune  or  by  foreign  arms,  succeed  in  acquiring 
sovereignty." 

This  view  of  Caesar's  character  must  be  taken 
with  many  grains  of  salt,  for  the  other  writers  of  the 
day  all  agree  in  describing  him  as  a  man  who  shrank 
from  no  perfidy  or  deed  of  infamy,  if  thereby  his 
own  interests  could  be  advanced. 

Soon  after  Caesar's  arrival  in  Rome  the  Pope, 
who,  it  is  said,  "  loved  and  hugely  feared  his  son," 
appointed  him  to  the  Archbishopric  of  Valencia, 
and  on  September  20,  1493,  he  was  made  Cardinal 
of  Santa  Maria  Nuova.  To  evade  the  blot  on  his 
birth,  Alexander  by  means  of  false  witness,  represented 
that  he  had  been  born  in  wedlock. 

At  the  Court  of  Alexander  VI.  Caesar  had  an 
excellent  opportunity  of  gaining  an  insight  into  the 
politics  of  all  the  States,  for  he  came  into  contact 
with  ambassadors  from  all  the  monarchs  of  Europe. 
When  he  cast  aside  the  ecclesiastical  profession  he, 
as  well  as  his  brothers,  were  recognised  by  the  Pope 
as  his  natural  children,  though  before  this  they  had 
passed  as  his  "  nephews."  The  bulls  of  legitimation, 
issued  by  Sixtus  IV.,  however,  establish  Caesar's 
relationship  to  Alexander  VI. 

Lucrezia  Borgia,  the  daughter  of  Alexander  and 
Vannozza,  has  been  depicted  as  the  Messalina  of  her 
century  by  Burchard,  Master  of  the  Papal  Ceremonies, 
and  other  writers.  In  later  times,  however,  she  has 
found  many  valiant  defenders,  and  indeed  an  unbiassed 
observer  would  find  it  hard  to  pronounce  her  guilty  of 


LUCREZIA  BORGIA  81 

all  the  terrible  and  shocking  charges  brought  against 
her.  Guicciardini,  whose  wake  was  followed  by  other 
writers,  asserts  that  she  maintained  illicit  intercourse 
not  only  with  her  father,  but  also  with  her  two  brothers, 
and  there  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  accusations 
of  this  nature  were  brought  against  her  quite  early 
in  her  career.  The  first  traces  of  them  appear  in 
the  writings  of  the  Neapolitan  poets,  who  were  em- 
bittered against  Alexander  VI.  on  account  of  the 
part  he  had  taken  in  dispossessing  the  House  of 
Aragon,  and  are  therefore  not  to  be  relied  upon  when 
they  criticise  his  relations  with  Lucrezia. 

Pontano,  for  example,  composed  the  following 
epitaph  for  her,  although  she  outlived  him  more 
than  twenty  years : 

Hie  jacet  in  tumulo,  Lucretia  nomine,  sed  re 
Thai's,  Alexandri  filia,  sponsa  nurus. 

And  Sanazzaro  thus  apostrophises  her : 

Ergo  te  semper  cupiet,   Lucretia,   Sextus  ? 
O  fatum  diri  numinis  !  hie  pater  est. 

By  later  writers  this  evidence  is  considered  of  suffi- 
cient weight  to  drag  poor  Lucrezia  down  into  the 
deepest  depths  of  infamy.  Even  the  astute  Gibbon 
writes :  "in  the  next  generation  the  House  of  Este 
was  sullied  by  a  sanguinary  and  incestuous  race,  by 
the  nuptials  of  Alfonso  I.  with  Lucrezia,  a  bastard 
of  Alexander  VI.,  the  Tiberius  of  Christian  Rome. 
This  modern  Lucrezia  might  have  assumed  with 
more  propriety  the  name  of  Messalina,  since  the 
woman  who  can  be  guilty,  who  can  even  be  accused, 
of  a  criminal  intercourse  with  a  father  and  two 
brothers  must  be  abandoned  to  all  the  licentiousness 
of  venal  love." 

In  face  of  these  scandalous  assertions  it  will  be  well 
to  consider  the  circumstances  under  which  Lucrezia's 
life  was  spent,  as  well  as  the  statements  of  contemporary 

FB 


82     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

writers  who  knew  and  greatly  esteemed  her  when  she 
was  Duchess  of  Ferrara. 

She  was  born  on  April  18,  1480,  when  Rodrigo  was 
forty-nine  and  Vannozza  thirty-eight  years  of  age. 
It  was  a  troublous  period  in  the  history  of  Italy ; 
the  Papacy  had  become  divested  of  all  holiness, 
religion  was  almost  entirely  materialised,  and  im- 
moralities of  every  description  were  so  common  as 
almost  to  escape  remark.  At  an  early  age  Lucrezia 
was  taken  from  her  mother's  house  and  placed  under 
the  care  of  Adriana  Orsini,  a  relation  of  Giulia  Farnese 
and  cousin  to  Rodrigo.  Giulia — "La  Bella,"  as  she 
was  called  on  account  of  her  surpassing  beauty — had 
already  captivated  Borgia  as  Cardinal  and  was  his 
mistress  at  the  time  of  his  election  to  the  Papac}'. 
Her  brother,  afterwards  Paul  III.,  owed  his  appoint- 
ment to  the  Cardinalate  to  her  influence,  and  indeed 
the  conspicuous  role  which  the  House  of  Farnese 
has  played  in  history  is  probably  due  to  the  Pope's 
infatuation  for  this  beautiful  woman. 

In  1489  a  marriage  took  place  between  Giulia, 
then  a  golden-haired  child  of  fifteen,  and  Orsin 
Orsini  the  young  son  of  Adriana.  Giulia  had,  like 
Lucrezia,  lived  in  the  family  of  Madonna  Adriana, 
and  while  there  she  probably  made  the  acquaintance 
of  Cardinal  Rodrigo ;  either  shortly  before,  or  soon 
after  her  marriage,  she  succumbed  to  his  allurements. 
It  is  difficult  to  understand  how  a  man  of  fifty-eight 
could  thus  have  attracted  so  young  and  lovely  a  girl, 
but  there  is  no  doubt  that  two  years  after  her  mar- 
riage she  was  his  avowed  mistress.  Adriana  con- 
nived at  her  daughter-in-law's  dishonour,  thereby 
gaining  an  enormous  influence  over  Cardinal  Borgia 
who  made  her  the  confidante  of  all  his  schemes  and 
intrigues. 

Rodrigo,  as  we  have  seen,  was  extremely  wealthy, 
and  he  spared  no  money  on  the  education  of  his 
children.  Lucrezia,  like  other  girls  of  her  time,  was 


BETROTHAL  OF  LUCREZIA         83 

brought  up  to  have  great  respect  for  the  outward 
forms  of  religion,  though  no  attempt  was  made  to 
show  her  the  hideousness  of  the  sin  which  surrounded 
her.  In  Italy  pious  exercises  always  formed  the 
basis  of  female  education,  and  Lucrezia  seems  to  have 
become  particularly  accomplished  in  this  respect. 
In  addition  to  the  study  of -"piety,"  she  probably 
devoted  much  attention  to  Italian  and  Spanish,  as 
well  as  to  Latin  and  Greek.  She  appears  also  to  have 
learned  music  and  drawing,  and  to  have  composed 
poems  in  various  languages,  while  her  skill  in  em- 
broidery was  famous.  Considering  the  times,  hei 
education  was  thorough,  and  she  probably  continued 
it  later  on  in  life  under  the  influence  of  Bembo  and 
Strozzi.  Several  hundred  of  her  letters  are  still 
preserved ;  they  reveal  sensibility  and  appreciation, 
but  no  depth  of  mind. 

Cardinal  Borgia  was  full  of  brilliant  plans  for  his 
children's  future,  and  Lucrezia  was  hardly  eleven 
years  old  when  she  became  betrothed  to  a  Spanish 
nobleman — Don  Cherubino  Juan  de  Centelles,  lord 
of  the  Val  d'Ayora  in  the  kingdom  of  Valencia.  By 
the  legal  contract  drawn  up  on  February  26,  1491,  it 
was  stipulated  that  Lucrezia  should  bring  her  husband 
a  dowry  of  300,000  timbres,  or  Valencian  sous,  and 
that  11,000  timbres  of  this  amount  should  be  derived 
from  the  legacy  of  her  brother,  the  Duke  of  Gandia, 
while  8,000  were  to  be  provided  by  her  other  brothers, 
Caesar  and  Jofre.  It  was  also  specified  that  Lucrezia 
should  be  taken  to  Spain  at  the  Cardinal's  expense 
within  one  year  from  the  signing  of  the  contract,  and 
that  the  marriage  should  be  completed  within  six 
months  of  her  arrival  in  Spain. 

But  in  spite  of  all  these  provisions,  the  marriage 
was  destined  to  fall  through.  Rodrigo,  for  reasons 
best  known  to  himself,  annulled  the  betrothal  and 
selected  another  husband  for  his  daughter.  His 
choice  fell  again  on  a  young  Spaniard,  Don  Gasparo, 


84     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

the  son  of  Don  Juan  Francesco  of  Procida,  a  boy 
barely  fifteen  years  of  age.  The  betrothal  took  place 
on  the  last  day  of  April  1491. 1  But  when  Rodrigo 
became  Pope  his  plans  for  his  daughter's  future 
increased  in  brilliancy.  Not  content  with  a  mere 
Spanish  noble,  he  desired  to  see  her  married  to  a 
prince.  At  the  instigation  of  his  kinsmen,  Ludovico 
the  Moor  and  the  powerful  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza, 
Giovanni  Sforza,  Count  of  Cotignola  and  Lord  of 
Pesaro,  sought  Lucrezia's  hand,  to  the  no  small 
pleasure  of  her  father.  Giovanni  had  already  been 
married,  but  his  wife,  the  beautiful  Maddalena 
Gonzago,  had  died  in  child-birth,  August  8,  1490. 
He  was  a  man  of  twenty-six,  of  attractive  appearance 
and  good  education.  Lucrezia,  it  must  be  remem- 
bered, had  at  this  time  reached  the  mature  age  of 
twelve  and  a  half  years. 

The  young  Count  Gasparo  had  arrived  hi  Rome 
to  assert  his  claims  to  his  betrothed,  and  was  anything 
but  pleased  at  discovering  a  rival  in  the  field.  He 
became  infuriated  when  the  Pope  demanded  a  formal 
resignation  of  his  rights,  and  declared  that  he  would 
appeal  to  all  the  princes  and  potentates  of  Christen- 
dom. But  he  had  to  submit  after  a  time,  and  retired 
to  console  himself  with  the  3,000  ducats  which  were 
paid  him  as  compensation.  Thereupon,  on  Feb- 
ruary 2,  1493,  Lucrezia  was  formally  betrothed  to 
Giovanni  Sforza.*  It  was  arranged  that  she  should 
receive  a  dowry  of  31,000  ducats  and  should  follow 
her  consort  to  Pesaro  within  a  year. 

The  marriage  was  celebrated  at  the  Vatican  on 
June  12  amid  the  most  magnificent  demonstrations 
of  joy.  The  bridegroom  had  arrived  in  Rome  three 

1  Infessura  says  that  Lucrezia  was  actually  married,  and  not 
merely  "  betrothed,"  to  Don  Gasparo. 

*  This  alliance  did  not  take  place,  however,  until  another  pro- 
ject of  marrying  Lucrezia  to  the  Spanish  Count  de  Prada  had  fallen 
through. 


GIULIA  FARNESE  85 

days  earlier.  Of  his  entry  Gregorovius  writes :  "  On 
June  9  he  entered  by  way  of  the  Porta  del  Popolo, 
where  he  was  received  by  the  whole  senate,  his 
brothers-in-law,  and  the  ambassadors  of  the  Powers. 
Lucrezia,  attended  by  several  maids  of  honour,  was 
seated  in  a  loggia  of  her  palace  in  order  to  watch 
her  bridegroom  and  his  suite  pass  by  to  the  Vatican. 
As  he  rode  by  Sforza  greeted  her  with  gallantry,  and 
his  bride  returned  his  salutation.  He  was  graciously 
welcomed  by  his  father-in-law." 

The  marriage  feast  on  June  12  was  a  scene  of 
gorgeous  splendour.  Alexander  had  invited  the  no- 
bility and  magistrates  of  Rome  as  well  as  the  foreign 
ambassadors. l  The  fairest  of  the  Roman  ladies  were 
presented  with  silver  cups  full  of  sweetmeats,  and 
after  the  banquet  there  was  a  magnificent  ball,  at 
which  the  Pope  and  his  companions  passed  the  whole 
night.  This  entertainment  was  varied  by  question- 
able songs  and  a  licentious  comedy  which  has  been 
described  by  Infessura. 

Alexander  had  taken  the  keenest  pleasure  in  making 
the  arrangements  for  this  brilliant  match,  for,  as 
Boccaccio,  the  Ferrarese  ambassador,  writes :  "  He 
loved  her  passionately,  superlatively."  At  the  am- 
bassador's suggestion,  the  Duke  of  Ferrara  sent,  as  a 
wedding  gift,  a  pair  of  large  beautifuly  wrought  silver 
hand-basins  with  the  accompanying  vessels.  The 
palace  of  Santa  Maria  in  Portico,  where  Lucrezia  had 
already  taken  up  her  abode,  was  chosen  as  the  bridal 
residence. 

During  the  year  1492  Giulia  Farnese  had  given 
birth  to  a  daughter,  Laura.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
Alexander  was  the  father,  though  she  passed  officially 
as  the  child  of  Giulia's  husband,  Orsini.  In  after- 
years  Donna  Laura  became  the  wife  of  Nicolo  della 
Rovere,  nephew  of  Pope  Julius  II.  So  little  did 

1  Baron  Corvo,  Chronicles  of  the  House  of  Borgia,  p.  100. 


86     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Giulia  care  for  popular  opinion  that  she  lived  in  the 
Palace  of  Santa  Maria  in  Portico,  as  if  she  were  a  kins- 
woman of  Lucrezia,  while  her  husband  dwelt  apart 
in  his  castle  of  Bassanello,  one  of  the  estates  which 
he  had  received  from  the  Pope  on  his  marriage. 

A  letter  written  by  Lorenzo  Pucci,  the  Florentine 
ambassador  at  Rome,  gives  some  insight  into  the 
domestic  affairs  of  the  Borgias.  It  is  dated  De- 
cember 24,  1493,  and  describes  the  following  scene 
in  Lucrezia's  palace : 

"...  I  called  at  the  house  of  Santa  Maria  in  Portico 
to  see  Madonna  Giulia.  She  had  just  finished  wash- 
ing her  hair  when  I  entered,  and  was  sitting  by  the 
fire  with  Madonna  Lucrezia,  the  daughter  of  our 
Master,  and  Madonna  Adriana,  who  all  received  me 
with  every  appearance  of  pleasure.  Madonna  Giulia 
asked  me  to  sit  by  her  side ;  she  thanked  me  for 
having  taken  Girolama  home  and  told  me  that  I 
must  bring  her  there  again  to  please  her.  .  .  .  Giulia 
also  wanted  me  to  see  the  child ;  she  is  now  quite 
big,  and,  it  seems  to  me,  resembles  the  Pope  adeo  ut 
vere  ex  ejus  semine  orta  did  possit.  Madonna  Giulia 
has  grown  stout,  and  is  become  a  most  beautiful 
woman.  In  my  presence  she  unbound  her  hair  and 
had  it  dressed ;  it  fell  down  to  her  feet — I  never  saw 
such  beautiful  hair  before.  She  wore  a  headdress 
of  fine  linen  and  over  it  a  filmy  net  interwoven  with 
threads  of  gold.  In  truth  it  shone  like  the  sun  ! 
I  would  have  given  much  for  you  to  see  her  that 
you  might  have  been  convinced  of  what  you  have 
often  wanted  to  know.  She  wore  a  lined  robe  after 
the  Neapolitan  fashion,  as  did  also  Madonna  Lucrezia, 
who  after  a  time  went  away  to  change  it.  She 
returned  in  a  gown  made  almost  entirely  of  violet 
velvet.  When  vespers  were  over  and  the  Cardinals 
took  their  departure,  I  left  them." 

Lucrezia,   who  was   Giulia's  constant   companion, 


must  have  been  aware  of  the  unlawful  relations 
between  her  friend  and  the  Pope,  and  it  is  little  wonder 
that,  in  the  mind  of  so  young  a  girl,  there  should  have 
sprung  up  confused  notions  of  right  and  wrong,  and 
that  her  moral  being  should  gradually  have  become 
contaminated  by  the  corrupt  atmosphere  in  which 
she  lived. 

Jofre,  the  youngest  son  of  Rodrigo  and  Vannozza, 
was  born  in  1480  or  1481,  but  the  date  of  his  death  is 
unknown.  He  married  Donna  Sancia,  a  natural 
daughter  of  Alfonso  II.  of  Naples,  who  bestowed  on 
him  the  title  of  Count  of  Coriata,  Prince  of  Squillace, 
with  an  income  of  40,000  ducats.  Jofre  Borgia  also 
received  important  fiefs  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  and 
adopted  the  title  of  Duke  of  Suessa  and  Prince  of  Teano. 

Lucrezia's  husband  stayed  for  some  time  longer 
in  Rome,  where,  however,  his  paid  position  at  the 
papal  Court  soon  began  to  be  equivocal.  His  uncles 
had  promoted  his  marriage  with  Alexander's  daughter 
in  the  hope  of  gaining  the  Pope's  help  in  their  schemes 
for  the  overthrow  of  the  House  of  Naples ;  but  the 
Borgias  now  went  over  to  the  Neapolitan  party  and 
declared  themselves  as  the  opponents  of  Charles  VIII. 's 
expedition.  The  following  extract  from  a  letter 
written  by  Giovanni  Sforza  to  his  uncle  Ludovico 
the  Moor  throws  light  on  his  embarrassing  situation  : 

"  Yesterday  his  Holiness  said  to  me,  in  the  presence 
of  Monsignor  [Cardinal  Ascanio] :  '  Well,  Signer 
Giovanni  Sforza,  what  have  you  to  say  to  me  ?  '  I 
replied :  '  Holy  Father,  every  one  in  Rome  believes 
you  to  be  in  agreement  with  the  King  [of  Naples], 
who  is  an  enemy  of  the  Milanese.  If  this  is  the  case, 
I  am  in  an  awkward  position,  as  I  am  both  in  the 
pay  of  your  Holiness  and  in  that  of  the  State  of  Milan. 
If  things  continue  in  this  way  I  know  not  how  I  can 
serve  one  party  without  abandoning  the  other,  and 
yet  I  wish  to  detach  myself  from  neither  of  them.  I 


88     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

beg  your  Holiness  to  be  pleased  to  place  me  in  such 
a  position  that  I  may  not  become  an  enemy  of  my 
own  blood,  and  that  I  may  not  act  contrary  to  the 
obligations  to  which  I  am  urged  in  virtue  of  my 
agreement  with  your  Holiness  and  the  illustrious 
State  of  Milan.'  He  answered  that  I  took  too  much 
interest  in  his  affairs,  and  that  I  should  choose  in 
whose  pay  I  would  remain  according  to  my  contract. 
And  then  he  commanded  the  afore-mentioned  Mon- 
signor  to  write  to  your  Excellency  what  you  will 
learn  from  his  lordship's  letter.  If  I  had  known,  my 
lord,  in  what  a  position  I  was  to  be  placed,  I  would 
rather  have  eaten  the  straw  on  which  I  lie  that  have 
bound  myself  thus.  I  cast  myself  into  your  arms. 
I  beg  your  Excellency  not  to  desert  me,  but  to  con- 
sider my  position,  and  help  me  with  your  favour  and 
advice,  that  I  may  remain  a  faithful  servant  of  your 
Excellency.  Preserve  for  me  the  situation  and  the 
little  nest  which,  thanks  to  the  mercy  of  Milan,  my 
ancestors  have  bequeathed  me.  I  and  my  troops  will 
ever  be  at  the  service  of  your  Excellency. 

"  GIOVANNI  SFORZA. 

"  ROME,  April  1494." 

Soon  after  this,  on  April  23,  Cardinal  della  Rovere 
repaired  to  France  to  try  to  persuade  Charles  VIII. 
to  invade  Italy,  not  for  the  purpose  of  conquering 
Naples,  but  to  accuse  Alexander  VI.  before  a  council 
and  bring  about  his  deposition. 

At  the  beginning  of  July  Ascanio  Sforza,  who  now 
made  no  attempt  to  conceal  his  hostility  to  the  Pope, 
left  Rome  and  joined  the  Colonna,  who  were  in  the 
pay  of  France.  Meanwhile  Giovanni  Sforza,  in  his 
capacity  as  Captain  of  the  Church,  had  joined  the 
Neapolitan  army  at  Romagna.  His  wife,  Lucrezia, 
with  Vannozza,  Giulia  Farnese,  and  Madonna  Adriana, 
at  the  beginning  of  June  accompanied  him'to  Pesaro, 
where  they  were  to  remain  until  August.  But 


THE         DISPUTA         OF    ST.    CATHERINE. 


Pmiwuchio  (Borgia  Apartments,  the  Vatican). 

The  two  children   probably    represent    Jofre    Borgia,  Prince  of  Squillace    fourth 

son  of  Pope   Alexander  VI.,  and   his  wife,  Dona  Sancia  of  Aragon.     The  female 

figure  behind  her  may  be  Lucrezia  Borgia. 


ALEXANDER    VI.    TO    LUCREZIA    89 

Giuliana  and  Madonna  Adriana  offended  the  Pope 
by  leaving  for  Gapodimonte,  where  Giulia's  brother 
Angiolo  was  lying  seriously  ill.  Gregorovius  quotes 
Alexander's  letter  to  Lucrezia,  written  on  July  24, 
1494: 

"  ALEXANDER  VI.,  POPE  ;  by  his  own  hand 

"  DONNA  LUCREZIA,  DEAREST  DAUGHTER, 

"It  is  several  days  since  we  had  a  letter  from 
you,  and  we  are  much  surprised  that  you  neglect 
to  write  to  us  more  often  to  give  us  news  of  your 
health,  and  that  of  Don  Giovanni,  our  beloved  son. 
In  future  be  more  attentive  and  industrious.  Madonna 
Adriana  and  Giulia  have  reached  Capodimonte,  where 
they  found  the  latter's  brother  dead.  This  event 
has  so  deeply  grieved  both  the  Cardinal  and  Giulia 
that  they  have  both  been  attacked  by  fever.  We 
have  sent  Pietro  Caranza  to  look  after  them  and 
have  provided  physicians  and  everything  necessary. 
We  trust  in  God  and  the  glorious  Madonna  that  they 
will  soon  be  restored.  Of  a  truth  you  and  Don 
Giovanni  have  displayed  little  consideration  for  us 
in  this  departure  of  Madonna  Adriana  and  Giulia, 
since  you  allowed  them  to  go  without  our  express 
permission ;  for  it  was  your  duty  to  reflect  that  so 
sudden  a  departure  without  our  knowledge  would 
cause  us  the  greatest  displeasure.  And  if  you  say 
that  they  did  so  because  Cardinal  Farnese  commanded 
it,  you  ought  to  have  considered  whether  this  would 
please  the  Pope.  However,  it  has  now  been  done ; 
but  another  time  we  will  be  more  cautious  and  look 
about  to  see  to  whose  hand  to  entrust  our  affairs. 
We  are  in  good  health,  thanks  be  to  God  and  the 
glorious  Virgin.  We  have  had  an  interview  with  the 
illustrious  King  Alfonso,  who  has  shown  us  as  much 
love  and  obedience  as  if  he  had  been  our  own  son. 
We  cannot  express  to  you  with  what  mutual  satis- 
faction and  content  we  parted.  You  may  be  sure 


90     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

that  his  Majesty  is  ready  to  yield  his  own  person 
and  all  that  he  possesses  to  our  service. 

"We  hope  that  all  suspicion  and  disagreements  in 
connection  with  the  Colonna  will  be  completely  laid 
aside  in  three  or  four  days.  Nothing  now  remains 
but  to  warn  you  to  take  care  of  your  health  and  to 
pray  diligently  to  the  Madonna.  Given  in  Rome  in 
St.  Peter's,  July  24,  1494." 

The  year  which  Lucrezia  spent  in  her  husband's 
beautiful  little  domain  of  Pesaro  was  probably  one 
of  the  happiest  of  her  life.  After  the  fettered  exist- 
ence which  she  had  led  in  Rome,  she  must  have  tasted, 
for  the  first  time,  something  of  the  joy  of  freedom, 
and  the  relief  of  being  separated  from  her  father  and 
brother  must  have  more  than  compensated  for  the  ab- 
sence of  the  grandeur  and  magnificence  of  Rome.  She 
was  still  but  a  child  in  years,  and  she  had  inherited, 
to  some  extent,  her  father's  buoyancy  of  disposition, 
which  we  may  hope  enabled  her  to  shake  off  the  taint 
of  the  iniquitous  atmosphere  in  which  she  had  been 
bred,  and  enjoy  the  fairness  of  the  fleeting  hour. 
Everywhere  in  Pesaro  the  beautiful  young  wife  was 
welcomed  with  pleasure,  for  as  yet  her  life  was  dark- 
ened by  no  shadow  of  the  suspicions  which  fell  upon 
her  in  later  years.  Pesaro  itself  had  many  attractions, 
and  Lucrezia  was  able  to  visit  the  neighbouring  castle 
of  Urbino,  which,  under  the  Duke  Guidobaldi,  was 
at  that  time  a  centre  of  light  and  learning. 

The  Sforza  palace  at  Pesaro  is  still  in  existence, 
though  the  Sforza  arms  have  disappeared  and  been 
replaced  by  those  of  the  della  Rovere  family.  Here 
Lucrezia  spent  the  greater  part  of  her  time,  though 
in  the  summer  she  occupied  one  of  the  beautiful 
villas  on  a  neighbouring  hill.  The  most  inviting  of 
these  country  resorts  was  the  Villa  Imperiale,  on 
Monte  Accio,  which  afterwards  became  celebrated 
in  song  and  story. 


91 

About  this  time  many  hideous  rumours  were 
floating  about  the  Vatican.  In  1496  it  was  reported 
in  Venice  that  the  Duke  of  Gandia  had  brought  to 
Italy  a  Spanish  woman  to  gratify  his  father's  unholy 
passions.  Don  Jofre's  wife,  the  beautiful  and  frivolous 
Donna  Sancia,  was  also  giving  Roman  tongues  much 
cause  to  wag ;  it  was  said  that  her  brothers-in-law, 
Caesar  and  the  Duke  of  Gandia,  contested  her  favours 
and  that  several  young  nobles  and  Cardinals,  such  as 
Ippolito  d'Este,  enjoyed  an  unlawful  intimacy  with 
her.  Rome  was  indeed  at  this  period  a  sink  of  iniquity, 
even  eclipsing  in  vice  the  Court  of  Naples,  from  which 
Donna  Sancia  had  been  removed.  No  wonder  that 
the  warning  voice  of  the  great  prophet  Savonarola 
made  itself  heard  in  the  land. 

The  origin  of  the  child  Giovanni,  or  Juan,  born 
in  1497  or  1498, 1  is  clouded  with  mystery.  In  two 
different  documents  of  1501  he  is  described  as  an 
illegitimate  son  of  Caesar  Borgia  and  legitimised  by 
the  Pope.  In  March  1498  the  Ferrarese  ambassador 
informs  Duke  Ercole  that  Lucrezia  was  believed  by 
the  Romans  to  have  given  birth  to  an  illegitimate 
child.  This  date  agrees  with  the  age  of  Giovanni 
as  given  in  September  1501.  The  documents  of 
legitimation  are  in  the  Archives  of  Este,  Lucrezia 
having  probably  taken  them  with  her  to  Ferrara, 
where  the  mysterious  child  was  allowed  to  pass  as 
her  brother.  Another  papal  brief  of  September  i, 
in  the  same  year,  does  but  increase  the  obscurity 
surrounding  the  Infans  Romanus,  as  the  boy  was 
called.  It  unblushingly  explains  that  he  was  really 
the  offspring  of  the  Pope,  but  that,  "  for  good  reasons," 
this  fact  had  been  suppressed  in  the  preceding  docu- 
ment. To  quote  Alexander's  own  candid  remarks 
"  Since  it  is  owing,  not  to  the  Duke" named  [Caesar], 
but  to  us  and  to  the  unmarried  woman  mentioned, 

1  See  Pastor  (vol.  vi.  p.  105),  who  gives  June  18,  1497,  as  the 
probable  date, 


92     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

that  you  bear  this  stain  [of  illegitimate  birth],  which 
for  good  reasons  we  did  not  wish  to  state  in  the  pre- 
ceding instrument ;  and  in  order  that  there  may  be 
no  chance  of  your  being  annoyed  in  the  future,  we 
will  arrange  that  the  document  shall  never  be  de- 
clared null,  and  of  our  own  free  will,  and  by  virtue 
of  our  authority,  we  confirm  you,  by  these  presents, 
in  the  validity  of  all  that  is  specified  in  the  said  in- 
strument." Ronchini  has  rightly  pointed  out  that 
the  second  bull  was  meant  to  be  kept  secret  until  a 
necessity  arose  for  divulging  it ;  thus  Gregorovius  is 
incorrect  when  he  speaks  of  open  and  shameless 
legitimation.  The  dukedom  of  Nepi,  including  Pales- 
trina,  Olevano,  Paliano,  Frascati,  Anticoli,  and  other 
places,  was  conferred  upon  this  infant  of  tender  years 
by  the  Pope,  his  father. 

The  suggestion  that  Giovanni  was  Lucrezia's  son 
is  now  generally  repudiated,  and  it  is  considered 
morally  certain  that  Giulia  Farnese  was  his  mother. 
He  seems  to  have  been  brought  up  with  Lucrezia's 
little  boy,  Rodrigo,  and  we  shall  hear  of  him  later 
at  the  Court  of  Ferrara,  recognised  and  welcomed  by 
the  Duchess  as  her  brother. 

From  the  Regesta  of  Pope  Leo  X.  (fasc.  vii.  p.  166), 
it  appears  that  Alexander's  tenth  child,  Rodrigo, 
son  of  Giulia  Farnese,  was  born  in  1503,  the  year  of 
the  Pope's  death.  Very  little  is  known  of  him  beyond 
the  fact  that  on  the  i8th  of  the  Kalends  of  September 
1515  (August  15),  he  received  a  dispensation  from 
Leo  X.  enabling  him,  notwithstanding  his  illegitimacy, 
to  enter  the  monastery  of  the  Benedictine  Order, 
that  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary  of  Vietro,  in  the 
diocese  of  Salerno. 

Giovanni  Sforza  had  by  this  time  fallen  quite  into 
disfavour  with  the  Borgias,  who  realised  that  no  great 
advantage  was  likely  to  accrue  to  them  from  his 
marriage  with  Lucrezia. 

The  House  of  Sforza  had  lost  much  of  its  former 


FLIGHT  OF  GIOVANNI  SFORZA     93 

prestige,  and  it  seemed  that  Lucrezia  might  profitably 
adorn  a  more  brilliant  sphere.  Giovanni's  position 
at  the  Vatican  had  become  unbearable,  and  at  last 
he  was  requested  voluntarily  to  renounce  his  wife. 
This  he  naturally  refused  to  do,  whereupon  he  was 
threatened  with  extreme  measures. 

Gregorovius  writes :  "  Flight  alone  could  save  him 
from  the  dagger  or  the  poison  of  his  brothers-in-law. 
According  to  the  chroniclers  of  Pesaro  it  was  Lucrezia 
herself  who  helped  her  husband  to  flee,  thus  giving 
proof  of  her  sympathy  with  his  sad  position.  One 
evening,  it  is  said,  when  Jacomino,  Lord  Giovanni's 
chamberlain,  was  in  Madonna's  room,  her  brother 
Caesar  entered,  and,  at  her  command,  Jacomino  had 
concealed  himself  behind  a  screen.  Caesar  talked 
freely  with  his  sister  and  said,  among  other  things, 
that  the  command  had  been  given  to  take  Sforza's 
life.  When  he  had  gone  Lucrezia  said  to  the  cham- 
berlain :  '  Did  you  hear  what  was  said  ?  Go  and 
tell  him.'  This  Jacomino  immediately  did,  and 
Giovanni  Sforza  threw  himself  upon  a  Turkish  horse 
and  rode  with  hanging  stirrups  to  Pesaro,  where  the 
beast  dropped  down  dead." 

According  to  letters  of  the  Venetian  ambassador 
in  Rome,  this  flight  took  place  in  March,  during  Holy 
Week.  Sforza,  under  some  pretext,  went  to  the 
Church  of  St.  Onofrio,  where  he  found  a  horse  in 
readiness  for  him. 

The  Borgias  now  demanded  a  divorce,  a  request 
which  hardly  emanated  from  Lucrezia,  for  a  coolness 
seems  to  have  arisen  between  her  and  her  father 
and  brothers,  with  the  result  that,  early  in  June,  she 
sought  an  asylum  at  the  Convent  of  San  Sisto,  on  the 
Appian  Way,  thereby  creating  a  great  sensation  in 
Rome. 

Her  conduct  towards  her  husband  is  difficult  to 
understand.  At  first  she  seems  to  have  stood  by 
him,  but  later  there  was  a  complete  rupture  between 


94     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

them.  At  the  divorce  proceedings  instituted  by 
Alexander  she  declared  her  willingness  to  swear  that 
their  marriage  had  never  been  consummated,  arid 
that  she  was  still  a  "  virgin,"  an  announcement 
which  excited  universal  derision  and  mirth  in  Italy. 
In  vain  did  Giovanni  protest  against  the  assertion  of 
his  impotence,  but  finally,  persuaded  and  intimidated 
by  his  kinsmen,  Ludovico  the  Moor  and  Ascanio,  he 
yielded  and  made  a  written  declaration  to  the  effect 
that  there  had  been  no  consummation  of  their  union. 
The  formal  dissolution  of  the  marriage  was  pro- 
nounced on  December  20,  1497,  and  Sforza  was 
requested  to  return  his  wife's  dowry  to  the  amount 
of  31,000  ducats. 

While  admitting  that  Alexander  VI.  forced  Lucrezia 
to  consent  to  this  shameful  divorce,  it  cannot  be 
denied  that  she  gave  proof  of  much  weakness  of 
character  in  the  whole  affair.  But  her  punishment 
was  not  delayed.  Sforza,  in  revenge  for  his  humilia- 
tion, attributed  to  the  Pope  the  most  horrible  motives 
for  desiring  the  divorce,  crediting  him  and  his  family 
with  crimes  "  which  the  moral  sense  shrinks  from 
putting  into  words."  Lucrezia  thus  became  the 
subject  of  public  scandal,  and  her  fair  fame  was 
sullied  by  hints  of  the  most  shameful  and  revolting 
kind.  Scandalous  tales  went  the  round  of  all  the 
Italian  Courts,  were  repeated  by  Malipiero  and 
Paolo  Capella,  formed  the  subject  of  satires  by 
Sannazaro  and  Pontano,  crept  into  the  chronicles 
of  Matarazzo,  and  survived  in  the  histories  of  Guic- 
ciardini  and  Machiavelli. l 

1  See  Symonds,  Age  of  the  Despots,  p.  330. 


CHAPTER  V 

Piero  de'  Medici  succeeded  by  his  son  Lorenzo,  1469 — Lorenzo's 
love-affairs — His  marriage — Giuliano  de'  Medici — The  Medici 
wealth — Visit  of  Duke  of  Milan  to  Florence — Lorenzo's  attitude 
towards  the  advancement  of  letters — Relations  with  Sixtus  IV. 
— Sons  of  Pope  Sixtus — Alliance  of  Milan,  Florence,  and  Venice, 
1474 — The  Pazzi  Conspiracy — Punishment  of  the  conspirators 
— Anger  of  Sixtus  IV. — League  formed  against  him. 

WORN  out  in  body  and  wearied  in  mind,  Piero 
de'  Medici  passed  to  his  rest,  December  3,  1469. 
His  elder  son  Lorenzo,  a  brilliant  and  capable  youth 
of  twenty-one,  immediately  took  up  the  reins  of 
authority.  His  was  a  remarkable  personality,  for 
his  many  natural  gifts  had  been  fostered  by  a  wise 
education  and  the  influence  of  a  pious  and  cultured 
mother.  Though  singularly  unprepossessing  in  ap- 
pearance himself,  he  adored  beauty  in  others,  and 
in  his  early  youth  became  enamoured  of  a  lovely 
and  amiable  maiden.  But  just  as  her  charms  were 
at  their  height,  Death  claimed  her,  and  she  was  borne 
to  an  early  grave,  leaving  behind  her  many  sorrowing 
lovers.  Lorenzo,  though  greatly  saddened  by  this 
event,  did  not  refuse  to  be  comforted.  He  poured 
out  his  soul  in  sonnets  to  his  lost  love,  but  before 
long  we  get  the  following  relation  from  his  own  pen: 
"  A  public  festival  was  held  in  Florence,  to  which 
all  that  was  noble  and  beautiful  in  the  city  resorted. 
To  this  I  was  brought  by  some  of  my  companions 
against  my  will,  for  I  had  for  some  time  past  avoided 
such  exhibitions.  .  .  .  Among  the  ladies  there  assem- 
bled, I  saw  one  of  such  sweet  and  attractive  manners 
that,  whilst  I  regarded  her,  I  could  not  help  say- 
ing, '  If  this  person  were  possessed  of  the  delicacy, 
the  understanding,  the  accomplishments  of  her  who 

95 


96     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

is  lately  dead — most  certainly  she  excels  her  in  the 
charms  of  her  person.  .  .  .  ' 

"  Resigning  myself  to  my  passion,  I  endeavoured 
to  discover,  if  possible,  how  far  her  manners  and  her 
conversation  agreed  with  her  appearance,  and  here 
I  found  such  an  assemblage  of  extraordinary  endow- 
ments that  it  was  difficult  to  say  whether  she  excelled 
more  in  her  person  or  in  her  mind.  Her  beauty  was, 
as  I  have  before  mentioned,  astonishing.  She  was 
of  a  just  and  proper  height ;  her  complexion  extremely 
fan-,  but  not  pale ;  blooming,  but  not  ruddy.  Her 
countenance  was  serious  without  being  severe ;  mild 
and  pleasant,  without  levity  or  vulgarity.  Her  eyes 
were  lively,  without  any  indication  of  pride  or  conceit. 
Her  whole  shape  was  so  finely  proportioned  that 
amongst  other  women  she  appeared  with  superior 
dignity,  yet  free  from  the  least  degree  of  formality 
or  affectation.  In  walking,  in  dancing,  or  in  other 
exercises  which  display  the  person,  every  motion 
was  elegant  and  appropriate.  Her  sentiments  were 
always  just  and  striking,  and  have  furnished  materials 
for  some  of  my  sonnets ;  she  always  spoke  at  the 
proper  time  and  always  to  the  purpose,  so  that 
nothing  could  be  added,  nothing  taken  away.  Though 
her  remarks  were  often  keen  and  pointed,  yet  they 
were  so  tempered  as  not  to  give  offence.  Her  under- 
standing was  superior  to  her  sex,  but  without  the 
appearance  of  arrogance  or  presumption ;  and  she 
avoided  an  error  too  common  among  women,  who, 
when  they  think  themselves  sensible,  become  for  the 
most  part  insupportable.  To  recount  all  her  excel- 
lences would  far  exceed  my  present  limits,  and  I  shall 
therefore  conclude  with  affirming  that  there  was 
nothing  which  could  be  desired  in  a  beautiful  and 
accomplished  woman  which  was  not  in  her  most 
abundantly  found.  By  these  qualities  I  was  so 
captivated  that  not  a  power  or  faculty  of  my  body 
or  mind  remained  any  longer  at  liberty,  and  I  could 


« 

s  (*, 


lls 


£»•  "^*     •"* 


MARRIAGE  OF  LORENZO  DE'  MEDICI  97 

not  help  considering  the  lady  who  had  died  as  the 
planet  Venus,  which,  at  the  approach  of  the  sun, 
is  totally  overpowered  and  extinguished."1 

The  lady  with  whom  Lorenzo  became  thus  infatuated 
bore  the  name  of  Lucrezia.  She  was  a  member  of 
the  Donati  family,  and  numbered  among  her  an- 
cestors the  famous  Curtio  Donati,  whose  military 
talents  had  been  the  admiration  of  the  whole  of 
Italy.  But  Lorenzo's  dreams  of  bliss  were  destined 
never  to  be  fulfilled.  For  political  reasons,  he  entered 
into  a  prosaic  and  highly  respectable  alliance  with 
Clarice,  a  daughter  of  the  celebrated  Orsini  family. 
The  match  was  promoted  by  Piero  de'  Medici,  and  the 
wedding  took  place  on  June  I,  1469.  But  although 
the  romantic  element  was  entirely  lacking  in  this 
manage  de  convenance,  the  young  couple  soon  de- 
veloped a  mutual  respect  and  affection  ;  this  may 
be  seen  from  a  letter  written  by  Lorenzo  to  his  wife 
in  the  following  July  from  Milan,  where  he  had 
gone  to  witness  the  baptism  of  the  eldest  son  of 
Galeazzo,  the  reigning  Duke.  It  runs  as  follows  : 

"  LORENZO  DE'  MEDICI  TO  HIS  WIFE  CLARICE 

"  I  arrived  here  safe  and  sound,  and  I  think  that 
this  news  will  be  more  welcome  to  thee  than  any, 
saving  only  that  of  my  return  ;  so,  at  least,  I  conclude 
from  my  own  longing  to  see  thee.  Seek  to  be  often 
in  the  society  of  my  father  and  sisters.  As  much  as 
possible  I  will  hasten  the  time  of  my  home-coming, 
for  the  time  of  our  separation  seems  like  a  thousand 
years.  Pray  for  me,  and  if  thou  shouldst  desire 
anything  of  me,  here,  let  me  know  betimes. 
"Thy 

"  LORENZO  DE'  MEDICI. 

"  MILAN, 

"July  22,  1469." 

1  Roscoe,  Life  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici. 

GB 


MARRIAGE  OF  LORENZO  DE'  MEDICI  97 

not  help  considering  the  lady  who  had  died  as  the 
planet  Venus,  which,  at  the  approach  of  the  sun, 
is  totally  overpowered  and  extinguished."1 

The  lady  with  whom  Lorenzo  became  thus  infatuated 
bore  the  name  of  Lucrezia.  She  was  a  member  of 
the  Donati  family,  and  numbered  among  her  an- 
cestors the  famous  Curtio  Donati,  whose  military 
talents  had  been  the  admiration  of  the  whole  of 
Italy.  But  Lorenzo's  dreams  of  bliss  were  destined 
never  to  be  fulfilled.  For  political  reasons,  he  entered 
into  a  prosaic  and  highly  respectable  alliance  with 
Clarice,  a  daughter  of  the  celebrated  Orsini  family. 
The  match  was  promoted  by  Piero  de'  Medici,  and  the 
wedding  took  place  on  June  i,  1469.  But  although 
the  romantic  element  was  entirely  lacking  in  this 
manage  de  convenance,  the  young  couple  soon  de- 
veloped a  mutual  respect  and  affection  ;  this  may 
be  seen  from  a  letter  written  by  Lorenzo  to  his  wife 
in  the  following  July  from  Milan,  where  he  had 
gone  to  witness  the  baptism  of  the  eldest  son  of 
Galeazzo,  the  reigning  Duke.  It  runs  as  follows  : 

"  LORENZO  DE'  MEDICI  TO  HIS  WIFE  CLARICE 

"  I  arrived  here  safe  and  sound,  and  I  think  that 
this  news  will  be  more  welcome  to  thee  than  any, 
saving  only  that  of  my  return  ;  so,  at  least,  I  conclude 
from  my  own  longing  to  see  thee.  Seek  to  be  often 
in  the  society  of  my  father  and  sisters.  As  much  as 
possible  I  will  hasten  the  tune  of  my  home-coming, 
for  the  time  of  our  separation  seems  like  a  thousand 
years.  Pray  for  me,  and  if  thou  shouldst  desire 
anything  of  me,  here,  let  me  know  betimes. 
"Thy 

"  LORENZO  DE'  MEDICI. 

"  MILAN, 

"July  22,  1469." 

1  Roscoe,  Life  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici. 

GB 


98     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Lorenzo,  who  was  acting  as  his  father's  deputy 
during  the  illness  of  the  latter,  seems  to  have  been 
received  with  great  respect  at  Milan,  which  was  at 
that  time  under  the  authority  of  Galeazzo  Maria, 
son  of  Francesco  Sforza.  Upon  his  departure  Lor- 
enzo presented  the  Duchess  with  a  gold  necklace  and 
a  diamond  worth  three  thousand  ducats,  and  the 
Duke,  not  to  be  outdone  in  amiability,  expressed  a 
wish  that  he  would  act  as  godfather  to  all  his  children. 

As  we  said  before,  Piero  de'  Medici  did  not  long 
survive  his  son's  marriage.  The  latter  had  already 
given  ample  proof  of  his  administrative  capacity, 
and,  though  it  seemed  at  first  as  if  the  Medici 
power  might  be  endangered,  the  Florentines,  in- 
fluenced by  the  representations  of  Tommaso  Soderini, 
approached  him  with  respect,  inviting  him  to  take 
upon  himself  the  government  of  the  city,  as  his  father 
and  grandfather  had  done  before  him. 

Lorenzo's  younger  brother,  Giuliano,  was  only 
sixteen  at  the  time  of  his  father's  death — too  young 
to  take  any  active  part  in  the  government.  Both 
brothers  were  highly  cultured  and  showed  a  dis- 
position to  encourage  men  of  talent  and  to  promote 
the  revival  of  learning.  Unlike  Lorenzo,  Giuliano 
was  attractive  in  appearance,  and  his  amiability  and 
generosity,  as  well  as  his  propensity  for  public  merry- 
making, caused  him  to  be  extremely  popular  with 
the  people  of  Florence. 

The  management  of  state  affairs  which  Lorenzo 
now  assumed  did  not  render  him  neglectful  of  his 
private  concerns.  The  commercial  transactions  of 
his  house  were  continued,  though  Lorenzo  proved 
himself  but  an  indifferent  financier,  and  disbursed 
the  family  riches  with  more  zeal  than  discretion. 
The  enormous  wealth  of  the  House  of  Medici  was 
such  that,  during  the  last  thirty-seven  years,  they 
had  spent  on  public  charities  alone  no  less  than 
665,755  florins. 


LORENZO'S  MAGNIFICENCE         99 

The  particular  branch  of  traffic  from  which  the 
Medici  derived  their  colossal  wealth  is  not  known, 
but  it  is  probable  that  the  trade  in  eastern  commodities 
was  the  original  source  of  their  prosperity.  They 
also  obtained  considerable  revenues  in  other  ways ; 
as,  for  example,  from  the  great  country  estates  of 
Poggio  Cajano,  Caffagiolo,  etc.  But  the  main  bulk 
of  their  riches  probably  proceeded  from  the  great 
banking  establishments  which  they  had  erected  in 
almost  all  the  important  trading  centres  of  Europe. 
In  those  days  the  rate  of  interest  was  regulated 
according  to  the  need  of  the  borrower,  and  tremendous 
profits  must  have  been  made  by  such  institutions 
to  which  even  princes  and  sovereigns  did  not  hesitate 
to  resort  when  pressed  for  money. 

In  March  1471  the  Milanese  alliance  with  Florence 
was  consolidated  by  a  visit  from  Duke  Galeazzo 
Sforza  to  Lorenzo.  He  and  his  wife  Bona  arrived 
in  Florence  accompanied  by  a  large  and  gorgeous 
retinue,  which  was  entertained  at  the  public  expense. 
There  were  no  less  than  a  hundred  armed  cavalry, 
five  hundred  infantry,  fifty  richly  clad  in  silk  and 
silver,  and  the  same  number  of  courtiers.  Including 
the  retinues  of  the  latter,  there  were  altogether 
about  two  thousand  horsemen,  to  say  nothing  of 
five  hundred  couples  of  dogs  and  an  unlimited  number 
of  falcons. 

In  spite  of  the  amazing  splendour  of  his  own 
equipment,  Galeazzo  was  overcome  with  admiration 
at  the  princely  treasures  of  Lorenzo.  Especially 
was  he  impressed  by  the  priceless  works  of  art — 
rare  paintings,  gems,  and  statuary — which  abounded 
in  the  palace  and  garden.  Lorenzo's  celebrated 
collection  of  manuscripts  and  other  curiosities  also 
attracted  him,  and,  though  he  could  not  perhaps  value 
them  at  their  true  worth,  the  Duke  had  the  tact  to 
acknowledge  that  gold  and  silver  were  as  nothing 
in  comparison  with  these  marvellous  works  of  art. 


100   LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Galeazzo's  eight  days'  visit  was  the  occasion  for 
the  display  of  unbridled  luxury  and  extravagance 
in  Florence.  Even  the  Florentines,  who  were  far 
from  being  strait-laced,  were  scandalised  by  the 
licentiousness  and  laxity  of  the  Milanese  courtiers, 
who,  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  mad  and  merry  holiday, 
openly  disregarded  the  rules  for  Lenten  fasting. 
The  portrait  of  Duke  Galeazzo,  painted  during  his 
stay  in  Florence  by  one  of  the  Pollaiuoli,  is  still  to 
be  seen  in  the  Uffizi  Gallery. 

The  Medici  were  the  representatives  of  Florentine 
hospitality,  and  Lorenzo,  who  was  of  a  studious 
disposition,  probably  yielded  to  these  dissipations 
from  necessity  rather  than  choice.  He  found  his 
highest  enjoyment  in  the  companionship  of  literary 
men,  among  whom  one  of  his  most  intimate  friends 
was  Poliziano,  the  celebrated  scholar  and  poet. 

As  an  example  of  Lorenzo's  desire  to  promote  the 
claims  of  learning  may  be  mentioned  his  labours 
on  behalf  of  the  University  of  Pisa.  This  institution, 
once  of  great  repute,  had  fallen  upon  evil  times. 
In  1348,  when  the  Black  Death  was  raging  in  Italy, 
a  similar  seat  of  learning  had  been  established  at 
Florence ;  but,  owing  to  the  expenses  of  living  and 
the  number  of  distractions  which  the  city  offered, 
the  scheme  did  not  prosper.  The  Florentines 
decided,  therefore,  to  re-establish  the  University 
at  Pisa,  which,  since  1406,  had  been  under  the  juris- 
diction of  Florence.  The  task  was  entrusted  to 
Lorenzo  and  four  other  citizens.  Lorenzo  was  the 
moving  spirit  and  supplemented  the  state  grant 
by  large  sums  from  his  private  purse. 

In  1471  Pope  Paul  II.  was  succeeded  by  the  gifted 
and  impetuous  Francesco  della  Rovere,  under  the 
name  of  Sixtus  IV.  The  early  relations  between 
Lorenzo  de'  Medici  and  the  new  Pope  were  nothing 
if  not  amiable.  Lorenzo,  at  the  head  of  the  Floren- 
tine embassy,  repaired  to  Rome  to  congratulate  him 


POPE  SIXTHS  IV.  AND  HIS  SONS    101 

upon  his  promotion.  He  met  with  a  most  favour- 
able reception,  and  Sixtus  confided  to  him  the  care 
of  the  papal  finances,  an  office  which  contributed 
much  to  the  enrichment  of  both  Lorenzo  and  his 
maternal  uncle,  Giovanni  Tornabuoni.  Lorenzo  was 
further  allowed  to  buy  part  of  Paul  II.'s  collection 
of  jewels  at  a  very  reasonable  price,  and  was  also 
granted  the  valuable  lease  of  the  papal  alum-mines. 
Encouraged  by  these  marks  of  favour,  Lorenzo,  who 
was  of  a  practical  turn  of  mind,  ventured  to  remark 
that  his  most  cherished  desire  was  to  see  a  member 
of  his  family  admitted  to  the  Sacred  College.  Sixtus, 
who  seemed  unwilling  to  refuse  him  anything,  lent 
a  ready  ear  to  this  request,  and  Lorenzo  left  Rome 
well  content  with  his  reception,  and  laden  with  every 
token  of  the  Pope's  favour. 

At  the  time  of  his  accession  Sixtus  IV.  was  the 
father  of  several  sons,  who  passed  as  his  "  nephews." 
He  lost  no  time  in  raising  them  to  important  ecclesi- 
astical dignities  and  bestowing  upon  them  riches 
which  they,  with  equal  speed,  proceeded  to  squander. 
One  of  them,  Pietro  Riario,  who  was  at  one  and  the 
same  time  Cardinal  of  San  Sisto,  Patriarch  of  Jeru- 
salem, and  Archbishop  of  Florence,  expended  no  less 
than  20,000  ducats  on  one  single  festivity  in  honour 
of  Leonora  of  Aragon,  who  passed  through  Rome  in 
June,  1473,  on  her  way  to  marry  Ercole,  Duke  of 
Ferrara.  The  Square  of  Santi  Apostoli  was  converted 
into  a  banqueting-hall,  and  the  banquet,  at  which 
the  Seneschal  changed  his  dress  four  times,  was  served 
by  silk-clad  waiters.  There  were  wild  boars  roasted 
whole,  peacocks,  fishes  covered  with  silver,  storks, 
cranes,  and  stags.  Sugar  castles  full  of  meat  were 
stormed  and  their  contents  thrown  to  the  people 
outside.  In  short,  the  display  of  luxury  was  unex- 
ampled and  unbridled.  Pietro's  brother,  Girolamo, 
who  enjoyed  a  like  reputation  for  extravagance  and 
profligacy,  was  made  a  Count  by  the  Pope,  and,  that 


102     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

he  might  have  the  wherewithal  to  support  this 
dignity,  40,000  ducats  were  spent  on  purchasing  the 
province  of  Imola  from  the  Manfredi.  The  Medici 
wished  to  buy  Imola  themselves,  and  their  bank  did 
its  utmost  to  prevent  the  money  negotiations  of 
Sixtus  IV.  The  latter,  who  was  anxious  to  gain 
possession  of  the  town  of  Castello,  sent  Giuliano  della 
Rovere  to  capture  it.  Giuliano  had  more  of  the 
soldier  than  the  priest  in  his  composition  and  Vitelli, 
the  governor  of  the  town,  was  finally  obliged  to 
capitulate,  notwithstanding  the  help  of  Florence  and 
Milan.  The  Pope's  party,  not  without  reason,  attri- 
buted his  lengthy  resistance  to  the  financial  help  of 
Lorenzo,  who  was  not  inclined  to  stand  idly  by  and 
watch  Castello,  on  the  very  borders  of  Tuscany,  fall 
a  prey  to  the  enemy.  One  consequence  of  this  event 
was  an  alliance  between  Milan,  Florence,  and  Venice 
for  their  mutual  security  (1474). 

In  spite  of  Lorenzo's  popularity  with  the  Floren- 
tines, he  was  soon  to  fall  a  victim  to  a  plot  which 
has  perhaps  no  parallel  in  history.  His  overbearing 
ambition  had  made  him  many  enemies,  and,  as  before 
mentioned,  his  support  of  Vitelli  had  excited  the 
animosity  of  Pope  Sixtus,  who  saw  in  the  removal 
of  the  Medici  the  main  hope  of  future  security  for 
the  Papacy.  His  views  were  warmly  supported  by 
Girolamo  Riario,  whose  ambitious  projects  had  been 
stimulated  by  his  marriage  with  Galeazzo's  daughter, 
Caterina  Sforza,  a  woman  of  strong  and  determined 
character.1  The  Pope's  displeasure  had  been  further 
excited  by  the  league  between  Florence,  Venice,  and 
Milan,  in  which  Lorenzo  had  played  a  leading  part. 
As  a  first  token  of  resentment,  Sixtus  deprived  Lorenzo 
of  his  office  of  Papal  Treasurer  and  bestowed  it  upon 
Francesco  Pazzi,  whose  family  owned  a  bank  in  Rome 
and  who  had  advanced  three-fourths  of  the  purchase 

1  Catherine  Sforza,  by  Pasolini,  French  translation  by  Marc  Helys 
(Perrin  &  Cie,  Paris,  1912). 


THE  PAZZI  CONSPIRACY          103 

money  for  Imola,  when  the  Medici  refused  their 
co-operation.  The  Pazzi  were  a  noble  and  influential 
Florentine  family  whose  fortunes,  owing  to  the  Medici 
ascendancy,  had  lately  been  declining.  It  was  one  of 
Lorenzo's  leading  principles  to  prevent  the  other 
nobles  from  becoming  too  powerful,  and  this  attitude 
could  not  fail  to  embitter  the  Pazzi,  who,  though  they 
continued  to  live  on  terms  of  apparent  friendliness 
with  the  Medici,  were  quite  ready  to  make  common 
cause  with  Girolamo  Riario  and  the  Pope.  According 
to  Poliziano,  Giacopo  Pazzi,  the  head  of  the  family, 
was  an  unprincipled  profligate,  who,  having  squandered 
the  paternal  inheritance  in  riotous  living,  sought 
occasion  to  hide  his  own  downfall  in  that  of  his  native 
city.  He  had  no  children,  but  an  abundance  of 
nephews  and  nieces,  one  of  whom,  Guglielmo,  had 
married  Lorenzo's  favourite  sister  Bianca.  Another, 
Francesco,  had  for  some  years  resided  in  Rome,  as  his 
bold  and  domineering  nature  could  not  resign  itself 
to  the  growth  of  the  Medici  power  in  his  native  city. 

The  real  cause  of  the  enmity  between  the  two 
families  is  not  clear.  Machiavelli  mentions  a  wrong 
inflicted  by  the  Medici  on  one  of  the  Pazzi  in  con- 
nection with  some  inheritance.  But  as  this  took  place 
many  years  before  the  death  of  Piero,  when  his  sons 
were  still  children,  it  seems  improbable  that  the 
grievance  could  have  produced  such  far-reaching  effects. 

The  conspiracy  had  its  origin  in  Rome,  where 
Francesco  de'  Pazzi  and  the  Count  Girolamo  Riario, 
incited  by  Sixtus  IV.,  entered  into  a  compact  to 
bring  about  the  downfall  of  the  Medici.  In  the 
event  of  their  being  successful,  the  Pope  hoped  to 
take  possession  of  Tuscany  and  to  place  the  Pazzi 
and  Riario  in  authority  at  Florence.  The  most 
active  agent  in  the  plot  was  Francesco  Salviati,  who 
had  lately  been  promoted  to  the  Archbishopric  of 
Pisa,  much  to  the  displeasure  of  the  Medici.  Poliziano 
describes  him  as  a  man  of  vicious  habits,  addicted  to 


104    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

gambling,  and  of  inordinate  vanity.  Great  cunning 
and  surpassing  impudence  were  among  the  other 
characteristics  which  rendered  him  remarkably  unfit 
for  his  high  ecclesiastical  position.  The  other  con- 
spirators were  Giacopo  Salviati,  brother  to  the  Arch- 
bishop ;  Giacopo  Poggio,  a  celebrated  scholar  of  the 
day ;  Bernardo  Bandini,  a  man  of  dissolute  life ; 
Giovanni  Battista  Montesecco,  of  military  fame  ;  An- 
tonio Maffei,  a  priest  of  Volterra,  who  had  been  led 
to  take  part  in  the  plot  through  grief  for  the  mis- 
fortunes of  his  native  city,  whose  ruin  he  attributed 
to  Lorenzo  ;  Stefano  de  Bagnone,  one  of  the  apostolic 
scribes  ;  with  several  others  of  less  importance. 

As  the  Medici  were  extremely  popular  with  the 
majority  of  the  Florentines,  the  conspirators  saw  the 
necessity  of  providing  an  adequate  military  force  for 
the  support  of  their  undertaking.  King  Ferrante  of 
Naples,  who  was  at  that  time  on  friendly  terms  with 
Pope  Sixtus,  was  persuaded  to  lend  his  countenance, 
and  Girolamo  directed  his  nephew,  Cardinal  Riario, 
to  comply  with  the  commands  of  the  Archbishop  of 
Pisa,  who  now  issued  orders  that  two  thousand  men 
should  advance  by  different  routes  towards  Florence, 
so  as  to  be  in  readiness  to  support  them  in  case  of 
need. 

Just  at  this  time,  in  the  spring  of  1478,  the  Arch- 
bishop despatched  Cardinal  Riario  to  Florence,  where 
he  took  up  his  abode  at  a  country  villa  belonging  to 
the  Pazzi,  about  a  mile  from  the  city.  The  assassina- 
tion of  the  Medici  brothers  was  planned  to  take 
place  at  Fiesole,  where  Lorenzo  had  a  residence  to 
which  it  was  expected  that  he  would  invite  the 
young  Cardinal  and  his  suite.  The  conspirators  were 
right  in  this  supposition,  for  Lorenzo  made  ready  a 
magnificent  banquet  to  which  Riario  and  his  attend- 
ants were  bidden.  Giuliano,  however,  was  absent 
from  the  festivity,  on  plea  of  indisposition,  so  the 
attempt  was  postponed  to  a  more  favourable  occasion. 


MURDER  OF  GIULIANO  DE'  MEDICI   105 

After  consideration,  it  was  decided  that  the  assassina- 
tion should  take  place  on  the  following  Sunday,  during 
the  High  Mass  in  the  Church  of  the  Reparata,  now 
known  as  Santa  Maria  dei  Fiori. 

To  Francesco  de'  Pazzi  and  Bernardo  Bandini  was 
entrusted  the  murder  of  Giuliano,  while  Lorenzo  was 
to  be  slain  by  the  hand  of  Montesecco.  But  the  latter, 
at  the  last  moment,  refused  to  commit  murder  in  a 
church,  before  the  High  Altar,  not  daring  "  to  make 
Christ  witness  of  a  crime."  Thereupon,  two  eccle- 
siastics, Stefano  de  Bagnone,  the  Apostolic  Scribe,  and 
Antonio  Maffei  were  chosen  in  his  place.  Neither 
of  them  appears  to  have  suffered  any  qualms  of  con- 
science at  the  idea  of  desecrating  the  sacred  place 
with  so  hideous  a  deed. 

Cardinal  Riario  had  expressed  a  desire  to  be 
present  on  the  following  Sunday  at  High  Mass  in 
the  Church  of  the  Reparata.  Lorenzo,  therefore, 
invited  him  to  Florence,  where  he  and  his  suite  were 
received  with  magnificent  hospitality.  To  the  dis- 
may of  the  conspirators,  however,  Giuliano  did  not 
appear,  and  when  all  were  assembled  in  the  church, 
and  he  still  remained  absent,  they  began  to  fear 
that  their  plan  would  again  fall  through.  Francesco 
de'  Pazzi  and  Bandini,  in  concern,  hastened  to  his 
palace  to  fetch  him.  Giuliano,  all  unsuspecting, 
accompanied  them  back  to  the  church.  On  the  way 
they  engaged  him  in  merry  conversation,  and  even 
threw  their  arms  round  him  in  token  of  apparent 
friendliness.  Their  real  object,  however,  was  to 
discover  whether  he  was  wearing  armour  under  his 
clothes.  Reassured  on  this  point,  they  entered  the 
church  with  him  and  seated  themselves  close  by  his 
side. 

The  critical  moment  had  arrived.  The  appointed 
signal  for  action  seems  to  have  been  the  beginning 
of  the  canon  of  the  Mass.  The  bell  rang ;  the  priest 
elevated  the  Host ;  the  congregation  bowed  their 


106     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

heads.  At  the  same  instant  Bandini  thrust  his  dagger 
into  Giuliano's  breast.  The  victim  staggered  a  few 
steps  forward  and  sank  helpless  upon  the  ground. 
With  incredible  brutality,  Francesco  de'  Pazzi  sprang 
upon  him  and  continued  to  stab  him  even  after  he 
was  apparently  dead.  Such  was  the  vehemence  of 
his  rage  that,  in  his  excitement,  he  gave  himself  a 
severe  wound  on  the  Up. 

Meanwhile  Bagnone  and  Maffei  had  attacked 
Lorenzo.  Maffei,  however,  miscalculated  his  aim, 
and,  instead  of  plunging  his  dagger  into  the  throat  of 
his  victim,  succeeded  only  in  slightly  wounding  his 
neck.  Lorenzo  defended  himself  with  vigour.  Twist- 
ing his  cloak  round  his  left  arm  to  serve  as  a  shield, 
he  drew  his  sword  and  managed  to  repel  his  assassins. 
The  latter,  recognising  their  defeat,  sought  refuge  in 
flight,  having  first  wounded  a  friend  of  Lorenzo's 
who  had  hastened  to  his  assistance. 

Bandini  now  attempted  to  fall  upon  Lorenzo, 
but  was  driven  back  by  a  faithful  servant  of  the 
House  of  Medici — Francesco  Nori.  Though  his  inter- 
ference cost  him  his  life,  the  interruption  gave  Lor- 
enzo's friends  time  to  flock  to  his  help.  They  hurried 
him  into  the  sacristy,  where  Poliziano  immediately 
had  the  brass  doors  of  Luca  della  Robbia  closed  upon 
him. 

It  was  feared  that  Lorenzo's  injury  had  been 
caused  by  a  poisoned  dagger,  and  Antonio  Ridolfo, 
a  youth  of  distinguished  family,  gave  practical  proof 
of  his  devotion  by  undertaking  to  suck  the  wound. 
Great  consternation  ensued,  and  so  great  was  the 
tumult  that  many  thought  that  the  building  was 
falling  in.  The  panic-stricken  people  crowded  to 
the  exit,  but  no  sooner  did  they  realise  that  Lorenzo's 
life  was  in  danger  than  the  whole  scene  changed. 
The  wounded  man  was  surrounded  by  a  number  of 
Florentine  youths,  who  formed  themselves  into  a 
bodyguard  and  led  him  to  his  palace,  going  out  of 


PUNISHMENT  OF  CONSPIRATORS   107 

their  way  that  he  might  not  meet  the  dead  body  of 
his  brother. 

As  had  been  previously  arranged,  the  Archbishop 
and  his  followers  were  seeking  to  take  possession  of 
the  Seigniorial  Palace.  Stationing  the  other  con- 
spirators in  different  apartments,  Salviati  himself 
went  into  the  room  where  Petrucci,  the  Gonfaloniere, 
and  several  other  magistrates  were  assembled.  Upon 
his  entrance  Petrucci,  out  of  respect  to  his  position, 
rose  to  greet  him.  This  action  seems  to  have  dis- 
concerted the  Archbishop,  for  the  Gonfaloniere  was 
well  known  for  his  courage  and  decision  of  character. 
However  this  may  be,  Salviati' s  nerve  deserted  him 
at  the  crucial  moment,  and,  instead  of  intimidating 
the  magistrates,  he  merely  proceeded  to  inform 
Petrucci  that  the  Pope  had  conferred  an  ecclesiastical 
appointment  upon  his  son.  The  hesitation  and 
confusion  of  his  manner  and  the  apprehensive  way 
in  which  he  glanced  towards  the  door  were  so  striking 
that  Petrucci's  suspicions  were  aroused,  and  he 
rushed  from  the  room  to  summon  the  guards.  The 
Archbishop  attempted  flight,  thereby  tacitly  acknow- 
ledging his  guilt.  Petrucci,  in  pursuing  him,  came 
into  contact  with  Giacopo  Poggio,  whom  he  seized 
by  the  hair  and  delivered  into  custody.  The  other 
magistrates  seized  upon  any  weapons  at  hand — not 
disdaining  even  kitchen  pots  and  pans — in  order  to 
defend  themselves  and  the  Seigniorial  Palace.  The 
doors  were  barricaded  and  the  conspirators  were  so 
violently  handled  that  they  were  obliged  to  relinquish 
all  attempt  at  resistance. 

Nor  had  Giacopo  de'  Pazzi  been  any  more  successful 
in  his  endeavours  to  incite  the  citizens  to  revolt. 
Standing  outside  the  Palace  at  the  head  of  about 
a  hundred  soldiers,  he  tried  to  stir  up  the  people 
with  cries  of  "  Liberty !  "  The  palace  gates  were 
stormed  and  several  of  the  insurgents  pressed  their 
way  in.  They  were,  however,  driven  back  by  the 


108    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

magistrates  and  the  gates  again  barricaded  as  far  as 
possible  until  a  reinforcement  of  friends  came  to 
their  help.  Now,  for  the  first  time,  Petrucci  and 
the  magistrates  heard  of  the  murder  of  Giuliano. 
The  news  filled  them  with  the  deepest  indignation, 
and,  with  the  common  consent,  Giacopo  Poggio  was 
hanged  from  one  of  the  palace  windows  in  sight  of 
the  whole  populace.  Petrucci,  at  the  same  time, 
gave  orders  for  the  arrest  of  the  Archbishop,  his 
brother,  and  the  other  leaders  of  the  conspiracy. 
Only  one  escaped ;  he  was  found  a  few  days  later 
hiding  behind  some  wainscoting,  half  dead  from 
hunger,  and  was  pardoned  out  of  consideration  for 
his  sufferings.  All  the  others  were  slaughtered  or 
thrown,  half  alive,  through  the  palace  windows.  After 
having  been  kept  in  confinement  from  April  26, 
the  day  of  the  murder,  until  June  12,  the  young 
Cardinal  Riario,  who  had  taken  refuge  at  the  altar, 
was  eventually  set  free  through  the  intervention 
of  Lorenzo.  Whether  the  latter  believed  in  his 
innocence  is  doubtful.  Perhaps  he  was  moved  to 
compassion  by  the  Cardinal's  pitiable  condition. 
So  abject  was  his  terror  that  it  is  said  that  he  never 
recovered  his  normal  health  and  complexion.  His 
servants  were  all  slain,  and  the  streets  strewn  with 
their  mangled  corpses.  Francesco  de'  Pazzi  was 
discovered  at  his  uncle's  house,  confined  to  his  bed 
by  the  state  of  his  wound.  He  was  dragged  naked 
to  the  Palace,  where  he  met  with  the  same  fate  as  his 
colleague.  According  to  Poliziano,  Archbishop  Sal- 
viati,  who  was  hanged  at  the  same  time,  seized 
Francesco's  body  with  his  teeth,  not  loosing  his  hold 
even  in  the  agonies  of  death. 

Giacopo  de'  Pazzi  had  meanwhile  fled  from  the 
town.  The  following  day,  however,  he  was  brought 
back  to  Florence  and  delivered  up  to  justice  by  the 
neighbouring  peasants,  heedless  of  his  entreaties 
that  they  would  put  him  to  death.  His  guilt  was 


sufficiently  obvious  to  the  authorities,  and  he  was 
speedily  executed.  The  fate  of  his  nephew  Renato, 
who  suffered  death  at  the  same  time,  excited  universal 
compassion  ;  he  was  an  inoffensive  person  of  studious 
tastes,  and  his  only  crime  had  been  that  of  silence 
regarding  the  conspiracy.  Although  Giacopo  was 
dead  and  buried,  his"  body  was  was  not  allowed  to  rest 
in  peace.  A  violent  and  incessant  rain  which  set 
in  soon  after  these  disturbances  was  attributed  by 
the  superstitious  people  to  the  displeasure  of  Heaven 
that  so  great  a  criminal  had  been  interred  in  holy 
ground  instead  of  outside  the  walls  of  Florence. 
The  magistrates,  either  from  desire  to  gratify  the 
people,  or  because  they  too  shared  this  belief,  com- 
manded that  the  corpse  should  be  removed.  The 
next  day  it  was  dragged  from  its  tomb  by  a  band  of 
gutter  children,  who,  regardless  of  remonstrance, 
hauled  it  through  the  streets,  and,  after  the  most 
disgraceful  outrages,  flung  it  into  the  Arno.  It 
was  never  seen  again,  and  it  was  popularly  supposed 
that  the  devil  had  taken  it. 

The  other  members  of  the  family  were  punished 
with  imprisonment  or  exile.  The  only  exception 
was  Guglielmo  de'  Pazzi,  the  brother-in-law  of 
Lorenzo,  in  whose  house  he  found  a  refuge  from 
the  fury  of  the  populace.  He  was  afterwards  com- 
manded to  remain  at  his  own  country  house,  about 
twenty-five  miles  from  Florence. 

The  priests  who  had  taken  part  in  the  plot  were 
discovered  in  a  Benedictine  cloister  on  the  third  day 
after  the  attempt.  On  their  being  brought  forth 
the  populace,  beside  itself  with  rage,  fell  upon  them 
and  hewed  them  in  pieces.  Indeed,  it  was  with 
difficulty  that  the  monks  who  had  sheltered  them 
were  preserved  from  sharing  the  same  fate.  Mon- 
tesecco  was  seized  a  few  days  later  and  beheaded  on 
May  i.  Before  his  execution  he  made  a  full  con- 
fession of  the  circumstances  in  connection  with  the 


110    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

conspiracy.  His  disclosures  are  of  great  importance 
in  their  bearing  upon  the  question  of  the  Pope's 
participation  in  the  affair.  There  seems  to  be  no 
doubt  that  Sixtus  was  intensely  anxious  to  bring 
about  the  downfall  of  the  Medici,  but  whether  he 
countenanced  the  actual  shedding  of  blood  is  still 
a  matter  for  dispute.  The  most  that  can  be  said 
for  him  is  that  he  managed  to  keep  within  the  letter 
of  the  law. 

The  last  to  meet  his  fate  was  Bernardo  Bandini. 
He  had  succeeded  in  escaping  to  Constantinople, 
but  the  Sultan  Mohammed  II.,  on  being  apprised 
of  his  crime,  had  him  seized  and  taken  in  chains  to 
Florence.  Esteem  for  Lorenzo,  it  is  alleged,  was 
the  mainspring  of  this  action.  Bandini  arrived  in 
December  1479  at  Florence,  where  he  met  with  well- 
merited  retribution.  An  embassy  was  afterwards 
despatched  in  the  name  of  the  Republic  with  a  message 
of  thanks  to  the  Sultan. 

The  utter  failure  of  the  Pazzi  conspiracy  was  a 
striking  witness  to  the  affection  in  which  Lorenzo 
was  held  by  the  Florentines.  The  remarkable  out- 
burst of  popular  emotion  rendered  it  unnecessary 
for  him  to  take  any  steps  in  his  own  defence.  Indeed, 
he  did  his  best  to  restrain  the  fury  of  the  people 
and  to  prevent  further  bloodshed.  In  spite  of  his 
wound,  he  addressed  a  crowded  audience  in  the  most 
touching  terms,  begging  that  the  punishment  of  the 
wrong-doers  might  be  left  to  the  magistrates,  lest 
haply  the  innocent  might  suffer  with  the  guilty. 

Giuliano  was  universally  lamented,  for  his  humanity 
and  generosity  had  made  him  the  darling  of  Florence. 
He  is  described  by  Poliziano  as  tall  and  powerful, 
with  dark  complexion  and  glowing  eyes.  Although 
gentler  and  less  ambitious  than  Lorenzo,  he  was 
distinguished  for  great  courage,  and  displayed  strength 
and  dexterity  in  all  physical  exercises.  He  loved 
music  and  the  fine  arts,  and  was  in  the  main  dominated 


ANGER  OF  POPE  SIXTUS  IV,       111 

by  religious  principle.  His  burial  in  the  Church  of 
San  Lorenzo  was  celebrated  with  great  magnificence. 
Many  young  Florentines,  who  had  looked  up  to  him 
with  admiration,  donned  mourning  garb  out  of 
respect  to  his  memory.  Guiliano  died  unmarried, 
but  soon  after  his  death  Lorenzo  heard  of  the  existence 
of  a  child  by  a  woman  of  lower  rank,  either  posthumous 
or  born  immediately  before  the  father's  murder. 
He  was  taken  into  the  Medici  household,  whence 
he  passed,  forty-five  years  later,  to  the  papal  throne 
as  Clement  VII. 

Montesecco's  confession  had  revealed  the  Pope's 
animosity  to  Lorenzo,  who,  at  the  same  time,  realised 
that  the  King  of  Naples  would  probably  ally  himself 
with  Sixtus.  Ferrante  was  already  desirous  of  en- 
gaging in  war  for  the  sake  of  his  son,  who  had  acquired 
a  considerable  degree  of  military  repute.  Lorenzo, 
in  his  anxiety  to  protect  himself  against  this  impending 
danger,  wrote  to  all  the  Italian  States,  as  well  as  to 
the  Kings  of  France  and  Spain,  protesting  against 
the  treachery  of  a  Pope  who  spared  neither  virtue 
nor  rank  to  attain  an  end  which  would  endanger  the 
whole  of  Italy.  Several  of  the  Italian  States,  including 
Ferrara  and  Venice,  declared  themselves  on  the  side 
of  the  Florentines,  and  the  Kings  of  France  and 
Spain  assured  Lorenzo  that  they  would  use  all  their 
influence  in  his  favour. 

Lorenzo's  preparations  for  the  defence  of  Florence 
angered  the  Pope  still  more.  In  the  first  heat  of  his 
displeasure  he  decreed  the  confiscation  of  the  Medici 
property  and  that  of  all  the  Florentines  then  in 
Rome,  as  well  as  the  imprisonment  of  the  Florentines 
themselves.  He  would  have  been  even  more  severe 
in  his  treatment  had  he  not  entertained  apprehensions 
as  to  the  fate  of  his  son  Cardinal  Riario,  who  was 
still  in  prison.  With  the  view  of  appeasing  his  anger, 
the  Republic  of  Florence  despatched  to  Rome 
Donato  Acciajuoli,  a  scholar  renowned  for  his  skill 


112     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

in  managing  public  aflairs.  But  the  Pope,  instead 
of  giving  heed  to  his  representations,  threatened  to 
have  him  imprisoned  in  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo. 
He  would  indeed  have  carried  this  threat  into  execu- 
tion if  the  legates  from  Milan  and  Venice  had  not 
interfered,  declaring  that  they  would  look  upon  any 
such  infringement  of  the  rights  of  the  people  as  a 
personal  affront.  Sixtus  thereupon  armed  himself 
with  spiritual  weapons,  and  solemnly  anathematised 
not  only  Lorenzo  but  the  Gonfaloniere  and  the  other 
Florentine  magistrates. 

In  the  bull  which  the  Pope  issued  for  this  purpose 
on  June  i  Lorenzo  is  called  a  "  son  of  iniquity  and 
a  child  of  perdition,"  while  equally  opprobrious 
epithets  are  bestowed  on  the  magistrates.  Lorenzo 
is  accused  of  numerous  offences  against  the  Papal 
Chair,  and  the  Pope's  own  forbearance  and  long- 
suffering  are  extolled.  Following  in  the  footsteps  of 
our  saviour,  he  had  long  suffered  with  patience  the 
injuries  of  his  enemies.  He  would  have  borne  with 
them  still  longer  if  Lorenzo  and  the  Florentine 
Council,  possessed  by  diabolical  fury,  had  not  laid 
violent  hands  on  the  Lord's  anointed  and,  proh  dolor 
et  in  auditum  scelus,  hanged  the  Archbishop,  im- 
prisoned the  Cardinal,  and  destroyed  their  followers 
in  various  ways.  He  thereupon  proceeds  to  pass 
sentence  of  excommunication  upon  Lorenzo  and  the 
Council,  proclaiming  them  to  be  incapable  of  owning 
any  property  or  receiving  any  inheritance,  and 
prohibiting  the  acceptance  of  any  ecclesiastical  office 
by  any  of  their  descendants.  At  the  same  time  all 
the  bishops  and  clergy  of  the  Florentine  territories 
were  deprived  of  their  benefices. 

If  the  Pope  had  been  content  to  denounce  merely 
those  who  had  been  implicated  in  the  punishment 
of  the  Archbishop  and  the  ecclesiastics,  he  might 
have  attained  his  end  ;  but,  by  including  in  the  ban 
the  Florentine  bishops  and  clergy  who  were  not 


o  s 


55      £, 


INDIGNATION  AGAINST  SIXTUS  IV.   113 

personally  concerned  in  the  conspiracy,  he  outran 
the  bounds  of  his  authority.  It  naturally  resulted 
that  the  papal  edict  was  disregarded  by  all,  including 
the  enraged  clerics.  The  Bishop  of  Arezzo,  Gentile 
d'Urbino,  summoned  a  convocation  in  the  Church 
of  the  Reparata,  and  a  document  was  drawn  up 
accusing  the  Pope  of  having  instigated  the  recent 
crimes,  and  exonerating  Lorenzo  and  the  Florentines 
from  the  offences  laid  to  their  charge.  It  is  to  be 
regretted  that  this  defence  (Synodus  Florentine?)  was 
couched  in  terms  as  passionate  and  unmeasured 
as  those  of  the  papal  bull  itself.  In  it  Pope  Sixtus 
is  alluded  to  in  such  choice  terms  as  "  the  Vicar  of 
the  Devil,"  and  "  the  adulterers'  minion."  There 
can  be  little  doubt  that,  by  thus  overstepping  the 
limits  of  decorum,  its  promoters  did  no  little  harm 
to  their  cause.  The  Pope's  conduct  aroused  the 
indignation  of  Christendom.  Venice,  Milan,  Ferrara, 
and  Rimini,  all  took  Lorenzo's  part.  Louis  XI.  of 
France  gave  his  special  sanction  to  the  league,  and 
sent  Comines,  the  historian,  to  represent  him  at 
Florence,  while  the  Emperor  and  Matthias  Corvinus 
of  Hungary  despatched  envoys  to  remonstrate  with 
Sixtus. 


HB 


CHAPTER  VI 

Pope  Sixtus  IV.  and  Naples  unite  against  Florence — Lorenzo's  critica 
position — His  letter  to  the  Florentines — His  reception  at  Naples 
— Invasion  of  the  Turks — The  Pope  releases  Florence  from  his 
interdict — Frescobaldi's  plot  against  Lorenzo — Death  of  Mo- 
hammed II. — Capitulation  of  Otranto — Hostility  between  the 
Pope  and  Naples — Alfonso  of  Calabria  defeated  at  Campo 
Morto  by  the  papal  troops  under  Ruberto  Malatesta — Death 
of  Malatesta — Venetian  successes  in  Ferrara — Peace  of  Bagnolo, 
1484 — Death  and  obsequies  of  Sixtus  IV.,  1484 — Election 
of  Innocent  VIII. — Conquest  of  Pietra-Santa  by  the  Floren- 
tines— Ill-feeling  between  Ferrante  of  Naples  and  Pope  Inno- 
cent VIII. — Bloodless  battle  leads  to  peace — Death  of  Lorenzo's 
wife,  Clarice — His  little  son,  Giovanni,  made  Cardinal — 
Lorenzo's  letter  of  advice  to  him — Corruption  of  the  Sacred 
College — Lorenzo's  illness  and  death — His  character  and 
influence — Succession  of  his  son  Piero — Savonarola's  preaching 
— Strife  in  the  Medici  family. 

POPE  SIXTUS  IV.,  who  had  hitherto  concealed  his 
hatred  of  Lorenzo  under  a  cloak  of  craftiness,  now 
threw  aside  his  disguise  and  made  open  and  un- 
abashed attempts  to  get  rid  of  him.  The  King  of 
Naples  was  persuaded  to  send  an  embassy  to  Florence 
admonishing  the  citizens  to  deliver  Lorenzo  over 
to  his  enemies  or  at  least  to  banish  him  from  Tuscany. 
The  Florentines,  however,  rose  to  the  occasion  and 
absolutely  refused  to  accede  to  this  proposal,  declaring 
themselves  ready  to  endure  any  hardships  rather 
than  betray  their  leader.  They,  moreover,  ordered 
their  Chancellor,  Bartolomeo  Scala,  to  draw  up  a  state- 
ment concerning  the  conspiracy,  declaring  Sixtus  IV. 
to  have  been  its  instigator  and  promoter. 

«4 


SIXTUS   IV   AND   NAPLES    UNITE    115 

When  Lorenzo  realised  that  the  Pope's  animosity 
was  directed  against  him  personally  rather  than 
against  the  State,  he  convened  a  meeting  of  three 
hundred  citizens  and  begged  them  earnestly  not 
to  allow  their  anxiety  for  the  safety  of  his  person 
to  blind  them  to  the  welfare  of  the  State,  maintaining 
his  willingness  to  sacrifice  his  life  and  property  in 
the  cause  of  peace.  But  the  Florentines  remained 
loyal,  and  Giacopo  de'  Alessandri,  in  the  name  of  the 
whole  assembly,  declared  that  they  were  prepared  to 
defend  him  even  at  the  risk  of  their  lives. 

Preparations  for  fighting  now  began.  The  papal 
forces  were  led  by  the  Duke  of  Urbino  and  the 
Neapolitan  troops  by  Alfonso,  Duke  of  Calabria. 
The  Florentines  appointed  Ercole  d'Este,  the  Duke 
of  Ferrara,  as  their  Commander-in-Chief. 

The  allies  advanced  towards  Florence,  carrying 
devastation  in  their  train.  Having  plundered  several 
unimportant  places,  they  turned  their  attention  to 
Arezzo.  The  Florentines  were  prepared  to  oppose 
them  with  vigour,  but  the  enemy,  who  were  somewhat 
discomfited  by  the  spirited  defence  of  the  citizens 
of  Arezzo,  decided  that  discretion  was  the  better 
part  of  valour,  and  refrained  from  any  engagement. 
The  Duke  of  Urbino's  proposal  of  an  armistice  was 
welcomed  by  the  Duke  of  Ferrara,  greatly  to  the 
displeasure  of  the  Florentines,  who  felt  aggrieved 
at  having  incurred  the  expenses  of  the  campaign 
without  having  gained  any  corresponding  advantage. 
Both  armies  thereupon  retired  into  winter  quarters. 

Lorenzo  took  advantage  of  the  truce  to  make 
further  overtures ;  but,  in  spite  of  the  interest  which 
Milan  and  Venice  professed  in  his  cause,  neither  of 
them  seemed  disposed  to  send  him  any  practical  help. 
The  Emperor  and  the  Kings  of  France  and  Hungary 
were  unsuccessful  in  their  attempts  to  reconcile  the 
Pope  and  Lorenzo,  for  Sixtus,  quite  unmoved,  repelled 
all  friendly  advances. 


116    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

During  the  winter  the  Florentines  had  gained  the 
services  of  three  experienced  generals — Ruberto 
Malatesta,  Rudolfo  Gonzaga,  and  Costanzo  Sforza 
of  Pesaro.  Venice  finally  decided  to  send  auxiliary 
troops  under  the  leadership  of  Carlo  Montone  and 
Deifobus  Anguillari.  Thus  reinforced,  the  Florentines 
adopted  the  offensive.  They  divided  their  troops 
into  two  parts,  one  of  which  was  to  invade  the  papal 
domains  while  the  other  advanced  against  Alfonso, 
Duke  of  Calabria.  At  Montone's  approach,  the 
papal  forces  beat  a  hasty  retreat,  but  their  courage 
was  renewed  by  his  unexpected  death,  and  they 
encountered  the  Florentines  on  the  shores  of  Lake 
Trasimene.  The  remembrance  of  Hannibal's  victory 
on  the  same  spot,  however,  so  unnerved  them  that 
they  made  but  a  feeble  attack  and  were  easily 
repulsed.  The  Florentines  thereupon  proceeded  to 
ravage  the  country  as  far  as  Perugia. 

The  troops  who  were  fighting  against  Duke  Alfonso 
did  not  fare  so  well.  Dissension  sprang  up  among 
the  various  generals,  in  consequence  of  which  the 
Duke  of  Ferrara  withdrew  his  forces.  Alfonso  seized 
the  opportunity  to  attack  the  Florentines,  who,  having 
lost  confidence  in  their  leaders,  fled  ignominiously 
at  the  first  onslaught.  In  Florence  the  consternation 
was  indescribable,  for  the  route  to  the  city  now  lay 
open  to  Alfonso.  Fortunately  for  the  Florentines, 
the  Duke  showed  no  disposition  to  follow  up  the 
victory,  but  frittered  away  his  time  in  plundering 
and  besieging  unimportant  towns,  until  the  troops 
came  back  from  Perugia  to  inspire  the  citizens  with 
fresh  courage.  Contrary  to  all  expectations,  the 
Duke  of  Calabria  proposed  a  three  months'  truce. 
This  was  hailed  with  joy  by  the  Florentines,  who 
hoped  thus  to  obtain  relief  from  the  increasing 
anxieties  and  expenses  of  war. 

But  this  lull  in  the  storm  produced  very  little 
improvement  in  Lorenzo's  critical  situation.  He 


had  seen  the  terror  with  which  the  Florentines  had 
viewed  the  Duke  of  Calabria's  victory,  and  knew 
that,  as  the  war  was  being  waged  against  him  per- 
sonally, the  mere  fact  of  his  surrender  to  the  enemy 
would  put  an  end  to  the  strife.  He  realised  too, 
that,  in  spite  of  the  protestations  of  the  citizens, 
a  feeling  of  discontent  was  growing  up  in  Florence 
and  that  he  might  be  betrayed  at  any  moment. 
The  truce  had  given  the  Florentines  time  to  estimate 
their  position,  and  complaints  were  arising  that  the 
commerce  of  the  city  was  ruined  and  the  public 
treasury  exhausted.  Enough  blood  had  already  been 
shed,  it  was  said,  and  Lorenzo  would  do  better  to 
sue  for  peace  than  continue  his  preparations  for  war. 
Feeling  the  ground  thus  tremble  beneath  him, 
Lorenzo  made  up  his  mind  to  a  bold  step.  He 
determined  to  throw  himself  upon  the  mercy  of 
Ferrante,  King  of  Naples,  at  the  same  time  endeavour- 
ing to  convince  him  of  the  injustice  of  the  war  and 
persuade  him  to  agree  to  a  separate  peace.  He  was 
not  unmindful  of  the  enormous  risk  involved  in  this 
undertaking,  but  he  felt  that  it  was  impossible  for 
things  to  continue  under  their  present  conditions. 
At  the  beginning  of  December,  1479,  then,  he  left 
Florence  covertly,  without  communicating  his  in- 
tention to  his  fellow-citizens,  and  proceeded  to  San 
Miniato,  whence  he  despatched  to  the  Florentine 
magistrates  the  following  letter  : 

"  It  was  from  no  lack  of  respect  that  I  took  my 
departure  without  assigning  any  reason.  Rather  was 
it  from  the  conviction  that,  in  the  present  critical 
condition  of  our  town,  action  is  more  prudent  than 
deliberation.  It  seems  to  me  that  peace  is  essential, 
and,  since  all  other  means  of  procuring  it  have  failed, 
I  have  decided  rather  to  incur  danger  to  my  person 
than  to  leave  the  town  any  longer  in  her  present 
precarious  position.  With  your  permission,  therefore. 


118     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

I  shall  proceed  directly  to  Naples,  for,  as  our  enemies 
are  especially  aiming  at  my  person,  I  believe  that 
to  surrender  myself  into  their  hands  will  be  the 
speediest  way  of  bringing  peace  to  my  fellow-citizens. 
It  must  be  conceded  that  either  the  King  of  Naples 
is,  as  some  believe,  and  as  he  himself  has  declared, 
friendly  to  our  State,  seeking  rather  to  do  us  service 
even  by  this  hostile  action  than  to  rob  us  of  our 
freedom,  or,  that  he  is  desirous  of  bringing  about 
the  ruin  of  the  State.  Should  he  be  favourably 
disposed,  I  can  best  put  his  disposition  to  the  proof 
by  surrendering  myself  unreservedly  to  him.  This 
seems  to  me  to  be  the  only  way  of  making  an  honour- 
able peace.  If,  on  the  contrary,  the  King's  hand 
is  against  us,  we  shall,  in  this  way  at  least,  be  in  a 
position  to  estimate  his  attitude,  and  this  knowledge 
had  better  be  obtained  at  the  sacrifice  of  one  than 
of  many. 

"  Since  I  am  the  person  principally  involved  in 
this  affair,  I  am  willing  to  take  the  risk  upon  myself. 
It  may  be  that  nothing  further  than  my  own  de- 
struction is  desired.  And,  as  I  have  enjoyed  among 
you  honour  and  distinction  beyond  my  deserts, 
perhaps  in  a  greater  degree  than  any  other  citizen 
of  our  times,  so  I  feel  a  special  obligation  to  advance 
the  welfare  of  my  native  place,  even  though  it  may 
be  at  the  cost  of  my  own  life.  It  is  in  this  spirit  that 
I  set  out  on  my  journey. 

"  It  may  be  the  will  of  Providence  that,  since  this 
war  opened  with  the  shedding  of  my  blood  and  that 
of  my  brother,  I  should  be  instrumental  in  bringing 
it  to  an  end.  My  one  desire  is  that,  in  life  or  in 
death,  in  fortune  or  in  misfortune,  I  may  contribute 
to  the  prosperity  of  my  native  place.  Should  the 
result  of  my  project  be  favourable,  I  shall  rejoice 
in  having  obtained  peace  for  my  country  and  safety 
for  myself.  Should  it  be  otherwise  my  distress 
will  be  alleviated  by  the  idea  that  my  misfortune 


LORENZO'S  RECEPTION  AT  NAPLES  119 

was  necessary  for  the  welfare  of  my  country.  If 
our  enemies  are  merely  aiming  at  my  destruction, 
I  shall  be  in  their  power,  and  if  their  intentions  go 
further,  they  will  then  be  obvious  to  every  one.  In 
the  latter  case,  I  do  not  doubt  that  all  my  fellow- 
citizens  will  unite  in  defending  their  freedom  to  the 
last  extremity,  and  I  have  confidence  in  the  divine 
Providence  which  has  hitherto  favoured  our  fore- 
fatheis.  With  this  conviction  I  take  farewell  of 
my  native  town,  beseeching  Heaven  that  I  may  be 
enabbd  on  this  occasion  to  act  as  befits  a  loyal  citizen. 

"  SAJ  MINIATO, 

"December  7,  1479." 

This  letter  was  exactly  calculated  to  work  upon 
the  fetlings  of  the  emotional  Florentines.  Upon 
reading  it,  says  Valori,  the  magistrates  could  not 
restrain  their  tears.  Some  of  the  citizens,  however, 
suspected  that  Lorenzo  had  already  received  from 
Ferrantt  the  assurance  of  a  hospitable  reception, 
while  oihers  gave  expression  to  their  fears  of  an 
impendiig  change  in  the  Government. 

Lorenz)  was  received  at  Naples  with  all  respect. 
His  friend,  Prince  Federigo,  and  the  King's  grandson, 
Ferrantiro,  met  him  at  the  landing-stage  and  con- 
ducted Km  to  the  King.  His  arrival  excited  the 
liveliest  interest ;  everybody  was  anxious  to  obtain 
a  glimps(  of  a  man  whose  character  and  talents 
commanded  universal  admiration. 

For  twelve  anxious  weeks  Lorenzo  remained  at 
Naples,  dvided  between  hopes  and  fears.  By  the 
charm  of  lis  personality  he  soon  won  the  friendship 
of  the  Khg's  chief  minister,  Diomede  Carafa,  and 
he  had  poverful  allies  in  Federigo  and  the  Duchess  of 
Calabria.  The  King,  too,  seemed  favourably  inclined 
towards  hin  and  lent  an  attentive  ear  to  his  representa- 
tions. He  said  that  while  the  interests  of  Naples 
and  Florence  were  so  closely  connected,  it  would 


120    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

redound  to  the  injury  of  the  former  if  he  took  part 
against  the  Florentines.  Lorenzo  also  warned  him 
against  the  ambitious  projects  of  the  Papal  See,  which 
had  already  often  interfered  in  Neapolitan  affairs, 
and  thus  had  a  most  detrimental  effect  upon  the 
State.  Nor  did  he  omit  to  refer  to  the  Pope's  part 
in  the  conspiracy  which  had  cost  his  brother's  life. 
So  effective  were  these  remarks  that,  although  the 
King  did  not  immediately  accede  to  Lorenzo's  desire, 
he  gave  him  reason  to  hope  that  the  affair  would  have 
a  favourable  issue,  and  treated  him  with  the  utmost 
deference. 

But  Lorenzo's  mind  was  not  yet  at  rest.  Alfonso 
had  broken  the  truce  and  obtained  fresh  victories 
over  the  Florentines,  including  the  conquest  of 
Sarzana,  the  one  great  Medicean  acquisitior.  The 
Pope  had  received  intelligence  of  Lorenzo's  sojourn 
at  Naples,  and  did  not  cease  to  urge  Fernnte  to 
remain  constant  to  the  alliance.  He  beggid  him 
either  to  keep  his  visitor  at  Naples  or  to  send  him  to 
Rome  to  make  his  submission  to  the  H»ly  See. 
Although  Lorenzo  was  well  aware  of  the  dangers 
which  threatened  him,  he  betrayed  no  apprehension, 
and  continued  zealously  to  pursue  his  objec.  With 
the  wonderful  adaptability  which  distinguished  him, 
he  threw  aside  his  cares  and  succeeded  ii  gaining 
great  popularity  with  the  Neapolitans.  J£  bought 
galley-slaves  and  restored  them  to  liberty,  gave 
gorgeous  banquets  to  the  nobles,  and  presetted  many 
poor  girls  with  dowries.  Little  wonder,  tien,  that 
one  whose  wealth  and  generosity  alikf  seemed 
boundless,  should  speedily  win  the  heaifs  of  the 
pleasure-loving  citizens. 


Ferrante  was   at  length   persuaded   to 


iccede   to 


Lorenzo's  proposals,  and,  having  once  male  up  his 


mind  what  course  to  pursue,   he  had  nc 
in  arranging  a  peace  which  was  acceptal} 


difficulty 
to  both 


parties.    Thus,  Lorenzo,  who  had  arrived  at  Naples 


ST.    CATHERINE.    FROM    THE    "   DISPUTA." 

Pinturicchio  (Borgia  Apartments,  the  Vatican}. 
The  portrait  appears  to  be  that  of  Giulia  Farnese,  Mistress  of  Pope  Alexander  VI. 


120] 


OTRANTO  BESIEGED  121 

defenceless  and  embittered,  left  it  after  three  months 
the  acknowledged  friend  and  ally  of  King  Ferrante. 
He  hastened  his  homeward  journey  as  much  as  possible, 
but  no  sooner  had  he  departed  than  a  papal  envoy 
came  to  the  King  with  a  proposal  which  would  not 
only  have  put  an  end  to  the  truce,  but  have  involved 
serious  danger  to  Lorenzo.  The  latter,  however, 
deemed  it  discreet  to  ignore  the  urgent  message 
of  recall  sent  after  him  by  Ferrante.  He  was 
welcomed  at  Florence  with  every  manifestation  of 
joy.  People  of  all  ranks  thrpnged  to  congratulate 
him  on  his  safe  return,  and,  thcagh  the  terms  of  peace 
were  not  all  that  they  might  have  desired,  there 
were  few  open  signs  of  discontent. 

Pope  $ixtus,  however,  was  by  no  means  disposed 
to  relinquish  his  plans  for  Lorenzo's  destruction, 
and,  urged  on  by  Girolamo  Riario,  he  began  to  make 
fresh  preparations  for  war.  Alfonso  of  Calabria, 
too,  notwithstanding  the  peace  stipulations,  remained 
with  his  troops  at  Siena,  whence  they  continued  to 
be  a  source  of  disquietude  to  all  the  surrounding 
country.  But  the  situation  was  saved  by  an  invasion 
of  the  Turks.  "As  it  pleased  God,"  writes  Zarducci, 
"  it  came  about  by  His  consummate  miracle  that, 
on  the  sixth  day  of  August,  1480,  the  fleet  of  the 
Turk  came  to  Otranto  and  besieged  it ;  whence 
Alfonso,  by  order  of  the  King,  was  forced  to  return 
to  the  Kingdom  in  defence  of  that  town."  All  Italy 
was  seized  with  alarm,  for  Mohammed  II.  the  con- 
queror of  Constantinople,  ravaged  the  neighbouring 
coast,  putting  the  inhabitants  to  death  by  torture 
or  carrying  them  into  slavery.  But  all  this  turned 
to  the  advantage  of  the  Florentines,  so  much  so  indeed 
that  there  were  not  wanting  people  who  accused 
Lorenzo  of  having  encouraged  the  Sultan's  attack. 
Not  only  were  they  rid  of  Alfonso's  objectionable 
presence,  but  they  received  overtures  of  peace  from 
Sixtus  IV,  Towards  the  end  of  1480  deputies, 


122    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

under  the  conduct  of  Soderini,  Bishop  of  Voltera, 
were  despatched  to  Rome  in  order  to  make  terms 
with  the  Pope.  On  the  first  Sunday  in  Advent 
Sixtus  gave  them  audience  beneath  the  portico  of 
St.  Peter's,  where,  on  their  knees,  they  craved 
absolution.  The  Pope,  in  his  reply,  gave  free  vent 
to  his  displeasure  and  reprimanded  them  severely 
for  their  transgressions  against  the  Church.  Finally, 
however,  he  received  their  submission  and  released 
Florence  from  the  interdict. 

Girolamo  Riario,  in  his  insatiable  thirst  for  revenge, 
now  sought  other  means  of  getting  rid  of  Lorenzo. 
In  conjunction  with  some  Florentine  citizens  of 
shady  reputation,  he  set  on  foot  a  fresh  scheme  against 
his  life.  The  place  chosen  was  the  Church  of  the 
Carmelites,  and  Battista  Frescobaldi,  lately  consul 
at  Pera,  undertook  to  do  the  deed  on  Ascension 
Day,  May  31,  1481.  But  Lorenzo's  friends,  who, 
since  the  Pazzi  conspiracy,  had  jealously  guarded 
his  safety,  had  their  suspicions  aroused  and  arrested 
Frescobaldi.  While  in  prison  he  made  a  full  con- 
fession which  resulted  in  the  speedy  execution  of  his 
accomplice  and  himself. 

Universal  consternation  was  excited  in  Florence 
by  this  new  plot,  and  henceforward  Lorenzo  generally 
appeared  in  public  surrounded  by  a  number  of  tried 
and  trusty  friends,  prepared  to  protect  him  against 
any  malicious  attack. 

The  whole  of  Italy  (with  the  exception  of  Venice, 
which  was  suspected  of  having  given  them  encourage- 
ment) united  in  the  endeavour  to  drive  the  Turks 
out  of  Otranto.  But  the  latter  made  a  valiant  re- 
sistance, and  it  was  doubtful  how  the  war  would 
end,  when  a  sudden  illness  put  an  end  to  Mohammed's 
career  (May  3,  1481).  His  death  was  the  occasion 
of  public  rejoicings  in  Rome,  and  processions  of 
thanksgiving,  in  which  the  Pope  himself  took  part, 
were  ordered  during  three  days.  A  dispute  between 


CAPITULATION  OF  OTRANTO     123 

his  two  sons,  Bajazet  and  Djem,  led  to  the  recall 
of  the  Turkish  troops  which  were  destined  for  the 
relief  of  Otranto.  On  September  10  the  town 
capitulated,  and  by  the  terms  of  the  treaty  the  Turks 
were  allowed  to  depart  in  freedom.  But  the  Duke 
of  Calabria,  in  defiance  of  this,  retained  about  1,500 
of  them  as  prisoners,  afterwards  employing  them  in 
his  various  campaigns. 

Meanwhile,  the  Venetians  sought  to  take  possession 
of  Ferrara,  and,  through  the  influence  of  Girolamo 
Riario,  endeavoured  to  win  the  Pope  for  their  side. 
Ercole  d'Este,  Duke  of  Ferrara,  seeing  his  country 
threatened,  also  turned  to  Sixtus  for  help.  But 
the  latter  treated  his  request  with  indifference,  and 
showed  no  inclination  to  take  his  part.  Ferrara 
belonged  to  the  States  over  which  the  Papal  See 
claimed  authority,  and,  though  the  Pope  was  in  no 
position  to  prevent  its  conquest,  he  was  well  aware 
that  the  other  Italian  States  would  not  tolerate  such 
an  aggrandisement  of  Venice.  He  hoped,  too,  to 
be  able  eventually  to  place  the  government  of  Ferrara 
in  the  hands  of  his  beloved  Girolamo  Riario,  who 
was  making  energetic  preparations  for  war. 

The  Duke  of  Ferrara  had  married  the  daughter 
of  Ferrante,  King  of  Naples,  greatly  to  the  displeasure 
of  the  Venetians,  who  looked  upon  the  alliance  as 
a  threat.  Ferrante  proved  a  faithful  friend  to  his 
son-in-law,  who  was  further  supported  by  Lorenzo 
de'  Medici,  the  Duke  of  Milan,  the  Marquis  of 
Mantua,  and  Giovanni  Bentivoglio  of  Bologna.  The 
command  of  the  united  troops  was  undertaken  by 
Duke  Federigo  of  Urbino. 

With  the  view  of  discovering  the  Pope's  real 
attitude  towards  them,  Ferrante  approached  him 
with  the  request  that  he  would  allow  the  Duke  of 
Calabria,  with  some  Neapolitan  troops,  a  free  passage 
through  his  territories.  A  decided  refusal  enlightened 
him.  Without  delay  Alfonso  adopted  hostile  tactics, 


124     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

and,  seizing  Terracina,  Trevi,  and  other  towns,  ad- 
vanced to  within  forty  miles  of  Rome.  At  the  same 
time  the  Florentines  took  possession  of  Castello,  and, 
greatly  to  the  joy  of  its  inhabitants,  restored  it  to 
the  guardianship  of  Niccolo  Vitelli. 

The  Duke  of  Calabria  had  meanwhile  arrived  so 
close  to  Rome  that  daily  skirmishes  took  place  between 
the  outposts.  Ruberto  Malatesta,  who,  at  the  Pope's 
request,  had  taken  command  of  the  papal  troops, 
drove  Alfonso  to  such  straits  that  the  latter,  unable 
to  wait  for  reinforcements  from  Naples,  was  forced 
into  an  engagement  at  Campo  Morto  hi  the  Pontine 
Marshes.  If  we  are  to  believe  Machiavelli,  this  was 
the  most  gory  battle  which  Italy  had  seen  for  fifty 
years.  The  Duke  of  Calabria  was  utterly  defeated, 
but,  thanks  to  the  courage  of  those  Turks  whom 
he  had  unlawfully  detained  after  the  capitulation  of 
Otranto,  he  was  able  to  escape  with  his  life. 

Malatesta,  to  whom  was  due  the  credit  of  thus 
delivering  the  Pope  from  danger,  was  warmly  received 
in  Rome,  where  he  retired  to  enjoy  his  triumph. 
Shortly  after  his  arrival,  however,  he  died  mysteriously. 
His  death  has  been  attributed  to  various  causes, 
among  others,  to  poison  administered  through  the 
malice  of  Girolamo  Riario.  But  it  is  probable  that 
his  colossal  exertions  amid  the  unhealthy  swamps 
of  Campo  Morto  were  quite  enough  to  account  for 
his  sudden  illness.  Sixtus  IV.  showed  every  respect 
to  the  saviour  of  his  capital,  and  with  his  own  hands 
administered  Extreme  Unction.  By  command  of 
the  Pope,  a  marble  monument  was  erected  to  him 
in  St.  Peter's. 

Riario  on  the  other  hand,  at  the  head  of  the  lately 
victorious  army,  hastened  to  dispossess  Pandolfo, 
Malatesta's  illegitimate  son,  of  his  inheritance  of 
Rimini,  a  circumstance  which  tended  to  confirm  the 
suspicions  of  foul  play.  His  attempt  would  probably 
have  been  successful  if  Pandolfo  had  not  turned  for 


EXCOMMUNICATION  OF  VENETIANS  125 

help  to  Lorenzo,  who  sent  some  Florentine  troops 
to  his  relief.  Riario  (who,  though  less  talented  than 
Caesar  Borgia,  seems  to  have  been  but  little  his 
inferior  in  depravity)  then  turned  his  attention  to 
Castello,  which  was  bravely  defended  by  Vitelli,  and 
Pesaro,  which  was  under  the  authority  of  Costanzo 
Sforza. 

The  Venetians,  meanwhile,  had  captured  several 
towns  in  the  dukedom  of  Ferrara,  in  spite  of  the 
resistance  of  the  Duke  of  Urbino.  The  death  of  the 
latter  and  the  ill-health  of  the  Duke  of  Ferrara 
contributed  to  the  further  success  of  the  republic. 
The  Pope,  who  had  lent  them  no  assistance  and 
could  therefore  claim  no  part  in  their  conquests, 
began  to  view  with  alarm  the  growing  power  of  the 
Venetians.  Under  the  influence  of  Giuliano  della 
Rovere,  he  decided  to  detach  himself  from  them 
and  to  enter  into  negotiations  for  a  separate  peace. 
With  the  support  of  the  Emperor's  ambassador  a 
truce  was  made  between  Rome  on  the  one  hand, 
and  the  King  of  Naples,  the  Duke  of  Milan,  and 
the  Florentines  on  the  other  (April  1483).  The 
Venetians  refused  to  give  up  hostilities,  with  the  result 
that  Pope  Sixtus  laid  them  under  excommunication. 

A  congress  was  now  held  at  Cremona,  with  the 
object  of  arranging  some  efficacious  plan  for  humbling 
the  Venetians.  It  was  decided  that  the  Duke  of 
Milan  should  attack  the  Venetian  territory,  and 
that  Alfonso  of  Calabria  should  make  an  effort  to 
relieve  the  Duke  of  Ferrara.  In  this  way  the  pro- 
gress of  the  Venetians  was  checked,  and,  on  being 
foiled  in  their  attempt  to  conquer  Ferrara,  they 
showed  themselves  inclined  for  peace.  The  Duke  of 
Milan  was  approached  and  persuaded  to  relinquish 
the  cause  of  the  allies.  His  defection  moved  the 
others  to  unite  with  Venice  in  the  Peace  of  Bagnolo, 
August  7,  1484,  by  which  the  Ferrarese  were  delivered 
from  the  fear  of  conquest. 


126    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Upon  receiving  the  news  of  this  peace,  which  was 
practically  a  victory  for  Venice,  the  Pope  was  so 
overcome  with  excitement  and  anger  that  for  fifteen 
hours  he  lay  as  one  dead,  and  finally  passed  away  in 
the  night  of  August  12.  It  was  said  that  he  lived  on 
war,  and  that  peace  must  needs  be  his  death.  Though 
not  without  many  good  points,  Sixtus  had  been 
completely  under  the  corrupt  influence  of  Girolamo 
and  Pietro  Riario,  to  whom  he  could  deny  nothing. 
His  nepotism  has  become  a  byword,  and  he  openly 
and  shamelessly  offered  ecclesiastical  offices  for  sale, 
not  even  hesitating  to  create  new  ones  for  the  increase 
of  his  treasury. 

Burchard,  in  his  Diary,  gives  a  vivid  account  of  the 
disgraceful  obsequies  accorded  to  the  dead  Pope.  His 
rooms  were  pillaged  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye  by  his 
valets  and  prelates.  The  chaplain  himself  seems  to 
have  undertaken  to  prepare  the  body  for  burial. 
"  We  washed  the  corpse,"  he  says,  "  but,  as  there 
was  no  towel,  I  tore  up  the  shirt  which  he  was  wearing 
at  his  death  and  used  that  instead.  We  dressed  him, 
without  a  shirt,  in  a  short  cassock,  and  a  pair  of  slippers 
given  by  the  Bishop  of  Cervia."1 

Terrible  days  followed  the  burial  of  Sixtus  IV. 
The  populace  rose  in  fury  against  his  nephews  and 
burned  their  palaces,  while  the  Orsini  and  Colonna 
factions  massacred  one  another  in  the  streets  and  the 
Cardinals  and  nobles  barricaded  the  entrances  to 
their  houses. 

The  new  Pope,  Giovanni  Cibo  (Innocent  VIII.), 
like  his  predecessor,  owed  his  election  to  simony. 
Cardinal  Borgia  had  hoped  to  be  elected,  but,  on 
finding  that  he  had  small  chance  of  success,  sold  his 
votes  to  Cibo.  As  we  have  already  seen,  the  latter 
was  a  person  of  no  character,  with  a  strong  tendency  to 
let  others  do  his  thinking  for  him.  He  cherished  a 

1  See  The  Diary  of  John  Burchard,  Bishop  of  [Orta,  vol:  i. 
English  translation); 


LORENZO  AND  POPE  INNOCENT  VIII.  127 

great  admiration  for  Lorenzo,  and  sought  his  advice 
on  all  important  occasions.  Lorenzo,  who  knew  how 
to  estimate  the  far-reaching  influence  of  the  Papacy 
over  Christendom,  made  every  effort  to  confirm  himself 
in  Innocent's  good  graces.  By  so  doing  he  paved  the 
way  to  the  brilliant  position  to  which  his  family,  in 
spite  of  many  obstacles,  afterwards  attained. 

During  the  confusion  which  followed  the  Pazzi 
conspiracy  the  town  of  Sarzana,  occupying  an  im- 
portant position  near  the  Genoese  and  Florentine 
boundaries,  had  been  seized  by  bandits.  This  was  a 
serious  loss  to  Florence,  and  as  soon  as  Lorenzo  was 
free  from  the  dangers  which  threatened  him  he  made 
preparations  for  its  reconquest.  The  first  thing  to 
do  was  to  take  Pietra  Santa — no  easy  task.  Lorenzo's 
presence,  however,  animated  the  Florentines  with 
fresh  courage,  and,  after  a  few  days'  siege,  the  town 
capitulated,  under  condition  that  the  inhabitants 
should  be  no  further  molested.  The  victory  was  a 
costly  one,  and  through  the  ravages  of  war  and  fever 
Lorenzo  lost  many  of  his  best  friends.  The  troops 
were  exhausted  after  the  campaign,  so  that  instead 
of  proceeding  to  the  attack  of  Sarzana,  they  were 
obliged  to  cease  hostilities  for  a  time.  Lorenzo, 
moreover,  was  suffering  severely  with  gout,  for  which 
he  was  compelled  to  seek  relief  at  the  baths  of  San 
Filippo. 

But  before  his  health  was  restored  Lorenzo  was 
agitated  by  the  revival  of  the  ill-feeling  between 
Ferrante  and  the  Papacy,  the  seeds  of  which  had  been 
sown  in  the  latter  years  of  Sixtus  IV.  The  Neapolitan 
nobles,  whose  liberty  Ferrante  sought  to  restrict, 
became  discontented  and  struggled  to  regain  their 
old  rights.  The  populace,  who  had  suffered  much 
from  the  caprice  and  tryanny  of  the  upper  classes, 
would  undoubtedly  have  come  to  the  King's  help  if 
he  had  not  succeeded  in  suppressing  the  insurrection 
himself.  When  Innocent  VIII.  became  Pope  the 


128    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

nobles  represented  to  him  in  bitter  terms  their  miser- 
able condition  under  Ferrante,  "  a  demon  for  dis- 
simulation, treachery,  and  avarice "  (Symonds),  and 
his  even  more  tyrannical  son,  Alfonso.  The  Pope's 
feelings  were  thus  worked  upon  to  such  a  degree  that 
he  consented  to  engage  in  a  war  which,  said  his 
advisers,  could  only  redound  to  the  honour  and  glory 
of  the  Papacy.  Considerable  forces  were  raised  and 
the  command  undertaken  by  Ruberto  San  Severino. 
The  papal  standard  was  erected  at  Salerno,  which  was 
the  first  town  to  display  open  rebellion. 

Although  Ferrante  was  aware  of  the  amicable 
relations  between  the  Pope  and  Lorenzo,  this  did 
not  prevent  him  from  turning  to  the  latter  for  help. 
Lorenzo  immediately  left  the  baths  of  San  Filippo 
and  hastened  to  assure  the  King  of  his  support,  though 
at  the  same  time  deprecating  his  arbitrary  attitude 
towards  his  nobles.  The  Medici  policy  was  one  of 
peace,  but  Lorenzo  took  Ferrante's  side,  on  the 
ground  that  an  increase  in  the  papal  power  would 
disturb  the  equilibrium  of  Italy.  The  Florentines, 
however,  were  of  a  different  opinion.  They  were  in 
no  wise  disposed  to  make  war  upon  the  amiable  Pope, 
especially  as  they  were  apprehensive  of  the  interference 
of  Venice.  Lorenzo,  however,  knew  his  own  mind, 
and  was  not  to  be  deterred  from  his  plan. 

Meanwhile  the  unrest  at  Naples  was  growing 
apace.  Ferrante's  confidential  ministers  were  in  secret 
correspondence  with  his  enemies,  and  Alfonso,  who 
had  advanced  towards  Rome  in  order  to  hinder  the 
papal  troops  from  uniting  with  the  rebels,  was  com- 
pletely routed  by  San  Severino  and  obliged  to  flee 
to  Florentine  dominions.  Lorenzo,  although  ill  and 
unable  to  visit  Alfonso,  did  his  best  to  deliver  him 
from  his  unenviable  position,  and  gave  him  money 
to  continue  the  campaign.  He  also  influenced  Lu- 
dovico  Sforza,  the  Duke  of  Milan,  and  the  Orsini 
family  to  take  part  against  the  Pope.  At  the  same 


time  he  endeavoured  to  convince  the  latter  of  the 
futility  and  danger  of  his  policy,  assuring  him  that 
the  struggle  could,  at  best,  end  only  in  the  accession 
to  the  Neapolitan  throne  of  some  adventurer  who 
would  be  a  more  dangerous  enemy  to  the  Papal  See 
than  the  House  of  Aragon  had  been.  Innocent's 
martial  zeal  now  began  to  wane.  San  Severino  was 
left  without  further  reinforcement,  and  the  war, 
though  not  abandoned,  was  continued  but  languidly. 
On  May  8,  1486,  a  battle  was  fought.  It  lasted  for 
several  hours,  during  which,  Ammirato  informs  us, 
no  one  was  even  wounded,  much  less  killed.  San 
Severino  was  obliged,  nevertheless,  to  retreat  from  the 
field.  The  results  of  this  bloodless  battle  were  im- 
portant. Ferrante  sought  to  make  terms  with  the 
Pope,  proposing  to  pay  him  a  certain  sum  of  money 
and  to  grant  a  complete  amnesty  to  the  rebellious 
nobles,  at  the  same  time  acknowledging  the  Pope's 
supreme  jurisdiction  over  Naples.  Thereupon  the  war 
came  to  an  end. 

Lorenzo  was  now  free  to  turn  his  attention  to  the 
conquest  of  Sarzana,  which  he  had  very  much  at 
heart.  The  Florentine  troops  were  commanded  by 
Giacopo  Guicciardini  and  Pietro  Vittorio.  The  de- 
fence was  so  obstinate  and  the  siege  so  protracted  that 
Lorenzo,  impatient,  himself  visited  the  troops,  hoping 
to  revive  their  courage.  His  appearance  was  as 
successful  as  it  had  been  at  Pietra-Santa,  and  the 
garrison  surrendered  unconditionally.  Lorenzo's  pre- 
sence prevented  the  pillage  of  the  town,  which,  now 
incorporated  with  the  Florentine  State,  formed  a 
bulwark  against  the  attacks  of  the  Genoese. 

In  July  1487  Lorenzo  lost  his  wife,  Clarice.  He 
seems  to  have  mourned  her  sincerely,  but  his  grief 
was  mitigated  by  his  pleasure  in  the  promotion  to  the 
Cardinalate  of  his  young  son,  Giovanni.  In  spite  of 
the  Neapolitan  war,  Lorenzo  remained  on  good  terms 
with  Pope  Innocent  VIII.  and  did  not  cease  to 

IB 


130     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

importune  him  to  bestow  the  Red  Hat  upon  the  little 
Giovanni,  who  from  his  babyhood  had  been  destined 
for  the  Church.  He  also  appealed  earnestly  to  Ascanio 
Sforza  and  Rodrigo  Borgia  to  exert  their  influence  on 
his  behalf.  Lorenzo's  request  was  finally  granted  in 
March  1489,  but  only  on  the  condition  that  during 
the  next  three  years  Giovanni  should  neither  wear 
the  insignia  of  the  Cardinalate  nor  have  a  seat  or 
vote  in  the  College  of  Cardinals.  Lorenzo  in  vain 
sought  to  set  aside  these  unwelcome  restrictions.  The 
Pope  for  once,  remained  firm,  insisting  that  the 
boy  should  give  the  full  time  of  probation  to  the 
study  of  theology  and  canon  law.  Lorenzo's  letter 
to  his  son  on  the  joyful  occasion  of  his  promotion  to 
the  full  privileges  of  his  rank  (1492),  has  become  a 
classic.  It  is  indeed  a  remarkable  combination  of 
shrewd  worldly  wisdom  and  religious  principle.  The 
young  Cardinal  is  recommended  to  show  his  gratitude 
to  God  for  the  honour  done  him  by  living  a  pious 
and  exemplary  life.  He  is  warned  against  the  diffi- 
culty of  remaining  virtuous  in  Rome,  "  that  sink  of 
all  iniquity,"  "where  there  would  be  no  lack  of  evil- 
minded  persons  anxious  to  drag  him  down  into  the 
abyss  into  which  they  themselves  have  fallen." 
"  Counting  upon  your  youth,"  continues  the  letter, 
"  they  will  expect  to  find  this  an  easy  task.  Thus  it 
behoves  you  to  set  yourself  to  prove  that  this  hope 
is  unfounded,  particularly  because  at  present  the 
College  of  Cardinals  is  so  poor  in  men  of  worth .... 
The  less  your  conduct  resembles  that  of  those  who 
now  compose  it,  the  more  beloved  and  respected  you 
will  be.  ...  You  can  easily  understand  how  much 
depends  upon  the  personality  and  example  of  a  Car- 
dinal. If  the  Cardinals  were  such  as  they  ought  to 
be  the  whole  world  would  be  the  better  for  it ;  for 
they  would  always  elect  a  good  Pope,  and  thus  secure 
the  peace  of  Christendom.  Endeavour,  therefore,  to 
be  such  that  it  would  be  well  for  all  if  the  rest 


LORENZO'S  LETTER  TO  HIS  SON    131 

resembled  you ....  You  are  not  only  the  youngest 
member  of  the  College,  but  the  youngest  person  that 
has  ever  been  raised  to  the  rank  of  Cardinal.  You 
should,  therefore,  in  all  that  has  to  do  with  your 
colleagues,  be  observant  and  respectful  and  keep 
yourself  in  the  background  in  the  Papal  Chapels  and 
Consistories,  or  in  deputations.  You  will  soon  learn 
which  among  them  are  deserving  of  esteem.  You 
must  avoid  both  being  and  seeming  to  be  intimate 
with  those  whose  conduct  is  irregular.  In  conversa- 
tion keep  as  far  as  possible  to  generalities.  On  public 
occasions  let  your  equipage  and  dress  be  rather  below 
than  above  what  is  permissible. 

"  Spend  your  money  rather  on  keeping  a  well- 
appointed  stable  and  servants  of  a  superior  class  than 
on  pomp  and  show.  Endeavour  to  lead  a  regular 
life,  and  gradually  get  your  household  into  strict 
order — a  thing  which  cannot  be  done  immediately 
where  both  master  and  servant  are  new.  Silks  and 
jewels  are  not  suitable  for  persons  in  your  position, 
and  your  taste  will  be  better  shown  in  the  acquisition 
of  a  few  valuable  antiques  and  handsome  books  and 
by  your  circle  being  well-bred  and  learned  rather 
than  numerous.  Also,  it  is  better  for  you  to  enter- 
tain your  friends  at  home  than  to  dine  out  often ;  but 
in  this  matter  you  should  follow  a  middle  course. 
Let  your  food  be  simple,  and  take  plenty  of  exercise ; 
for  those  in  your  situation  are  liable,  without  great 
caution,  to  contract  infirmities.  .  .  .  Let  it  be  your 
rule  to  rise  early.  Setting  aside  the  advantage  to 
your  health  of  the  practice,  it  gives  you  time  to  get 
through  the  business  of  the  day  and  to  fulfil  your 
various  obligations.  .  .  . 

"  Another  very  necessary  precaution,  particularly 
on  your  entrance  into  public  life,  is  to  call  to  mind 
in  the  evening  what  will  be  the  work  of  the  day 
following,  so  that  you  may  never  be  unprepared  for 
your  business.  If  you  speak  in  the  Consistory,  it 


132     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

seems  to  me  that,  considering  your  youth  and  in- 
experience, it  will  be  most  becoming  for  you  to  adhere 
to  the  wise  judgment  of  the  Holy  Father.  You  will 
be  pressed  to  intercede  for  the  favours  of  the  Pope. 
Be  cautious,  however,  that  you  trouble  him  not  too 
often,  for  his  temper  leads  him  to  give  most  to  those 
who  are  least  clamorous.  You  should  be  on  the 
watch  to  say  nothing  that  would  annoy  him,  but 
rather  tell  him  things  likely  to  give  him  pleasure ; 
and,  if  you  should  be  obliged  to  request  some  kindness 
from  him,  let  it  be  done  with  that  modesty  which 
corresponds  best  with  his  own  disposition.  Take 
care  of  your  health." 

It  is  difficult  to  reconcile  the  tone  of  this  letter 
with  the  morality  of  its  writer.  Lorenzo  is  said  to 
have  ruined  the  happiness  of  countless  homes,  and  to 
have  even  seized  the  dowries  of  Florentine  girls  to  fill 
his  own  coffers. 

Lorenzo's  low  opinion  of  the  College  of  Cardinals 
at  this  time  was,  alas  !  but  too  well  founded.  It  is 
true  that  it  possessed  a  few  worthy  members,  but  their 
influence  was  quite  outweighed  by  that  of  the  majority, 
who  lived  the  lives  of  secular  princes  steeped  in  luxury 
of  the  most  debased  and  licentious  kind.  Prominent 
among  the  most  corrupt  and  vicious  of  them  were 
Ascanio  Sforza,  Orsini,  Riario,  Giuliano  della  Rovere, 
and,  most  of  all,  Rodrigo  Borgia.  Of  these  two 
subsequently  wore  the  tiara — Borgia  as  Alexander  VI., 
and  della  Rovere  as  Julius  II. 

Lorenzo  never  saw  his  favourite  son  again  after  the 
celebrations  in  honour  of  his  promotion.  His  malady 
was  becoming  so  serious  that,  towards  the  end  of 
March  1492  he  left  Florence  for  his  villa  at  Capreggi, 
hoping  to  benefit  by  the  country  air.  But  it  was  in 
vain.  He  rapidly  became  worse,  and  his  illness  is 
said  to  have  been  aggravated  by  the  medical  treat- 
ment, in  particular  by  a  draught  of  crushed  pearls 
and  powdered  precious  stones.  His  friend,  Poliziano 


DEATH  OF  LORENZO  133 

and  his  favourite  sister,  Bianca,  were  with  him  to  cheer 
his  last  days,  and  it  was  the  former  who  broke  to 
him  the  news  of  his  rapidly  approaching  end.  Lorenzo 
sent  for  Savonarola,  the  friar  whose  name  was  then 
on  every  tongue,  in  order  to  receive  absolution. 
What  passed  between  them  is  not  certain.  One 
account  says  that  before  the  Prior  would  hear  his 
confession  he  asked  the  dying  man  whether  he  felt 
himself  to  be  in  the  true  faith  of  God.  Lorenzo 
answered  that  he  fervently  believed  it.  Thereupon 
Savonarola  asked  him  if  he  would  restore  all  that 
he  had  unlawfully  acquired.  After  some  hesitation, 
Lorenzo  agreed,  but  when  he  was  desired  to  restore 
liberty  to  Florence  he  indignantly  dismissed  the 
Prior  without  having  made  his  confession.  The  Last 
Sacraments  were,  however,  administered  by  another, 
and  Lorenzo  had  a  long  interview  with  his  son  Piero. 
Shortly  afterwards  he  breathed  his  last,  April  8,  1492. 
Thus  died  Lorenzo  the  Magnificent,  the  man 
whose  "  pregnant  parts  and  quick  inventive  brain  " 
have  been  the  wonder  of  his  own  and  subsequent 
generations.  His  character,  a  fine  one  in  many 
respects,  was  full  of  the  strangest  inconsistencies,  and 
the  ease  with  which  he  could  turn  from  the  most 
serious  occupations  to  the  most  frivolous  amusements 
gained  him  the  reputation  of  possessing  two  souls  in 
one  body.  He  appears  to  have  had  genuine  claims 
to  piety,  yet  he  was  rarely  free  from  some  amorous 
intrigue.  "  One  day  would  find  him  disputing  in  the 
Academy  on  virtue  and  immortality  and  inditing 
pious  poems ;  on  the  next  he  might  be  seen  in  the 
midst  of  his  dissolute  friends,  singing  loose  carnival- 
songs,  or  listening  to  Luigi  Pulci  declaiming  the 
wanton  lyrics  of  his  M organic."  The  words  and 
example  of  such  a  man,  and  the  evil  splendour  of  such 
a  Court,  could  not  fail  to  have  a  corrupting  influence 
on  Florentine  life.1  On  the  other  hand,  it  must  be 

1  Pastor 


134     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

remembered  that,  on  the  whole,  he  sought  to  promote 
the  peace  and  happiness  of  his  country  and  never 
prostituted  his  undoubted  military  talent  to  a  purely 
selfish  ambition.  He  may,  perhaps,  have  been  intent 
on  personal  ends  in  the  first  instance,  but  throughout 
the  whole  policy  of  this  "  miniature  Augustus  "  there 
was  woven  "  a  genuine  fibre  of  patriotism." 

The  news  of  Lorenzo's  death  gave  rise  to  universal 
sorrow  in  the  city  of  the  lilies,  for  as  Guicciardini  once 
wrote :  "  Florence  could  not  have  had  a  better  or 
more  delightful  tyrant."  He  left  behind  him  three 
sons — Piero,  "  the  mad,"  Giovanni,  "  the  wise,"  and 
Giuliano,  "  the  good."  The  eldest,  Piero,  was  hardly 
twenty-one,  and  it  was  only  by  special  arrangement 
that  the  magistrates,  out  of  respect  to  his  father's 
memory,  allowed  him  to  take  public  office.  He  was 
a  wild  young  fellow,  absolutely  unfit  to  assume  the 
direction  of  the  State,  as  events  soon  proved.  His 
portrait  by  Botticelli,  to  be  seen  in  the  Uffizi,  shows 
a  handsome  and  interesting  face  with  a  great  bush  of 
dark  hair.  He  was  tall  and  commanding  in  figure, 
and  possessed  of  extraordinary  strength  and  agility. 
Indeed  if  his  moral  nature  had  been  as  well  developed 
as  his  physical,  he  might  have  made  an  excellent 
ruler.  His  manners  were,  on  the  whole,  agreeable, 
though  at  times  haughty  and  overbearing.  From  the 
Florentines  he  demanded  a  blind  obedience,  and 
he  constantly  ignored  the  advice  so  often  given  him 
by  his  father,  "  to  remember  that  he  was  only  a 
citizen  of  Florence."  Persons  with  any  claim  to 
positions  of  importance  were  looked  upon  by  Piero 
with  the  greatest  suspicion.  There  still  existed  other 
members  of  the  Medici  family  who  might,  with 
almost  equal  right,  have  taken  upon  themselves  the 
conduct  of  affairs.  The  sons  of  Piero  Francesco 
Medici,  Lorenzo  and  Giovanni,  although  descended 
from  the  younger  branch,  had  hardly  less  claim  than 
Piero  to  posts  of  authority  in  the  State.  But  this 


SAVONAROLA  135 

branch  of  the  Medici,  although  possessed  of  great 
wealth,  had  never  taken  any  part  in  the  government, 
probably  because  the  connection  with  the  older 
branch  of  the  house  was  considered  honour  enough. 
Nevertheless,  there  arose  between  the  two  a  spirit  of 
rivalry  which  was  not  without  important  effects. 

Another  source  of  disturbance  was  the  preaching 
of  Girolamo  Savonarola,  who  was  stirring  all  hearts 
with  his  denunciations  of  the  prevailing  immorality 
and  self-indulgence.  Under  his  influence  men  and 
women  laid  aside  their  former  luxuries  and  adopted 
the  simplest  and  barest  form  of  living.  So  completely, 
indeed,  did  this  remarkable  man  dominate  the  popular 
mind  that  it  was  not  difficult  to  foresee  that  he  would 
shortly  influence  the  domain  of  politics  to  a  like  extent. 

It  is  possible  that  Piero  might  have  attained  his 
end  by  banishing  Savonarola  from  Florence ;  but  the 
Prior  was  so  much  beloved  by  the  people  that  such  a 
step  would  have  been  ill-advised.  Piero  himself  was 
no  favourite  with  the  Florentines,  for  he  was  quite 
devoid  of  his  father's  tact  and  moderation. 

Lorenzo's  uncle,  Piero  Francesco  Medici,  had  left 
behind  him  two  sons,  the  aforesaid  Lorenzo  and 
Giovanni,  who  cherished  a  not  unwarrantable  grudge 
against  Piero.  Giovanni  was  much  admired  for  his 
handsome  appearance,  and  found  no  difficulty  in  cap- 
turing the  hearts  of  the  beautiful  ladies  of  Florence. 
It  happened  that,  one  evening,  he  and  Piero  were  at 
a  masked  ball  where  both  sought  the  favour  of  the 
same  lady.  But  to  tolerate  such  a  position  was 
impossible  to  the  haughty  Piero,  who,  infuriated  at 
the  success  of  his  rival,  bespattered  with  ink  his 
garment  of  silver  cloth. 

Giovanni  bore  the  insult  as  well  as  he  could.  Per- 
haps he  did  not  recognise  Piero,  or  did  not  feel  inclined 
to  begin  hostilities.  But  another  masked  ball  was 
held  at  which  both  rivals  were  again  present.  Piero, 
unable  to  brook  the  idea  that  another  should  dare 


136    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

to  aspire  to  the  favour  of  the  lady  in  question,  rushed 
angrily  up  to  Giovanni  and  tore  the  mask  from  his 
face.  The  latter,  who  was  surrounded  by  friends, 
drew  his  dagger  and  plunged  it  into  Piero's  breast. 
Happily  for  the  latter,  he  was  wearing  armour  under- 
neath his  clothes,  so  that  no  harm  was  done. 

The  next  morning  Piero  brought  the  case  before 
the  magistrates,  desiring  that  the  Medici  brothers 
might  be  severely  punished.  Fearing,  however,  that 
he  would  be  reproached  with  undue  severity  towards 
his  own  kinsmen,  he  contented  himself  with  their 
temporary  banishment  from  Florence. 

Nevertheless,  both  brothers  preserved  an  undying 
animosity  for  Piero,  and  lost  no  opportunity  of  trying 
to  injure  him.  Through  the  mediation  of  Ludovico 
Sforza,  they  entered  into  an  alliance  with  Charles  VIII. 
of  France,  who  was  planning  an  invasion  of  Italy. 
They  gave  him  clearly  to  understand  that  the  Floren- 
tines were  already  out  of  conceit  with  Piero  and  that  the 
situation  was  now  ripe  for  overthrowing  the  Medici 
rule  and  restoring  Florence  to  her  original  condition. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  vain  and  ambitious  Piero 
had  attached  himself  to  the  King  of  Naples.  Alfonso, 
who  had  now  succeeded  his  father,  Ferrante,  appears 
to  have  promised  to  try  to  procure  for  him  the  title 
of  Prince  and  the  power  of  a  despot,  and,  in  return 
for  this,  was  to  be  allowed  to  shelter  his  fleet  in  the 
harbour  of  Livorno  and  to  count  on  Piero's  assistance 
in  repulsing  the  attacks  of  the  French. 

In  this  way  were  the  members  of  the  same  family 
divided  into  two  hostile  camps,  one  of  which  encour- 
aged Charles  VIII.  in  his  invasion  of  Italy,  while  the 
other  favoured  the  claims  of  the  House  of  Aragon. 
Their  private  enmity  was  thus  the  cause  not  only  of 
the  discord  in  Florence,  but,  also,  to  a  certain  extent, 
of  the  undoing  of  Italy. 


CHAPTER  VII 

Illness  of  Louis  XI.  of  France — The  Hermit  of  Calabria  summoned 
to  heal  him — His  fear  of  death — His  character  and  administra- 
tion— His  successor,  Charles  VIII. — Anne  of  Beaujeu  :  her  wise 
rule — Civil  war  in  Brittany — Landois  :  his  terrible  fate — Battle 
of  St.  Aubin  du  Cormier — La  Tremouilles'  treatment  of  his 
prisoners — Death  of  Francis  of  Brittany — His  daughter  Anne — 
War  continued — Betrothal  of  Anne  of  Brittany — Anne  of 
Beaujeu  gradually  withdraws  from  her  position  of  authority — 
Release  of  Louis  of  Orleans — Marriage  of  Charles  VIII.  and 
Anne  of  Brittany — Character  and  appearance  of  Charles  VIII. 

IT  was  evident  that  Louis  XI.  of  France  would  never 
be  well  again.  In  March,  1480,  he  had  been  suddenly 
deprived  of  sense  and  speech  by  a  paralytic  seizure. 
For  three  days  he  remained  in  this  condition,  and 
though  he  afterwards  recovered  his  faculties,  he  had 
never  really  regained  his  strength.  The  thought  of 
death  filled  him  with  terror,  and  in  his  extremity 
he  sent  for  the  Hermit,  Robert  of  Calabria,  whose 
prayers  were  reputed  to  restore  the  sick  to  health. 
This  holy  man  had  lived  for  thirty  years  under  the 
shadow  of  a  rock,  during  which  time  he  had  tasted 
neither  fish,  flesh,  eggs,  nor  milk.  He  was  an  un- 
learned man,  "  ni  clerc  ni  lettre,"  but  in  saintliness 
none  could  compare  with  him.  Pope  Sixtus  himself 
bowed  before  the  Hermit's  wisdom  and  piety,  and 
on  his  journey  through  Italy  the  people  everywhere 
honoured  him  as  an  apostolic  messenger  and  saint. 
When  he  arrived  at  Tours,  King  Louis,  on  his  knees, 
implored  him  to  prolong  his  life.  The  Hermit  tried 
in  vain  to  turn  his  thoughts  to  the  life  beyond  the 
grave,  assuring  him  that  with  God  alone  lay  the 

137 


138    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

power  to  lengthen  his  days.  Comines  tells  us  that 
he  often  overheard  his  ministrations  to  the  King,  and 
declares  that  his  words  were  most  certainly  divinely 
inspired,  being  void  of  any  earthly  taint. 

Nevertheless,  Louis's  condition  grew  nothing  better, 
and,  as  he  became  weaker,  his  state  of  mind  grew 
even  more  pitiable.  He  was  painfully  conscious  that 
he  had  unduly  oppressed  his  subjects,  and  now  lived 
in  a  constant  state  of  suspicion  and  dread  that  they 
would  avenge  themselves.  In  terror  he  shut  himself 
in  his  Chateau  of  Plessis,  near  Tours,  keeping  his 
Scottish  guards  at  hand  both  day  and  night.  At 
the  same  time  he  was  most  anxious  to  conceal  his  true 
state  from  the  people,  and,  from  fear  of  losing  his 
authority,  he  dealt  out  severe  punishments,  and 
conferred  and  arbitrarily  withdrew  offices  and  dignities 
with  the  object  of  proving  that  he  was  still  capable 
of  governing.  By  dint  of  thus  unpleasantly  asserting 
himself  there  was  little  danger  that  his  existence 
would  be  ignored.  Another  of  the  whims  by  which 
he  hoped  to  deceive  his  subjects  as  to  his  failing 
strength  was  to  lay  aside  his  usual  sordid  garb  and 
appear  before  them  in  the  most  gorgeous  apparel,  in 
spite  of  his  pitiably  wasted  appearance. 

When  Louis  realised  that  his  end  was  near  he  sent 
for  his  son  Charles,  whom  he  had  neglected  for  several 
years,  and  gave  him  some  parting  words  of  good 
advice,  recommending  him  to  retain  his  old  servants, 
to  avoid  quarrelling  with  Francis,  Duke  of  Brittany, 
and  to  keep  the  peace  right  and  left  until  he  came 
of  age.  So  great  was  his  fear  of  death  that  his 
attendants  were  forbidden  to  mention  the  word  in 
his  hearing.  Nevertheless,  he  passed  away  (August  30, 
1483)  more  peacefully  than  do  many  braver  and  better 
men.  "  A  cry  of  thankfulness,"  it  is  said,  "  went 
up  from  every  heart  in  France  when  his  death  was 
known.  .  .  ." 
.Louis,  XL  has  been  called,  an  universal  spider.  He 


CHARACTER  OF  LOUIS  XI.        139 

was  sly  and  suspicious,  but  displayed  great  shrewdness 
and  wariness  in  the  conduct  of  affairs.  Cruel  and  un- 
sympathetic in  disposition,  it  is  said  that  he  had  more 
than  4,000  people  put  to  death  during  his  reign.  One 
of  his  political  enemies,  Cardinal  de  Balue,  was  kept 
shut  up  for  many  years  in  an  iron  cage  as  a  punish- 
ment for  his  offences.  Both  his  first  and  second  wives 
suffered  much  from  his  harshness  and  neglect,  and 
he  made  but  little  effort  to  bring  up  his  son  Charles 
in  a  way  befitting  the  future  King  of  France. 
Although  proud  and  haughty  in  manner,  Louis 
displayed  a  distinct  propensity  for  pleasures  of  the 
lowest  kind,  and  engaged  in  amorous  intrigues  with 
an  abandonment  which  seems  hardly  compatible 
with  the  superstition  and  caution  of  his  character. 

But,  notwithstanding  his  many  and  glaring  faults, 
Louis  XI.  was  a  great  king.  Under  his  administration 
the  disturbed  country  acquired  some  semblance  of 
order ;  he  stamped  out  feudalism  and  substituted 
autocracy  for  anarchy,  and,  by  breaking  the  power  of 
the  nobles,  he  laid  the  foundation  of  France's  future 
greatness.  He  also  gave  an  impetus  to  commerce, 
and  to  him  is  due  the  credit  of  establishing  the  silk 
industry.  Though  himself  no  scholar,  he  encouraged 
learning,  and  set  up  a  printing  press  at  the  Sorbonne, 
while  the  Greek  savants  who  sought  refuge  in  France 
after  the  conquest  of  Constantinople  found  in  him 
a  powerful  protector. 

Charles  was  only  thirteen  at  the  time  of  his  father's 
death,  and  his  guardianship  was  entrusted  to  his 
elder  sister,  Anne  of  Beaujeu,  wife  of  Pierre  de 
Bourbon.  She  was  a  strong-souled  and  capable 
woman,  and  for  nine  years  continued  to  be  the 
virtual  ruler  of  France.  History  has  never  given 
Anne  her  due,  but  she  undoubtedly  deserves  the 
highest  honour  for  the  wonderful  vigour  and  skill 
with  which  she  guided  the  affairs  of  France  during 
this  time.  "Her  very  success  has  doome.d  her v Jo 


140    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

the  neglect  of  posterity ;  she  was  neither  tragical 
nor  wicked,  and  the  historians  of  the  time  have 
passed  her  by  almost  without  a  word.  She  dealt 
sharply  with  Philip  of  Comines  after  the  death  of 
Louis  XL,  as  indeed  he  justly  deserved ;  and  the 
historian  has  meanly  avenged  himself  on  her  by 
omitting  from  his  Memoirs  the  years  of  her  admirable 
government,  and  "  even  the  very  mention  of  her 
name."  Her  accession  to  authority  gave  great 
umbrage  to  the  nobles,  in  particular  to  Louis  of 
Orleans,  who  himself  wanted  to  be  in  her  place. 
Anne,  or  "  Madame  la  Grande,"  as  she  was  well 
styled,  was  alarmed  at  his  attitude,  and  did  all  she 
could  to  impress  the  people  in  her  favour.  She 
liberated  prisoners,  recalled  the  banished,  reduced 
the  taxes,  and  brought  Jean  Doyrac  and  Olivier 
Daim  to  justice.  Olivier,  a  barber  beloved  of  the 
late  King,  was  hanged  for  his  many  crimes,  while 
Doyrac,  who  had  insulted  Anne's  husband,  the 
Duke  of  Bourbon,  was  banished,  after  having  been 
publicly  whipped  in  Paris  and  having  his  tongue 
and  his  ears  removed. 

Anne  came  out  victorious  in  the  struggle  which 
had  been  set  on  foot  to  overthrow  her.  The  States- 
General  had  met  at  Tours  to  consider  the  matter, 
but  Anne  showed  so  much  ability  in  the  conduct 
of  her  case  that  her  fame  spread  throughout  the 
whole  country.  Her  success,  however,  did  not  inter- 
fere with  her  temperate  and  tactful  policy.  In  order 
to  conciliate  Louis  of  Orleans,  the  Duke  of  Angouleme, 
and  Dunois,  Louis's  illegitimate  son,  each  of  them 
was  given  a  yearly  pension  and  a  company  of  a 
hundred  lancers. 

Peace  seemed  to  be  restored,  when  there  arose 
fresh  disturbances  which  were  eventually  to  bring 
about  the  union  of  Brittany  and  France. 

By  the  last  will  and  testament  of  Francis  de  Montfort, 
Duke  of  Brittany,  it  was  decreed  that,  in  the  event 


FRANCIS  II.  OF  BRITTANY       141 

of  his  family's  dying  out,  the  dukedom  should  fall 
to  the  Lord  of  Penthievre  and  his  niece,  the  Lady 
of  Brosse.  As  he  possessed  two  brothers,  an  uncle 
and  a  cousin,  the  extinction  of  his  house  seemed  so 
improbable  that  no  one  took  much  heed  of  this 
provision.  Strange  to  relate,  they  all  died,  except 
the  cousin,  Francis  II.  of  Brittany,  who  had  only 
two  daughters. 

Louis  XI.  persuaded  the  Lady  of  Brosse  to  sell 
her  claims  to  him.  Francis  II.,  who  lived  in  mortal 
terror  of  Louis,  sought  help  from  Edward  of  England, 
Maximilian  of  Austria,  and  his  son  Philip  the  Hand- 
some, offering  one  of  his  daughters  to  each  of  the  latter. 
But  neither  of  these  could  aid  him  ;  Edward  was  pre- 
vented by  the  confusion  arising  from  the  ambitious 
plans  of  his  uncle  Richard,  and  Maximilian  was 
occupied  by  internal  strife  and  the  revolt  of  Ghent. 

There  were  two  other  claimants — Davaugours,  the 
legitimised  bastard  of  Francis  II.,  and  the  Vicomte 
Rohan,  who  had  married  a  daughter  of  Francis  I. 
Rohan  had  two  sons,  for  whom  he  coveted  the  Duke's 
daughters.  Francis  refused  to  entertain  the  idea  of 
such  an  alliance  in  spite  of  the  exhortations  of  his 
nobles. 

Francis  II.  was  completely  under  the  influence 
of  his  minister  Landois,  who,  originally  a  tailor,  had 
been  raised  to  the  highest  position  of  honour.  His 
bold  and  domineering  ways  made  him  greatly  disliked, 
and  his  conduct  with  regard  to  the  Chancellor 
Chauvin  made  him  the  object  of  universal  hatred. 
This  unfortunate  Chancellor  was  allowed  to  perish 
of  hunger  in  an  infected  dungeon,  and  the  jailer, 
fearing  to  be  accused  of  his  death,  displayed  the  ter- 
ribly emaciated  corpse  in  public.  Landois  bestowed 
the  dead  man's  property  upon  the  Davaugours,  thus 
making  Francis  his  accomplice. 

Shunned  by  all,  Landois  sought  help  from  Louis 
of  Orleans,  who  hastened  to  Nantes  to  meet  him. 


142     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Rendered  still  more  impudent  by  this  alliance,  Landois 
promoted  his  nephew,  Guibe,  to  the  bishoprics  of 
Rennes,  Nantes,  and  d'Alby,  and  finally  made  him 
ambassador,  legate,  and  Cardinal.  Another  nephew 
he  appointed  Coadjutor  of  Rennes,  an  office  which 
was  to  prepare  his  way  to  becoming  President  of  the 
States-General.  Despinay,  who  then  occupied  this 
position,  was  a  hindrance  to  Landois's  plan,  so  he 
got  rid  of  him  as  he  had  already  despatched  Chauvin, 
in  1484. 

The  nobles  now  determined  to  bear  his  tyranny 
no  longer.  Thronging  to  the  Duke's  palace,  they 
implored  him,  on  their  knees,  to  grant  them  justice. 
Francis,  although  terrified  out  of  his  wits,  refused  to 
deliver  up  his  favourite.  Another  party  of  nobles 
tracked  Landois  to  his  country  house,  but  he  escaped 
just  in  time  and  returned  the  next  day  in  triumph 
to  the  palace. 

Brittany  was  now  divided  into  two  parties  :  Landois 
united  with  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  while  the  conspiring 
nobles  joined  Anne  of  Brittany,  daughter  of  Francis  II. 
Since  his  coronation  festivities,  the  young  King 
Charles  had  been  a  fervent  admirer  of  Louis  of  Orleans, 
who  on  this  occasion  had  distinguished  himself  in 
the  tourney.  He  was  also  beginning  to  look  upon 
his  good  sister  Anne  as  an  obstacle  to  the  exercise 
of  his  authority,  interfering  with  his  plans  and 
separating  him  from  his  friends.  Among  these  were 
the  three  chamberlains,  Maillet,  Pot,  and  Gouffier. 
They  had  made  up  their  minds  to  kidnap  the  King, 
and  were  actually  in  his  room,  persuading  him  to 
flee,  when  Anne  rushed  in  upon  them,  and,  animated 
by  the  spirit  of  her  dead  father,  so  intimidated  the 
conspirators  by  her  threats  that  they  fled  ignominiously 
from  the  Court.  Charles,  who  was  a  weak  and  good- 
natured  youth,  gave  in  without  resistance.  The 
Duke  of  Orleans,  as  the  prime  mover  of  the  plot, 
dared  no  longer  to  show  his  face  at  Court.  Anne, 


ANNE  OF  BEAUJEU  143 

who  dreaded  opposition  from  the  Parisians  (whose 
governor  was  an  Orlean),  had  her  brother  carefully 
watched  and  guarded  by  troops,  and  took  him  to 
Montargis  in  order  to  await  developments. 

The  Duke  of  Orleans  meanwhile  sought  to  curry 
favour  with  the  people,  by  taking  the  part  of  the 
oppressed  against  the  oppressor.  So  secure  of  his 
position  did  he  feel  that  in  January  1485  he,  as 
first  prince  of  France,  laid  claim  in  Parliament  to 
the  Presidency  of  the  States-General.  He  was, 
however,  repulsed  by  the  leader,  Jacques  de  la  Vac- 
querie,  who  remarked  that  the  greatest  blessings 
for  the  country  would  be  unanimity  and  peace,  and 
that  the  princes  of  the  blood  should  set  the  people 
a  good  example.  Louis  then  turned  to  the  Uni- 
versity, which  at  that  time  numbered  about  25,000 
students,  but  was  here  even  more  frigidly  received. 

Anne  of  Beaujeu  now  thought  it  time  to  act. 
She  sent  to  Paris  armed  soldiers  who  would  doubtless 
have  taken  Louis  prisoner  had  not  his  allies,  Gui, 
Pot,  and  Louhans,  discovered  his  danger,  set  him  on 
a  mule  and  helped  him  to  escape.  At  the  same 
time  Anne  entered  the  city. 

However,  Louis  was  not  yet  quelled.  In  conjunction 
with  Duke  Francis  of  Brittany  and  the  able  Dunois 
he  collected  a  force  of  10,000  men  and  attacked  the 
Regent.  Her  cause  seemed  hopeless  when  affairs 
suddenly  took  a  favourable  turn.  Orleans  was  about 
to  take  the  bridge  spanning  the  Loire  and  join  his 
allies  on  the  other  side  when  Anne,  noticing  this 
manoeuvre,  sent  Duboucheage  to  oppose  it.  The 
citizens  of  Orleans  came  to  her  assistance,  and  Louis, 
pursued  by  la  Tremouille,  was  obliged  to  yield  at 
Beaugency. 

The  French  nobles  set  their  hopes  on  Landois, 
who  had  meanwhile  collected  a  considerable  army. 
But  he,  too  confident  of  success,  plundered  and 
burned  the  possessions  of  many  important  Bretons 


144    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

who  were  absent  in  Ancenis.  By  this  barbarity  he 
drove  them  to  unite  with  Charles  VIII.  Not  content 
with  this,  he  ordered  his  troops  to  seize  the  nobles 
in  Ancenis.  Anne  of  Beaujeu  sent  the  militia  from 
Guienne  to  their  help.  The  two  armies  met,  but, 
instead  of  fighting,  they  effected  a  reconciliation, 
indignant  that  the  interests  of  so  infamous  a  scoundrel 
should  lead  to  a  civil  war. 

Landois,  nothing  daunted,  continued  his  resistance, 
supported  by  Duke  Francis.  Several  nobles  with- 
drew from  the  troop,  and,  hi  conjunction  with  the 
inhabitants  of  Nantes,  demanded  his  surrender. 
Quaking  with  fear,  the  favourite  fled  to  the  Duke, 
who  despatched  the  Cardinal  de  Foix  and  the  Vicomte 
Narbonne  to  allay  the  uproar.  They  returned, 
however,  without  having  effected  their  object.  The 
insurgents  came  nearer  and  nearer,  demanding  that 
Landois  should  be  delivered  over  to  them.  The  latter, 
green  with  terror,  hid  in  a  cupboard.  On  hearing 
the  Chancellor  and  his  enemies  approaching,  Duke 
Francis,  with  incredible  infatuation,  continued  to 
support  him.  "  Why  did  the  people  want  him  ? 
What  evil  had  he  done  ?  "  he  asked.  And  not  till 
they  appeased  him  by  pretending  that  they  wanted 
to  shelter  Landois  from  the  rage  of  the  populace, 
and  that  he  would  be  given  a  chance  of  vindicating 
himself,  did  the  Duke  produce  him  from  his  hiding- 
place.  Taking  Landois  by  the  hand,  he  admonished 
the  Chancellor  to  consider  the  interests  of  justice, 
which  the  latter,  without  any  breach  of  the  truth, 
had  no  difficulty  in  promising. 

Landois  came  to  a  sad,  though  well-merited  end. 
A  confession  of  part  of  his  crime  was  wrested  from 
him  by  torture,  and  then  he  was  put  to  death  by 
hanging.  Afterwards  two  parties  were  again  formed, 
the  one  adhering  to  Charles  VIII.  and  Anne  of 
Beaujeu,  the  other  to  the  Emperor  Maximilian, 
who  was  to  marry  Anne  of  Brittany,  daughter  of 


ALESSANDRO    FARNESE,    POPE    PAUL    III.,    WITH    HIS    GRANDSON    CARDINAL    ALESSANDRO 

FARNESE,  AND   HIS   NEPHEW     JUAN    BORGIA    II.,    DUKE    OF     NEPI,     FIFTH    SON    OF    POPE 

ALEXANDER    VI.,    BY    HIS    MISTRESS    GIUI.IA    FARNESE,    SISTER    OF    POPE    PAUL    III. 

Titian  (National  Museum,  Naples}. 


144] 


Francis  II.  To  Maximilian's  adherents  belonged 
Louis  of  Orleans  and  his  inseparable  companion 
Dunois,  as  well  as  Francis  II.  and  his  new  favourite, 
Lescun.  After  the  death  of  the  Seigneur  of  Brosse, 
his  widow,  Nicoli,  had  made  over  his  property  of 
Penthievre  to  France,  to  the  huge  indignation  of 
Duke  Francis  and  Lescun.  Spurred  on  by  them, 
Maximilian  seized  Mortagne  and  Terouenne,  and 
sent  his  herald  to  Paris  demanding  that  Anne  of 
Beaujeu  should  be  removed  from  the  Court  of  his 
son-in-law,  Charles  VIII. ,  and  the  States-General 
summoned.  All  this  was  with  the  idea  of  restoring 
peace,  but  his  tactics  aroused  universal  displeasure. 
"  The  time  when  Germany  was  subject  to  France 
may  be  remembered,"  exclaimed  Graville,  lord  of 
Beaujeu,  Vendome,  and  Montpensier,  "  but  not  the 
time  when  France  was  subject  to  Germany."  Not- 
withstanding the  indignation  produced,  the  Regent 
had  a  foreboding  that  a  plot  was  being  prepared,  and 
she  turned  to  her  brother-in-law,  the  Constable  de 
Bourbon,  entreating  his  support.  With  some  diffi- 
culty she  succeeded  in  bringing  him  over  to  her  side. 
At  the  same  time  a  messenger  was  intercepted  bearing 
letters  which  proved  beyond  a  doubt  the  existence  of 
a  plot.  Maximilian,  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  the  Duke 
of  Lorraine,  and  others,  as  well  as  the  greater  part 
of  Brittany,  Navarre,  Gascony,  and  Guienne,  had 
conspired  against  her,  though  the  soul  of  the  plot  was 
Dunois. 

Anne  stood  alone  against  them  all.  She  appealed, 
however,  to  the  towns  for  assistance,  and  her  con- 
fidence was  not  misplaced.  Thus  intimidated,  many 
of  the  conspirators  went  over  to  her  side  and  the 
danger  which  had  threatened  her  faded  into  insig- 
nificance. 

Intrigues  and  agitations  continued,  but  through 
the  remarkable  skill  with  which  the  energetic  Regent 
conducted  affairs,  most  of  the  fortified  places  of 

KB 


146    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Brittany  fell  at  last  under  her  sway,  while  Duke 
Francis  remained  possessed  of  little  besides  Nantes 
and  Rennes.  She  owed  much  to  the  loyalty  of  la 
Tremouille,  who  worked  under  command  of  the 
Constable  de  Bourbon.  Her  young  brother,  whom 
she  had  hardly  allowed  out  of  her  sight  since  the  last 
attempt  at  kidnapping,  was  then  able  to  return  to 
Paris. 

The  Regent,  who  had  hitherto  been  distinguished 
for  her  moderation,  now  took  a  step  which  gave  rise 
to  a  new  war.  Before  Parliament  she  accused  her 
brother-in-law,  Louis  of  Orleans,  of  felony,  and  the 
Duke  of  Brittany  and  the  Grand-duke  Philip,  Count 
of  Flanders,  of  withholding  their  feudal  homage  from 
the  King.  The  Duke  of  Bourbon,  the  Counts  of 
Nevers  and  Angouleme,  either  from  disinclination  or 
from  motives  of  propriety,  absented  themselves  from 
the  session.  This  circumstance  brought  Anne  to  her 
senses,  especially  as  the  magistrates  hesitated  to 
confirm  her  accusation.  She  therefore  withdrew  it 
provisionally. 

The  Duke  of  Orleans  and  Francis  II.  now  appealed 
to  Henry  VII.  of  England,  who  sent  a  few  thousand 
men  to  the  support  of  Marshal  Rieux.  The  latter 
was  thereby  enabled  to  reconquer  Vannes  and  Ploermel 
Meanwhile  la  Tremouille  also  entered  the  field  and 
reduced  Ancenis,  Chateaubriant,  and  Fougeres  to 
ruins,  to  the  no  small  discomfiture  of  the  Bretons. 

On  July  27,  1488,  a  battle  took  place  at  St.  Aubin 
du  Cormier.  After  two  hours'  fighting,  la  Tremouille 
defeated  the  Breton  troops.  The  number  of  dead 
and  captured  amounted  to  8,000.  Among  the  latter 
were  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and 
several  well-known  French  nobles.  Although  con- 
scious of  their  precarious  situation,  the  prisoners  did 
not  lose  courage,  especially  as  la  Tremouille  treated 
them  with  consideration.  With  alacrity  they  ac- 
cepted his  invitation  to  a  banquet,  little  suspecting 


DEATH  OF  DUKE  FRANCIS       147 

the  fate  that  awaited  them.  During  dessert  la 
Tremouille  rose  and  deliberately  announced  that  the 
two  Princes  would  await  the  King's  decision  as  to 
their  punishment,  but  the  leaders,  who  had  been 
taken  while  fighting  against  their  King  and  country, 
would  be  allowed  only  a  moment  in  which  to  prepare 
for  death.  All  in  vain  were  their  supplications  for 
delay.  La  Tremouille  was  obdurate,  and  they  were 
all  straightway  executed. 

The  two  Princes  were  dragged  from  one  prison  to 
another.  The  Prince  of  Orange  was  taken  to  Angers, 
where  the  raging  crowd  threatened  to  tear  him  in 
pieces.  Orleans  was  confined  at  Bourges,  where,  so 
strict  was  his  supervision,  that  every  night  he  was 
locked  up  in  an  iron  cage. 

Duke  Francis  of  Brittany  bound  himself  over  to 
pay  200,000  golden  guldens  as  war  indemnity,  to 
banish  all  foreigners  from  his  dukedom,  and  not 
to  give  his  daughter  in  marriage  without  the  King's 
consent.  As  a  pledge  of  good  faith,  he  delivered  up 
to  France  his  strongest  fortresses,  and  swore  an  oath 
of  fealty.  He  died,  however,  almost  immediately 
afterwards.  His  death  is  ascribed  by  some  to  grief 
at  the  loss  of  his  independence,  by  others  to  a  fall 
from  his  horse  (1488).  By  his  will  he  left  the  dukedom 
of  Penthievre  to  the  Duke  d'Albret,  who  had  loyally 
supported  him  in  all  his  wars.  The  regency  was  to 
be  undertaken  by  Marshal  Rieux  with  the  aid  of 
d'Albret,  Lescun,  and  Dunois.  D'Albret's  sister, 
Fran9oise  de  Dinan,  Comtesse  de  Laval,  was  to  super- 
vise the  education  of  Francis's  two  daughters.  One  of 
these,  Isabeau,  died  soon  after  her  father,  and  the 
other,  Anne,  was  only  about  twelve  years  old.  She 
was,  however,  a  capable  young  person,  of  resolute 
will  and  with  decided  opinions  of  her  own.  D'Albret, 
notwithstanding  his  grey  hairs  and  the  possession  of 
eight  children,  now  took  it  into  his  head  to  try  to 
win  the  hand  of  this  young  heiress.  Apart  from  his 


148    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

age,  his  whole  conduct  and  appearance  were  such  as 
to  make  the  thought  of  marrying  him  repugnant  to 
any  right-minded  girl.  Moreover,  Anne  regarded 
herself  as  betrothed  to  the  good-natured  Archduke 
Maximilian,  who  however  never  appeared  to  take 
much  notice  of  his  affianced  bride.  The  Regent,  too, 
came  to  her  aid  and  persuaded  the  Pope  Innocent  VIII. 
to  refuse  the  marriage  dispensation.  Dunois  also 
supported  her,  and  succeeded  in  winning  over  to  his 
side  the  German  leaders,  several  Breton  gentlemen, 
and  even  the  Seigneur  of  Montauban,  the  Chancellor 
of  Brittany.  There  now  arose  two  parties ;  on  one 
side  were  Lescun,  d'Albret,  and  de  Rieux,  and  on 
the  other,  the  Chancellor,  Dunois,  and  the  Princess 
Anne. 

Meanwhile  the  French  army  advanced.  Without 
any  open  declaration  of  war,  it  had  been  despatched 
by  the  Regent  in  order  to  fan  the  flame  of  discord. 
Dunois  and  the  Duchess  no  longer  felt  safe  in  Rennes, 
and  were  obliged  to  seek  refuge  in  Nantes.  But  de 
Rieux  had  the  gates  closed  and  refused  to  admit  his 
sovereign.  Dunois  approached  the  town,  hoping  that 
the  citizens  would  take  their  part.  De  Rieux  ad- 
vanced against  him  with  a  strong  force,  meaning  to 
take  the  Princess  prisoner.  Dunois,  always  prompt 
in  action,  drew  up  his  little  escort  in  battle-array, 
keeping  Anne  close  behind  him.  This  acted  ad- 
mirably, for  de  Rieux,  restrained  by  a  kind  of  shame 
from  drawing  his  sword  against  the  lady  to  whom 
he  had  sworn  fealty,  returned  to  Nantes  without 
carrying  out  his  plan  ;  but  the  next  day,  repenting 
of  his  weakness  and  spurred  on  by  d'Albret,  he  came 
back  with  a  still  larger  troop.  Dunois,  unable  to 
resist  him,  entered  into  negotiations.  He  undertook 
to  surrender  the  Duchess  Anne,  and  gave  up  his  best 
friend,  de  Louhans,  as  hostage.  He  and  the  Duchess 
found  hospitality  in  the  outskirts  of  Nantes,  but,  on 
his  arrival  in  the  town,  de  Louhans  realised  that 


DIPLOMACY  OF  ANNE  OF  BEAUJEU   149 

there  was  no  hope  of  escape.  He  sent  a  message 
to  Dunois  telling  him  how  matters  stood,  and  offering 
to  release  him  from  his  promise. 

Dunois  was  in  desperate  straits,  for  he  wished  to 
sacrifice  neither  the  Duchess  nor  his  friend.  But  he 
did  not  give  up  hope,  and  began  negotiating  with 
his  enemies  in  order  to  gain  time.  The  latter,  sure 
of  victory,  agreed  to  the  proposals,  which  were  of 
slight  importance  in  themselves.  After  a  fortnight, 
however,  they  were  startled  out  of  their  complacency 
by  the  news  that  Dunois  had  escaped  with  the  Duchess 
to  Rennes.  The  inhabitants  of  this  town,  angry  at 
d'Albret's  unprincipled  conduct,  had  invited  Anne 
and  Dunois  to  take  refuge  with  them. 

Torn  by  disruption  and  strife,  Brittany  seemed  near 
her  downfall.  Henry  VII.  of  England  sent  6,000 
English  to  the  help  of  d'Albret.  German  and  Spanish 
troops  were  also  despatched  to  Brittany ;  but,  instead 
of  uniting  to  drive  out  the  French,  they  only  fanned 
the  flame  of  civil  war  which  was  smouldering  all 
over  the  country. 

Anne  of  Beaujeu  was  meanwhile  observing  these 
proceedings  from  her  Chateau  at  Plessis  les  Tours, 
and,  without  apparent  interference,  managed,  with 
her  wonted  ability,  to  turn  things  to  her  own  advan- 
tage. She  endeavoured  to  reconcile  her  enemies  and 
restored  to  freedom  the  Prince  of  Orange,  Comines, 
and  Bussy  who  had  been  taken  prisoners  in  the  battle 
of  St.  Aubin.  Her  most  dangerous  opponent,  the 
Duke  of  Orleans,  was  kept  in  captivity.  Through 
this  leniency  she  won  the  adherence  of  Dunois.  The 
fate  of  Brittany  seemed  sealed.  Rohan,  at  the  head 
of  the  French  troops,  had  taken  possession  of  almost 
the  whole  of  the  dukedom,  and  hardly  anything  but 
Rennes  remained  to  the  young  Duchess.  Maximilian, 
who  would  have  come  to  her  help,  was  detained  by 
disturbances  in  the  Netherlands.  He  was  her  only 
hope  and  had  won  her  heart  by  his  endeavours  to 


150    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

aid  her.  No  one  knew  that  they  had  secretly  devised 
a  plan  which  had,  at  first,  some  success,  but  eventually 
proved  useless.  Maximilian  sent  the  Duke  of  Nassau 
to  Paris  to  insist  upon  the  fulfilment  of  the  compact 
which  Francis  of  Brittany  had  made  with  France. 
He  was  received  by  the  Regent  with  the  greatest 
affability.  She  had  no  suspicion  as  to  the  real  object 
of  his  visit,  and  even  provided  him  with  an  escort 
to  Rennes.  No  sooner  had  he  arrived  there  than  the 
betrothal  of  the  young  Duchess  and  Maximilian  took 
place  by  the  curious  ceremony  of  procuration.  But 
instead  of  going  to  Rennes  in  person  to  complete  the 
marriage,  the  phlegmatic  bridegroom  betook  himself 
to  the  Danube,  anxious  to  recover  the  hereditary 
duchies  of  Austria  after  the  death  of  the  Hungarian 
King,  Matthias  Corvinus,  in  the  interest  of  the 
moment  forgetting  his  affianced  wife  in  Rennes,  his 
daughter  in  Paris,  and  his  son  in  Flanders. 

This  marriage,  if  marriage  it  may  be  called,  brought 
the  young  Duchess  into  an  extremely  dangerous 
position.  Rohan  advanced  more  bololly,  d'Albret 
seized  Nantes  as  security  for  a  reconciliation  with 
France,  de  Rieux  permitted  the  slaughter  of  all  the 
German  troops  who  had  come  to  her  help,  and  the 
English  soldiers,  far  from  defending  the  country, 
ravaged  it  like  enemies. 

Anne  of  Brittany,  neglected  by  her  betrothed, 
turned  for  advice  to  Henry  VII.  of  England,  who 
urged  Maximilian  to  return.  He  also  sent  envoys  to 
Spain  to  stir  up  Ferdinand.  But  Anne  of  Beaujeu 
recognised  the  danger  that  would  accrue  to  France 
if  England  were  to  menace  Normandy  and  Guienne, 
Spain,  Roussillon  and  Cerdagne ;  and  Maximilian 
Artois,  Burgundy,  and  Franche-Comte,  while  at 
the  same  time  all  three  were  labouring  to  secure  the 
independence  of  Brittany.  When  she  heard  of  the 
betrothal  of  Anne  of  Brittany  she  was  seized  with 
consternation,  and  would  have  sent  a  French  army 


DECLINE  OF  ANNE'S  POWER     151 

to  occupy  Brittany,  had  she  not  been  afraid  that 
Anne  would  flee  to  Maximilian.  She  then  changed 
her  tactics  and  treated  the  marriage  as  a  joke,  at  the 
same  time  seeking  to  win  the  young  Princess  for  her 
brother  Charles,  and  showing  her  every  respect  and 
consideration. 

Dunois,  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  almost  the  whole 
of  the  Breton  nobility  were  now  on  Anne  of  Beaujeu's 
side.  But  nothing  could  persuade  the  fourteen-year- 
old  Princess  to  consent  to  a  marriage  with  Charles  VIII. 
Even  Dunois  was  obliged  to  appear  to  side  with  her, 
if  he  did  not  wish  to  lose  her  confidence. 

In  1491  Charles  attained  his  twentieth  year,  and 
it  was  noticed  that  the  Regent  now  somewhat  relaxed 
her  strict  supervision  and  often  absented  herself  from 
Court  in  order  to  inspect  her  property.  It  seemed 
that  her  influence  was  on  the  wane,  and  that  the 
Orleans  party  would  gain  the  upper  hand.  People 
reproached  her  with  having  allowed  her  private 
grudge  against  the  Duke  of  Orleans  to  affect  her 
treatment  of  him.  The  Duke  of  Angoule"me,  Dunois, 
and  the  Prince  of  Orange  all  joined  the  chorus  against 
her.  Above  all,  her  own  sister  Jeanne,  wife  of  Louis 
of  Orleans,  opposed  her.  Wearing  deep  mourning, 
Jeanne  cast  herself  at  the  King's  feet  and  implored 
mercy  for  her  husband.  In  vain  did  Anne  of  Beaujeu 
tiy  to  make  a  stand  against  all  this  hostility  ;  the  time 
of  her  power  was  over  and  gone. 

Encouraged  by  this  abatement  of  the  Regent's 
authority,  Miollars,  the  King's  Senator,  and  Cosse, 
Overseer  of  the  Court  Bakery,  ventured  to  reproach 
the  young  King  with  his  lack  of  independence  and 
to  challenge  him  to  manifest  his  power  by  restoring 
the  Duke  of  Orleans  to  liberty.  But  Charles  would 
not  openly  defy  his  sister's  authority.  Under  pretext 
of  a  hunting  party,  he  went  to  Montrichard,  and 
from  there  despatched  d'Aubigny  with  orders  to 
liberate  the  Duke.  Upon  meeting  they  fell  into  one 


152     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

another's  arms  and  wept  for  joy.  The  long  imprison- 
ment had  altered  Louis.  Instead  of  laying  claim  to 
the  hand  of  Anne  of  Brittany,  he  was  now  a  zealous 
supporter  of  her  marriage  with  Charles. 

The  Regent,  on  hearing  of  Louis's  release,  recog- 
nised that  her  authority  had  had  its  day  and  ceased 
to  be.  Charles  was  now  entirely  under  the  influence 
of  her  enemies,  and  she  was  filled  with  apprehensions 
as  to  what  might  befall  her.  The  young  King  was, 
however,  too  good-natured  to  allow  any  injury  to  be 
done  to  his  sister.  In  answer  to  her  humble  letter  of 
self -justification,  he  sent  her  a  reassuring  communica- 
tion, protesting  that  he  would  close  his  ear  to  all 
hostile  insinuations,  and  ending  affectionately  with 
the  words — "  Vous  disant  a  Dieu,  ma  bonne  soeur, 
ma  mie,  qui  vous  ait  en  sa  garde.  ..." 

As  Anne  of  Brittany  remained  unmoved  by  all 
representations  on  behalf  of  her  marriage  with  Charles, 
force  had  to  be  employed.  Three  troops  under 
Rohan,  la  Tremouille,  and  the  King,  advanced  and 
conquered  the  whole  country  as  far  as  the  capital 
in  which  the  Duchess  remained.  For  Charles  to 
reduce  Rennes  to  ruins  and  take  forcible  possession 
of  the  lady  would  hardly  have  been  seemly,  so  Louis 
of  Orleans  undertook  to  act  as  mediator.  By  his 
eloquence  and  amiability  he  contrived  to  move  her, 
and  on  November  15,  1491,  a  secret  marriage  contract 
was  signed. 

Nevertheless  Anne,  who  was  far  from  being  meek- 
spirited,  demanded  a  capitulation  in  which  her 
personal  freedom  and  that  of  her  troops  and  depen- 
dents should  be  expressly  granted.  Perhaps  she 
wished  to  spare  the  German  troops  who  surrounded 
her,  or  felt  ashamed  that  they  should  regard  her  as 
Queen  of  the  Romans  while  she  was  secretly  betrothed 
to  Charles. 

Her  bridegroom  awaited  her  at  Langeais,  in  Touraine, 
whither  she  escaped  secretly  with  two  nobles  and 


CHARACTER  OF  CHARLES  VIII.    153 

her  Chancellor,  Montauban.  Everything  was  pre- 
pared for  the  marriage.  Dunois  alone  was  absent. 
Just  as  the  wedding  contract  was  signed,  he  died, 
December  6,  1491. 

Through  her  marriage  Anne's  rights  as  sole  heiress 
to  Brittany  were  transmitted  to  Charles.  His  former 
betrothed,  Marguerite,  was  calmly  sent  back  to  her 
father  Maximilian.  Anne  seems  to  have  got  over 
her  dislike  to  him,  and  on  the  whole  made  him  a  good 
and  suitable  wife. 

From  the  historian  Comines  we  get  no  very  attrac- 
tive account  of  Charles  VIII.  He  describes  Charles  as 
lacking  in  intelligence,  capricious,  and  easily  influenced 
by  unwise  counsellors.  Guicciardini,  while  confirming 
this  mention  of  his  feeble  mental  powers,  comments 
on  his  great  passion  for  governing  and  acquiring 
renown.  He  had  little  confidence  in  his  nobles,  but 
was  much  under  the  influence  of  men  of  low  degree 
who  were  susceptible  to  bribery. 

His  external  appearance  did  not  belie  his  character. 
Short  of  stature,  and  short-necked,  with  parrot-like 
nose,  of  enormous  dimensions,  it  was  little  wonder 
that  Anne  of  Brittany  had  not  found  him  alluring. 
Baron  Corvo  describes  him  thus :  "A  self-conceited 
little  abortion — of  the  loosest  morals  even  for  a 
King,  of  gross  Semitic  type,  with  a  fiery  birth-flare 
round  his  left  eye,  and  twelve  toes  on  his  feet  hidden 
in  splayed  shoes,  which  set  the  fashion  in  foot-gear 
for  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century  in  Italy." 

In  1495  Charles  and  Anne  lost  their  only  son. 
From  Comines  we  gather  that  the  bereaved  father  was 
not  overwhelmed  with  grief.  Though  he  wore 
mourning  in  seemly  fashion,  it  was  supposed  that 
there  lay  deep  in  his  heart  of  hearts  a  grim  kind  of 
satisfaction  that  his  son  was  no  more,  "  parce  qu'il 
etait  bel  enfant,  audacieux  en  parole  et  ne  craignant 
point  les  choses  que  les  autres  enfants  sont  accou- 
tume's  k  craindre,  et  vous  dis  que  pour  ces  raisons, 


154    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

le  p£re  en  passa  aisement  son  dueil,  ayant  desja  doute* 
que  tost  cet  enfant  ne  fust  grand  et  que  continuant 
ses  conditions,  il  ne  luy  diminuast  1'authorite  et 
puissance  :  car  le  Roy  ne  fut  jamais  que  petit  homme 
de  corps  et  peu  etendu  :  mais  estoit  si  bon,  qu'il  n'est 
point  possible  de  voir  meilleure  creature." 

Queen  Anne,  however,  was  inconsolable.  Not 
only  did  she  experience  the  natural  grief  of  a  mother 
on  losing  her  child,  but  she  foresaw  the  injury  which 
would  accrue  to  the  State  through  his  death.  The 
King,  hoping  to  cheer  her,  commanded  several 
nobles  to  come  and  dance  before  her — among  them 
Louis  of  Orleans,  who  was  already  thirty-four  years 
old,  and  passed  as  the  next  heir  to  the  throne.  The 
Duke  had  so  much  difficulty  in  concealing  his  joy 
at  the  Dauphin's  death  that  the  royal  pair  were 
deeply  offended,  and  for  a  long  time  refused  to  speak 
to  him. 

Both  Charles  VIII.  and  Louis  of  Orleans  were 
destined  to  be  intimately  connected  with  the  fate  of 
Italy. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

Galeazzo  Maria  Sforza :  his  iniquitous  life — Conspiracy  to  murder 
him — The  new  Duke  and  his  mother — The  Sforza  brothers — 
Cicco  Simonetta — War  with  Genoa — Division  in  the  Court  of 
Milan — Cicco's  fate — The  Duchess  Bona  and  her  lover — Lu- 
dovico  Sforza  made  Regent — Universal  war — Milan,  Naples,  and 
Florence  unite  against  Venice,  Genoa,  and  Pope  Sixtus  IV. — 
The  Duke  of  Urbino  made  commander  of  the  Milanese  troops 
— Neapolitan  defeat  at  Campo  Morto — The  Pope  unites  with 
Naples  and  Florence,  and  places  Venice  under  a  ban — The 
Venetians  defeated  at  Argenta  by  Alfonso  of  Naples  and  Cos- 
tanzo  Sforza — Plot  to  murder  Ludovico — Milan  ravaged  by  the 
plague,  1485 — Unpopularity  of  Ferrante  of  Naples  and  his  son 
Alfonso — Pope  Innocent  VIII.  and  his  attitude  to  Naples — The 
Neapolitan  barons  offer  the  crown  to  Federigo  in  his  father's 
stead — Battle  of  Lamentana,  1486 — Peace  concluded  between 
Naples  and  the  Holy  See — Ferrante  and  Alfonso  revenge  them- 
selves on  the  barons — Northern  Italy  invaded  by  the  Swiss — 
Disturbances  in  Genoa — Wedding  festivities  of  the  young 
Duke  of  Milan  and  Isabella,  daughter  of  Alfonso  of  Calabria — 
Isabella  appeals  to  Alfonso  for  help  against  Ludovico's  infringe- 
ment of  her  husband's  rights. 

UPON  the  death  of  the  illustrious  Francesco  Sforza, 
in  1466,  his  eldest  son,  Galeazzo  Maria,  succeeded  to 
the  throne  of  Milan.  Galeazzo  was  a  fiend  in  human 
form,  and  the  corruptness  of  his  life  and  morals  gave 
cause  for  scandal  even  in  those  shameless  times. 
His  mother,  Bianca,  tried  to  induce  him  to  reform 
his  evil  ways,  and  her  death  was  attributed  to  poison 
administered  by  him  in  resentment  at  her  inter- 
ference. Afterwards  he  continued  his  iniquities  un- 
restrained, abandoning  himself  to  the  most  appalling 
and  monstrous  immoralities.  Like  most  profligates, 
he  was  mercilessly  cruel,  and  revelled  in  the  torments 
of  his  victims.  As  Bishop  Creighton  remarks  :  "  There 

155 


156    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

was  a  superfluity  of  naughtiness  in  the  insolence  with 
which  he  disregarded  all  restraints  in  gratifying  his 
appetites,  and  punishing  those  whom  he  suspected." 
One  offender  was  shut  up  in  a  chest  and  buried  alive  ; 
a  peasant  who  had  caught  a  hare  was  made  to  eat 
his  capture,  skin  and  all,  until  the  unhappy  wretch 
died.  A  priest  who  had  offended  the  Duke  by  pre- 
dicting that  his  reign  would  not  last  more  than 
eleven  years,  was  immured  in  a  dungeon  and  slowly 
starved  to  death.  A  small  loaf,  a  glass  of  wine,  and 
the  wing  of  a  roast  capon  were  put  before  him  with 
the  message  that  he  would  never  get  anything  else 
to  eat.  Galeazzo  delighted  in  the  sight  of  corpses 
in  a  tomb,  and  enjoyed  nothing  more  than  being 
present  at  executions.  Many  other  revolting  in- 
stances of  his  barbarity  might  be  mentioned,  but 
enough  has  been  said  to  illustrate  the  fact  that  he 
was  a  tyrant  of  the  most  vicious  kind.  He  oppressed 
the  people  with  heavy  taxation  and  extorted  money 
from  the  rich.  Nevertheless,  he  was  not  absolutely 
devoid  of  good  qualities.  He  loved  and  encouraged 
the  arts,  and  his  Court  was  one  of  the  most  brilliant 
in  Europe.  To  his  courtiers  he  showed  himself 
generous  and  amiable,  and  he  granted  a  willing  audience 
to  his  subjects.  His  Council  consisted  of  the  most 
capable  and  distinguished  men,  for  he  recognised 
virtue  and  disliked  double-dealing  and  self-conceit. 
During  his  reign  he  caused  many  buildings  to  be 
erected,  and  fortified  Novara  and  Galiate.  He  was 
well  read,  an  astute  politician,  and  an  eloquent 
speaker,  excelling  hi  this  respect  all  the  other  princes 
of  the  day. 

The  time  arrived  when  the  people  of  Milan  could 
no  longer  endure  their  Duke's  tyranny.  A  conspiracy 
was  formed,  headed  by  three  young  people  of  dis- 
tinguished families  whose  dignity  had  been  outraged. 
They  were  Giovanni  Andrea  Lampugnano,  Girolamo 
Olgiati,  and  Carlo  Visconti.  Inspired  by  the  scholar 


ASSASSINATION  OF  THE  DUKE     157 

Montano,  they  planned  to  murder  the  Duke  on  St. 
Stephen's  Day,  December  26,  1476,  in  the  Church 
of  St.  Stephen.  On  that  particular  day  the  weather 
was  so  cold  that  Galeazzo  wished  to  hear  mass  in 
his  own  residence,  the  Castle  of  Porta  Giovia ;  his 
chaplains,  however,  had  already  gone  on  to  the 
church,  so  he  finally  decided  to  follow  them.  He 
and  his  suite  started  forth  on  horseback,  accompanied 
by  the  ambassadors  of  Ferrara  and  Milan.  The 
Duke  was  richly  dressed  in  crimson,  brown,  and  sable  ; 
but,  unhappily  for  himself,  he  wore  no  breastplate. 
As  he  entered  the  church  where  the  conspirators, 
well  armed,  were  assembled,  Lampugnano  moved  as 
if  to  clear  the  way  before  him,  then  suddenly  drew 
his  knife  and  thrust  it  into  the  Duke's  neck  and 
abdomen.  Olgiati  pierced  him  in  the  throat  and 
breast,  while  Visconti  dashed  forward  and  dealt  him 
three  deadly  thrusts,  and  a  certain  Franzoni  wounded 
him  in  the  back  with  a  sword.  With  the  cry,  "  O 
nostra  Donna ! "  the  Duke  expired.  Thereupon 
Franzoni  fell  upon  one  of  his  servants,  Francesco 
da  Riva,  and  slew  him  as  well.  The  congregation, 
recovering  from  the  stupefaction  in  which  the 
sudden  attack  on  the  Duke  had  plunged  them,  drew 
their  swords  and  rushed  upon  the  conspirators. 
Lampugnano,  who  tried  to  slip  away  amongst  the 
women,  was  slain  by  Gallo  Mauro,  one  of  the  Duke's 
guard.  His  corpse  was  dragged  through  the  city  by 
street-urchins,  hewn  hi  pieces,  and  thrown  into  the 
river.  The  other  two  conspirators  escaped,  but  were 
soon  captured  and  executed,  together  with  Franzoni. 
Olgiati,  who  was  only  about  twenty-two  years  of 
age,  was  cruelly  tortured ;  as  the  executioner  was 
cutting  open  his  breast  with  a  blunt  knife,  the  victim, 
though  fast  losing  consciousness,  made  a  last  effort 
and  exclaimed :  "  Courage,  Girolamo,  the  memory 
of  this  deed  will  endure  for  ever ;  death  is  bitter,  but 
glory  is  eternal !  " 


158    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

On  hearing  the  news  of  Galeazzo's  murder,  Pope 
Sixtus  IV.  exclaimed :  "  To-day  the  peace  of  Italy 
is  dead,"  and  it  certainly  appeared  as  though  the 
political  system  of  the  country  were  radically  over- 
thrown. The  new  Duke,  Giovanni  Galeazzo  Sforza, 
was  only  a  child,  and  his  mother  Bona,  to  whom  was 
entrusted  the  regency,  was  a  woman  of  little  account, 
not  likely  to  be  able  to  withstand  the  schemes  of  the 
ambitious  King  of  Naples.  Sixtus  immediately  issued 
a  brief  to  all  the  Italian  potentates,  urging  them  to 
use  their  influence  on  behalf  of  peace  and  to  recognise 
and  support  the  Regent.  The  taxes  devised  by  the 
late  Duke  were  suspended  and  his  creditors  paid. 
A  large  quantity  of  grain  from  Sicily  was  sold  to  the 
people  at  less  than  cost  price.  These  prompt  measures 
were  mainly  due  to  the  State  Secretary,  Cicco 
Simonetta,  who  had  already  conducted  the  affairs 
of  State  under  Francesco  Sforza  and  his  son  Galeazzo, 
and  was  now  Bona's  most  trusted  minister.  But  he 
found  violent  opponents  in  the  five  brothers  of  the 
murdered  Duke.  Of  these,  Filippo  Maria  and 
Ottaviano  were  already  in  Milan,  and  the  other  three 
now  returned  from  banishment,  Ascanio  from  Rome, 
and  Ludovico  the  Moor1  and  Sforza  Maria,  Duke 
of  Bari,  from  France.  They  all  united  with  Ruberto 
San  Severino,  Donate  del  Conte,  and  Ibletto  Flisco 
to  devise  schemes  for  ousting  their  sister-in-law  and 
her  adviser.  The  hatred  between  the  two  parties 
grew  so  intense  that  a  catastrophe  seemed  inevitable 
when  Luigi  Gonzaga,  Marquis  of  Mantua,  came  to 
Milan  on  a  visit  to  the  young  Duke,  to  Bona  and  to 
the  brothers  Sforza,  to  whom  he  was  much  attached. 
With  the  help  of  the  papal  legate  he  succeeded  in 
bringing  the  adversaries  to  terms.  The  Duchess 

1  So  called  from  his  swarthy  complexion,  says  Guicciardini,  but 
Paul  Jovius  asserts  that  Ludovico  was  fair.  It  is  probable  that  the 
nickname  "  il  Moro  "  arose  from  his  having  adopted  the  mulberry- 
tree  for  his  device. 


CICCO  SIMONETTA  159 

Bona  was  to  pay  each  of  the  brothers  a  yearly  sum  of 
12,500  ducats,  and  to  give  up  to  them  the  revenue 
of  Cremona,  which  belonged  to  the  dowry  of  their 
mother  Bianca.  In  addition,  each  of  them  received 
an  imposing  palace  in  Milan.  Having  thus  amicably 
arranged  matters,  Luigi  Gonzaga  returned  to  Mantua. 

But  the  reconciliation  was  not  lasting.  The  am- 
bitious Ludovico  still  strove  for  the  mastery,  and 
his  schemes  were  favoured  by  the  unrest  prevailing 
in  northern  Italy,  where  the  old  dissension  between 
Guelphs  and  Ghibellines  was  revived.  The  Genoese 
nobles  rebelled,  but  they  could  not  stand  against 
the  Sforza  brothers,  who  compelled  them  to  return 
to  their  former  dependence.  The  Swiss  also  prepared 
for  war,  secretly  incited  by  Sixtus  IV.,  who,  like  the 
King  of  Naples,  was  annoyed  with  the  Duchess  for 
remaining  faithful  to  her  alliance  with  the  Florentines. 

After  the  suppression  of  the  Genoese  rising,  the 
Sforza  brothers,  in  conjunction  with  San  Severino 
and  Donate,  busied  their  brains  with  plans  for  over- 
throwing Cicco ;  but  the  latter  was  equally  clever 
in  baffling  them.  At  Whitsuntide  Donato  was 
invited  by  the  Duchess  and  the  Council  to  the  Castle. 
Hardly  had  he  arrived  when  he  was  seized,  tortured, 
and  thrown  into  the  Monza  prison,  known  as  il  Forno. 
Thereupon  the  Sforza  and  San  Severino  despatched 
Stefano  Stampa  to  demand  his  release.  On  meeting 
with  a  refusal  they  laid  siege  to  the  Porta  Tosa, 
where  an  army  of  6,000  men  soon  rallied  round  them. 
The  Ghibellines  were  incited  to  revolt,  and  Milan 
was  divided  into  two  factions.  The  Sforza  brothers 
offered  to  lay  down  their  arms  as  soon  as  Donato, 
who  had  often  risked  his  life  for  the  State,  should  be 
set  free.  The  other  party  replied  that  Donato 
should  be  liberated  as  soon  as  they  had  laid  down 
their  arms.  Finally,  after  the  intervention  of  the 
Florentine  and  Neapolitan  envoys  and  several  im- 
portant citizens,  matters  were  satisfactorily  settled. 


160     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Ruberto  San  Severino,  somewhat  suspicious  at  the 
trend  of  events,  with  a  few  of  his  veterans,  crossed 
the  Ticino  and  visited  a  castle  owned  by  the  brothers 
Giovanni  and  Francesco  Cocconati.  Here  he  learned 
that  Gorella  di  Caravaggio  was  pursuing  him  with 
an  armed  troop.  In  order  to  escape  him,  he  told 
the  Cocconati  that  Borella  was  fleeing  on  account 
of  having  insulted  the  Duke,  and  that  when  he  reached 
the  castle  they  would  do  well  to  take  him  prisoner. 
Thereupon  San  Severino  rode  on  in  great  haste. 
Borella  soon  afterwards  turned  up  at  the  castle, 
and  begged  assistance  in  capturing  Ruberto ;  but 
the  brothers  seized  and  imprisoned  him  instead. 
By  this  cunning  did  San  Severino  escape  the  danger 
which  threatened  him.  Ibletto  Flisco  fled  to  Villa- 
nova,  but  was  captured  and  incarcerated  in  one  of 
the  towers  of  Milan  Castle. 

Worst  of  all  fared  it  with  the  young  Ottaviano 
Sforza,  who  escaped  in  the  direction  of  the  Adda. 
At  the  Duchess's  command  he  was  pursued  by  peasants, 
and,  in  trying  to  cross  a  ford,  he  was  borne  away 
by  the  current,  though  his  horse  arrived  uninjured  on 
the  other  side.  His  body  was  found  after  three 
days,  brought  to  Milan,  and  entombed  in  the  Tempio 
Maggiore. 

Sforza,  Duke  of  Bari,  Ludovico,  and  Ascanio  Sforza 
were  banished  on  account  of  their  part  in  the  dis- 
turbance— Sforza  to  Bari,  Ludovico  to  Pisa,  and 
Ascanio  to  Perugia.  Donate  tried  to  escape  from 
prison  by  twisting  his  bedclothes  into  a  rope  and 
letting  himself  down  from  the  window.  But  the 
rope  broke  and  he  fell  from  a  considerable  height. 
He  was  taken  back  severely  injured,  but,  in  spite  of 
assiduous  nursing,  died  hi  a  few  days. 

The  young  Giovanni  Galeazzo  was  crowned  in  the 
Cathedral  at  Milan,  1479,  amid  popular  rejoicing. 
About  the  same  time  the  Swiss  invaded  the  north 
and  occupied  a  rocky  valley.  When  the  Milanese 


THE    SARCOPHAGUS    OF    ALEXANDER    VI.    IX    THE    CRYPT    OF    ST.    PETER 


THE    EXECUTION    OF    SAVONAROLA    AND     HIS     DOMINICAN    BRETHREN    IN    THE    MARKET- 
PLACE   AT    FLORENCE,    MAY    23,    1497- 

St.  Mark's  Museum,  Florence. 

1 60] 


WAR  WITH  GENOA  161 

army  advanced  against  them  they  withdrew  to  the 
mountains  and  rolled  stones  down  on  the  pursuing 
troops,  who  fled  in  alarm,  not  realising  the  small 
numbers  of  the  Swiss.  The  latter  then  gave  chase. 
A  panic  broke  out  among  the  Milanese,  who  took 
flight  in  great  disorder  along  unknown  mountain 
paths.  Many,  to  escape  death,  cast  themselves  into 
the  river  and  were  borne  away  by  the  force  of 
the  current.  In  this  way  more  than  8,000  men 
perished. 

In  February  1479  war  broke  out  anew  with  Genoa. 
Sforza,  Duke  of  Bari,  and  his  brother  Ludovico, 
incited  by  Ferrante  of  Naples,  had  entered  Genoese 
territory  and  united  with  San  Severino  and  Ibletto. 
The  young  Duke,  Bona,  and  Cicco  sent  large  sums  of 
money  to  Ercole  d'Este  and  Federigo  Gonzaga 
in  order  to  gain  their  assistance  against  the  Sforza. 
They  also  obtained  the  help  of  Ruberto  Malatesta 
of  Rimini  and  Costanzo  Sforza  of  Pesaro  (of  another 
branch  of  the  family),  who  were  both  willing  to 
take  part  against  the  Pope.  Both  brothers  Sforza 
and  San  Severino  were  declared  rebels,  and  their 
revenues,  together  with  their  maternal  inheritance  of 
Cremona,  confiscated. 

The  Sforza  then  betook  themselves  to  Tuscany, 
and,  after  engaging  in  successful  marauding  expedi- 
tions, returned  to  Liguria.  Ferrante  and  the  Pope, 
who  was  bitterly  hostile  to  the  Florentines,  despatched 
an  army  against  them.  The  Duke  of  Milan,  Federigo 
Gonzaga,  the  lords  of  Rimini  ai..d  Pesaro,  and  even 
the  Venetians,  came  to  their  assistance.  All  Italy 
was  up  in  arms,  and  a  universal  war  seemed  imminent. 

Meanwhile  Sforza,  Duke  of  Bari,  had  died,  and 
King  Ferrante  bestowed  the  dukedom  of  Bari  upon 
Ludovico  il  Moro.  The  latter,  always  greedy  and 
grasping,  straightway  invaded  Tortona,  which,  by 
dint  of  bribing  the  governor,  he  succeeded  in  annexing. 
He  then  advanced  towards  the  Po,  taking  possession 

LB 


162     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

in  the  Duke's  name  of  several  small  fortresses  on  his 
way. 

Cicco,  alarmed  at  these  proceedings,  opposed 
Ludovico,  in  company  with  Ercole  d'Este,  Gian 
Giacopo  Trivulzio,  and  several  other  captains.  But 
another  party  in  Milan,  headed  by  Bona's  lover, 
Tassino,  tried  to  bring  about  a  reconciliation  between 
Ludovico  and  Bona,  to  which  the  latter,  realising 
the  power  of  her  brother-in-law,  was  nothing  loth 
to  agree. 

The  court  of  Milan  was  now  cleft  in  twain.  At 
the  head  of  one  party  was  Cicco,  who  for  fifty  years 
had  conducted  the  affairs  of  State ;  at  the  head  of 
the  other  was  Antonio  Tassino  of  Ferrara,  who, 
originally  a  small  tradesman,  had  been  appointed 
Chamberlain  to  the  Duchess  Bona  by  Galeazzo 
Maria.  Though  not  handsome,  he  was  young  and 
well  dressed,  and  after  the  Duke's  death  steadily 
grew  in  favour  with  Bona,  who  consulted  him  on  all 
the  affairs  of  State,  to  the  great  annoyance  of  Cicco. 
The  latter,  indeed,  could  hardly  conceal  his  con- 
tempt for  the  young  upstart,  thereby  incurring  his 
implacable  hatred. 

At  Tassino's  suggestion,  Bona  decided  to  summon 
Ludovico  to  the  Court.  He  was  greeted  with  effusion 
by  the  Ghibellines,  and  received  at  the  Castle  with 
all  politeness  by  Bona  and  the  young  Duke. 

This  reconciliation  between  the  Duchess  and  her 
brother-in-law  filled  Cicco  with  the  greatest  con- 
sternation. "  Illustrious  Duchess,"  he  remarked,  "  I 
shall  lose  my  head,  and  you  your  rule,  in  the  course 
of  time."  This  prophecy  was  fulfilled.  He  sought 
in  vain  to  win  Ludovico's  good  opinion  by  showing 
himself  friendly,  but  the  latter  was  persuaded  by  his 
companions,  in  particular  by  Pusterla,  that  he  would 
never  be  able  to  live  in  peace  as  long  as  Cicco  Simonetta 
was  free.  At  the  same  time  Pusterla  united  with 
the  Ghibelline  leaders  and  incited  them  to  arms. 


FATE  OF  CICCO  163 

He  also  sent  a  message  to  San  Severino,  Cicco's  bitterest 
foe,  summoning  him  to  prepare  for  war.  Ludovico 
still  seemed  undecided,  but  Pusterla,  without  con- 
sulting him,  seized  Orfeo  Aricco,  a  friend  of  Cicco's 
and  paymaster  of  the  forces.  His  son  Alexander  was 
taken  to  the  Borromeo  Palace,  from  which  he  managed 
to  escape  disguised  as  a  miller.  When  Ludovico 
heard  this  he  no  longer  wavered,  and  determined 
that  Cicco  should  be  arrested.  The  latter,  since 
Galeazzo's  death,  had  occupied  rooms  in  the  Castle, 
and  twice  refused  to  appear  before  Ludovico.  At 
the  third  summons,  however,  he  yielded  and  was 
immediately  taken  captive.  His  brother  Giovanni, 
and  many  of  his  adherents,  met  with  the  same  fate. 
Cicco's  rooms  and  his  house,  Torre  di  Capponi, 
were  plundered. 

Cicco  and  his  brother  were  shortly  afterwards  sent 
to  Pavia  and  placed  in  the  charge  of  Count  Giovanni 
Attendolo.  Orfeo  Aricco  was  taken  to  Trezzo, 
and  the  others  were  set  free.  Ludovico  was  now 
appointed  co-regent  with  Bona.  Envoys  were  des- 
patched to  the  King  of  Naples  to  negotiate  between 
him  and  the  Florentines.  Venetian  ambassadors 
appeared  at  Milan,  and  Ascanio  Sforza  was  recalled 
from  banishment.  Ferrante,  for  his  part,  sent  envoys 
to  Milan,  and  peace  was  concluded  on  November  20, 
1479.  But  the  Venetians  refused  to  come  to  terms, 
and  rather  incited  the  Swiss  to  war  against  the 
Milanese.  The  misunderstanding  between  Ferrante 
and  Lorenzo  the  Magnificent  still  prevailed,  and 
gave  rise  to  Lorenzo's  already  mentioned  journey  to 
Naples.  Not  only  did  he  win  the  King's  favour, 
but  he  succeeded  in  bringing  about  an  alliance  between 
Sixtus  IV.  and  Ferrante  and  the  Duke  of  Milan 
and  Florence. 

Ascanio  Sforza,  Bishop  of  Pavia  and  Apostolic 
Legate  a  later e,  through  jealousy  of  his  brother, 
favoured  the  Ghibelline  party.  Ludovico,  who  had 


164    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

formerly  been  on  their  side,  now  began  to  oppress 
them.  When  Ascanio  arrived  at  the  Castle  of  Milan 
he,  with  several  leading  nobles  of  his  party,  was 
arrested  and  the  Ghibellines  were  forced  to  deliver 
up  their  arms.  Ascanio  was  banished  to  Ferrara. 

In  response  to  the  appeals  of  several  of  Ludovico's 
friends,  he  sent  lawyers  to  Pavia  to  pronounce  judgment 
upon  Cicco.  Ludovico,  who  knew  that  Cicco  had 
laid  by  considerable  sums  in  foreign  banks,  offered 
to  release  him  on  payment  of  a  ransom  of  40,000 
ducats.  But  the  prisoner  sturdily  resisted  this  pro- 
posal. He  had  been  unjustly  and  disgracefully  treated, 
he  said,  in  return  for  long  and  faithful  service.  If 
he  had  offended  in  anything,  he  was  willing  to  receive 
an  appropriate  punishment,  but  his  property,  acquired 
by  honourable  work,  should  pass  to  his  rightful  heirs. 

Cicco's  appointed  judges  were  Colla,  Capitano  di 
Giustizia,  and  Ambrogio  Oppizone,  Doctor  of  the 
College  of  Judges.  Oppizone,  however,  withdrew 
from  the  responsibility ;  so  Colla,  alone,  decided  on 
the  death-sentence,  which  was  mainly  grounded  upon 
the  imprisonment  of  Donate.  After  having  been 
cruelly  tortured,  Cicco,  with  maimed  limbs,  was 
taken  to  the  castle  ramparts  at  Pavia,  where  he  was 
executed,  1480.  He  was  seventy  years  old,  and 
displayed  remarkable  fortitude  during  his  torture  and 
in  face  of  death.  The  following  lines  were  carved 
upon  his  tomb : 

My  country's  faithful  servant  and  my  Lord's, 
I  perished  by  the  guile  of  treacherous  words. 

Now  that  Cicco  was  out  of  the  way  Tassino's 
arrogance  grew  and  flourished,  particularly  as  the 
Duchess  Bona  daily  showed  him  fresh  signs  of  favour. 
He  did  not  scruple  to  keep  Ludovico  and  the  first 
nobles  of  the  land  waiting  in  his  anteroom  while 
he  combed  his  hair  carefully,  and  he  displayed  an 


DUCHESS  BONA  AND  HER  LOVER   165 

overbearing  haughtiness  to  every  one  with  whom  he 
came  in  contact.  He  persuaded  the  Duchess  to 
make  his  father,  Gabriello,  Governor  of  Milan  Castle, 
in  place  of  Filippo  Eustachio ;  but  the  plan  was 
frustrated  by  Ludovico's  party.  Tassino  and  his 
father  were  driven  out  of  Milan,  and,  with  the  treasure 
of  gold  and  precious  stones  which  they  had  accumulated 
through  the  favour  of  Bona,  betook  themselves  to 
Venice.  The  Duchess,  however,  could  not  endure 
this  separation  from  her  lover,  and,  throwing  decency 
and  dignity  alike  to  the  winds,  decided  to  follow 
him.  Nothing  could  turn  her  from  this  decision. 
Regardless  of  the  fate  of  her  son,  she  delivered  the 
regency  to  Ludovico,  who  promptly  had  a  legal 
document  drawn  up  to  that  effect.  Then  she  started 
forth,  like  one  demented,  in  pursuit  of  her  lover. 
But  her  quest  was  doomed  to  meet  with  failure. 
At  Abbiategrasso  she  was  arrested  by  order  of  Lu- 
dovico, and  condemned  to  live  sequestered  from  the 
world.  Thus  it  may  be  seen  how  an  insignificant 
man  like  Tassino  proved  to  be  the  prime  cause  of 
the  loss  of  Milan  by  the  House  of  Sforza. 

The  young  Duke  was  under  the  sway  of  Eustachio 
and  Pallavicini,  so  Ludovico  adopted  a  friendly 
policy  towards  them.  From  this  there  resulted  what 
might  almost  be  called  a  triumvirate ;  San  Severino, 
displeased  at  this  development  of  affairs,  demanded 
an  increase  of  salary.  On  being  refused  he  left 
Milan  in  dudgeon  and  went  to  Castelnuovo,  where 
he  began  to  prepare  for  war.  Ludovico  summoned 
Costanzo  Sforza,  an  illegitimate  son  of  Sforza,  from 
Florence. 

The  Florentines  and  Ferrante  sent  envoys  urgently 
begging  San  Severino  to  return  to  Milan ;  but  he 
refused  to  trust  himself  to  Pallavicini  and  Eustachio. 
He  now  entered  into  negotiations  with  Pietro  dal 
Verme,  who  was  the  master  of  Vaghera  as  well  as 
many  small  fortresses,  Piero  Maria  Rosso,  and  many 


166    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

other  nobles  of  Parma,  who  were  discontented  with  the 
new  government.  They  were  also  joined  by  Ibletto. 

In  1482  4,000  cavalry  and  2,000  infantry  were 
ordered  out  by  Ludovico.  Part  of  this  force  was 
sent  to  help  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  who  was  attacked 
by  the  Bishop  of  Milan,  while  the  rest,  under  the 
leadership  of  Costanzo  Sforza,  marched  against  San 
Severino.  Ibletto  Flisco,  who,  with  a  large  number 
of  adherents  from  Liguria,  was  about  to  unite  with 
San  Severino,  was  overtaken  by  Costanzo  Sforza, 
forced  into  an  engagement,  and  utterly  routed.  This 
defeat  greatly  discouraged  San  Severino's  friends, 
especially  dal  Verme,  who  realised  how  slight  was 
their  chance  against  the  Duke.  The  danger  of  his 
situation  soon  began  to  dawn  upon  San  Severino  also, 
and  he  withdrew  with  a  few  veterans  to  Genoa, 
whence  he  and  thirteen  of  his  men  went  by  sea  to 
Siena.  His  son  Gasparo  escaped  to  France,  but 
their  wives  and  Ruberto's  younger  son  were  led 
captive  to  Milan. 

Ludovico  now  despatched  Costanzo  against  Piero 
Maria  Rosso,  under  pretext  that  he  had  disobeyed 
the  Duke's  summons  to  Milan.  The  real  reason, 
however,  was  that  Ludovico  wished  to  seize  his 
possessions,  which  were  many,  and  included  twenty- 
two  castles  in  Parman  territory.  Costanzo  tried  hard 
to  compromise,  for  Rosso  had  done  important  service 
to  Francesco  Sforza,  and  he  shrank  from  witnessing 
the  ruin  of  so  illustrious  a  family.  But,  mainly 
through  the  influence  of  Pallavicini,  Costanzo's  repre- 
sentations were  unavailing,  and  Pietro  Bergamino  and 
Trivulzio  were  placed  in  command  of  6,000  men  and 
despatched  against  Rosso. 

Rosso,  recognising  that  he  had  no  chance  against 
such  a  force,  gave  himself  into  the  hands  of  the 
Venetians.  They  appointed  San  Severino  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  and  sent  him  with  an  army  of 
17,000  against  Ercole  d'Este,  who,  at  the  suggestion 


THE  HERMIT  OF  BOLOGNA       167 

of  his  son-in-law,  Ludovico,1  had  blocked  the  way 
so  that  they  could  not  go  to  Rosso's  help.  Ercole, 
in  his  extremity,  turned  to  Ludovico.  The  whole 
of  Italy  was  now  in  arms.  On  the  side  of  Milan 
were  Ferrante  of  Naples  and  Florence,  while  Venice 
was  supported  by  Sixtus  IV.  and  Genoa.  The  Duke 
of  Urbino  was  appointed  General-in-Chief  of  the 
Milanese  by  Ludovico. 

The  Duke  of  Ferrara  was  already  too  old  to  cope 
with  San  Severino.  The  latter  crossed  the  Po,  near 
Ferrara,  and  established  his  camp  in  the  Park  of 
Garcos,  where  he  planted  the  banner  of  St.  Mark. 
At  this  the  Duke  was  almost  beside  himself  with  rage, 
so  that  his  wife  (Ferrante's  daughter)  had  to  take 
over  his  responsibilities.  Rumours  of  his  death  soon 
spread ;  the  people  were  seized  with  the  greatest 
consternation  which  was  not  allayed  until  he  appeared 
on  a  balcony  in  public. 

The  Duchess,  who  was  most  anxious  to  maintain 
the  courage  of  the  soldiers,  summoned  a  hermit  from 
Bologna.  In  passionate  terms  he  admonished  the 
people  to  sacrifice  blood  and  property  as  in  a  sacred 
cause.  His  words  had  the  desired  effect,  particularly 
as  he  promised  to  equip  a  fleet  of  twelve  galleys 
which  should  annihilate  the  Venetians.  The  whole 
town  was  stirred,  and  the  hermit  was  revered  as  a 
magician.  On  a  certain  day  all  the  inhabitants, 
greatly  excited,  repaired  in  procession  to  the  enemy's 
camp  in  order  that  San  Severino  might  be  converted 
by  the  eloquence  of  the  wonderful  man. 

On  seeing  this  strange  sight  the  Duke  of  Urbino 
cried,  "  Tell  the  Duchess  that  it  is  not  processions 
which  are  needed  to  disperse  her  enemy,  but  rather 
money,  artillery,  and  soldiers  !  "  In  Romagna  the 
Venetian  and  papal  troops  were  victorious,  and  the 
Duke  of  Calabria  was  utterly  defeated  at  Campo 
Morto  after  a  desperate  and  bloody  fight. 

1  Ludovico  had  married  the  seventeen-year-old  Beatrice  d'Este. 


168     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Sixtus  IV.,  perturbed  at  the  Venetian  success, 
united  with  Ferrante  of  Naples  and  the  Florentines ; 
they  were  joined  by  many  petty  princes  who  were 
alarmed  at  the  Venetian  threat  of  taking  Ferrara. 
The  Pope  pronounced  anathema  against  Venice,  but, 
with  the  exception  of  a  few  monks,  his  decree  was 
ignored  by  all  the  Venetian  clergy,  who  appealed 
against  the  Pope  to  a  Council. 

The  Milanese  now  appointed  Ferrante's  son,  Al- 
fonso of  Calabria,  as  their  leader,  but  the  Venetians 
boldly  opposed  this  alarming  alliance.  San  Severino, 
indeed,  gained  sundry  advantages  over  the  allies, 
but  in  the  battle  of  Argenta  the  Venetians  suffered 
a  total  defeat  at  the  hands  of  Alfonzo  and  Costanzo 
Sforza.  Fifteen  thousand  of  their  men  suffered 
death  or  imprisonment,  and  they  began  to  lose  hope. 
San  Severino  now  succeeded  in  gaining  possession  of 
the  bridge  over  the  Adda  at  Trezzo.  When  the  news 
reached  Milan  a  panic  arose,  for  the  Court  feared 
a  revolution,  but,  as  nothing  alarming  occurred, 
Ludovico  plucked  up  courage  and  continued  the  war 
with  renewed  energy. 

The  Venetians  now  summoned  the  Duke  of  Lor- 
raine to  the  command  of  their  troops.  Ludovico, 
with  the  idea  of  intimidating  Ferrara,  advanced 
against  Bergamo,  but  San  Severino  hastened  to  its 
defence,  leaving  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  with  part  of 
the  Venetian  troops  before  Ferrara.  Strategic  man- 
oeuvres were  employed  on  both  sides  in  order  to 
mislead  the  enemy  and  to  avoid  an  actual  engagement. 

A  Venetian  fleet  was  meanwhile  threatening  the 
coasts  of  Naples  and  plundering  the  neighbouring 
places.  The  Neapolitan  galleys,  on  the  other  hand, 
laid  waste  the  coast  of  Dalmatia,  but  could  not 
succeed  in  enticing  the  Venetians  from  Naples.  Fer- 
rante was  therefore  obliged  to  recall  his  troops  and 
turn  his  attention  to  the  defence  of  his  own  States. 

The    league    against    the    Venetians    had    already 


THE  TREATY  OF  BAGNOLO   169 

become  weakened  through  the  many  selfish  interests 
of  its  members,  and  threatened  to  become  extinct. 
Alfonso,  whose  daughter  was  affianced  to  the  young 
Duke  of  Milan,  saw  through  the  ambitious  schemes  of 
Ludovico,  now  supreme  governor  of  Milan.  The 
Florentines,  too,  who  had  nothing  to  gain  from  the 
war,  were  beginning  to  weary  of  the  state  of  affairs. 

Notwithstanding  the  vigorous  opposition  of  the 
papal  envoy,  the  Treaty  of  Bagnolo  was  concluded, 
by  which  the  Duke  of  Ferrara  was  bound  to  restore 
to  the  Venetians  all  the  privileges  which  they  had 
formerly  enjoyed  in  Ferrara,  and  also  to  cede  to 
them  further  territory.  On  the  other  hand,  all 
conquests  made  by  the  Venetians  were  to  be  re- 
turned to  the  Duke.  Milan  and  Mantua  were  to 
restore  all  conquests  made  on  Venetian  ground.  The 
towns  which  the  Venetians  had  possessed  in  Naples 
were  to  go  back  to  Ferrante,  and  in  return  they 
were  to  enjoy  commercial  privileges  in  his  States. 
Ruberto  San  Severino,  as  Captain-General  of  the 
Venetians,  was  to  receive  a  salary  of  140,000  ducats, 
of  which  50,000  were  to  be  contributed  by  Milan, 
50,000  by  Venice,  and  the  other  40,000  by  the  Pope, 
Ferrante,  the  Florentines,  and  the  Duke  of  Ferrara. 

This  treaty,  while  to  the  advantage  of  the  chief 
Italian  Powers,  bore  hardly  on  the  smaller  Princes 
and  States.  To  Sixtus  IV.,  who  had  hoped  to  enrich 
his  nephews  with  the  lands  taken  from  the  Duke  of 
Ferrara  and  the  Venetians,  it  was  as  gall  and  worm- 
wood. Upon  the  news  of  its  conclusion  reaching 
him,  he  exclaimed,  "  This  peace  is  a  shame  and 
disgrace,  which  will  in  time  be  more  productive  of 
evil  than  of  good.  I  can  neither  bless  nor  sanction 
it !  "  (August  12,  1484).  Seeing  that  the  Pope  was 
becoming  speechless  from  fear  and  anger,  the  envoys 
begged  him  to  bless  the  peace  which  could  not  now 
be  altered.  Drawing  his  gouty  hand  from  its  sling, 
he  made  a  sign  which  some  regarded  as  a  refusal, 


170    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

others  as  compliance.     After  this  he  spoke  no  more, 
and  died  the  following  night,  August  13,  1484. l 

Ludovico's  behaviour  was  now  exciting  consider- 
able displeasure,  for  it  was  obvious  that  he  intended 
to  usurp  the  authority  which  belonged  to  his  nephew, 
Giovanni  Galeazzo.  Not  only  did  he  entirely  re- 
nounce the  Ghibelline  party,  but,  whenever  possible, 
raised  to  the  most  important  positions  those  who  had 
always  been  hostile  to  the  Sforza  family.  His  relations 
with  Bona,  too,  were  such  as  to  arouse  discontent. 
This  universal  dissatisfaction  culminated  in  a  plot 
to  murder  Ludovico.  The  conspirators  were  Fran- 
cesco, brother  of  Eustachio  of  the  Ordine  Bianco,  Fra 
Ugo  Barattino,  the  Father  Confessor  of  the  Duchess 
Bona,  Luigi  Vimercato  (with  the  connivance  of 
Pasino,  whom  Ludovico  had  insulted),  a  certain 
Sant'  Angelo,  stipendiary,  and  Guido  Eustachio  and 
his  brother  Filippo.  All  these  were  supported  by 
several  of  the  nobles  and  patricians  of  Milan.  On 
the  appointed  day  they  stationed  themselves  at  the 
entrance  to  the  church  which  Ludovico  was  in  the 
habit  of  attending,  but,  on  account  of  the  throng, 
he  entered  by  another  door,  thus  frustrating  their 
plan.  Nothing  daunted,  however,  they  assembled 
at  the  gate  of  the  citadel,  for  it  was  his  custom  to  go 
every  day  to  the  Pallavicini  and  the  Castellan.  When 
Ludovico  arrived  he  asked  for  Eustachio,  and,  on 
hearing  that  he  was  engaged  at  his  midday  meal,  he 
turned  and  went  into  his  rooms,  followed  by  Vimercato 
to  spy  upon  his  movements.  But  Ludovico's  servants 
saw  the  gleam  of  an  unsheathed  dagger  which  he  was 
wearing  under  his  doublet.  Their  master,  on  being 
informed,  had  him  arrested,  and,  after  a  short  trial, 
he  was  beheaded,  quartered,  and  his  limbs  fixed  up  on 
the  gates  of  Milan  (February  27,  1484).  Pasino,  after 
being  repeatedly  tortured,  was  condemned  to  life- 
long imprisonment  in  the  Castello  of  Sartirano,  where, 

1  See  Chapter  VI. 


PLAGUE  OF  MILAN  171 

by  Ludovico's  orders,  he  was  tortured  every  year  on 
St.  Ambrose's  Day. 

In  1485  Milan  was  ravaged  by  the  plague,  and 
Corio,  the  historian,  withdrew  into  retirement  from 
fear  of  infection.  It  was  at  this  time  that  he  began 
to  write  the  work  which  was  to  be  of  such  great 
importance  to  the  student  of  history. 

At  the  same  time  Alfonso  of  Calabria,  Ferrante's 
eldest  son,  summoned  an  assembly  of  the  barons  at 
Chieti,  under  pretext  of  arranging  certain  business 
matters.  He  profited  by  this  occasion  to  have  Count 
Montone  and  his  wife  arrested  and  imprisoned  in  a 
dungeon  at  Naples.  The  new  Pope — Innocent  VIII. 
— thereupon  united  with  the  Count's  relations  and 
declared  war  against  Ferrante. 

The  unpopularity  of  the  King  of  Naples  did  but 
increase  when  Alfonso  began  to  take  part  in  the 
government.  Comines  writes :  "  There  existed  no 
more  vicious,  cruel,  and  wicked  scoundrel  than  Alfonso. 
His  father  was  more  dangerous,  because  no  one  could 
guess  what  were  his  thoughts  or  with  whom  he  was 
angry,  for  even  while  he  flattered  and  entertained, 
he  did  not  scruple  to  betray.  From  Ferdinand  no 
one  ever  obtained  mercy,  nor  was  he  ever  moved  by 
sympathy,  as  his  nearest  relations  and  friends  have 
told  me  ;  never  was  his  heart  touched  by  the  sufferings 
of  the  poor  whom  he  oppressed  by  taxation.  In  his 
anxiety  to  engage  in  the  commerce  of  the  State,  he 
farmed  herds  of  pigs  for  half  profits.  He  had  them 
fed  by  farmers  in  order  to  command  a  better  price, 
and  he  also  insisted  on  being  paid  for  those  which 
died.  In  places  where  olive  oil  was  produced,  such 
as  Apulia,  he  and  his  son  bought  it  up  at  a  favourable 
price ;  in  the  same  way  they  bought  corn  before  the 
harvest  and  afterwards  sold  it  for  as  high  a  profit  as 
possible.  And,  if  it  began  to  fall  in  value,  they  forced 
the  people  to  buy  it.  Indeed,  when  they  had  corn 
to  be  bought  no  one  else  dared  to  offer  any  for  sale." 


172    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Thus,  by  creating  fictitious  famines,  did  Ferrante 
make  his  profits.  His  starving  subjects  were  com- 
pelled to  buy  his  provisions,  however  abominable 
these  might  be.  One  of  his  victims  writes :  "  The 
bread  made  from  the  corn  of  which  I  have  spoken 
was  black,  stinking,  and  abominable.  One  was  obliged 
to  consume  it,  and  from  this  cause  sickness  frequently 
took  hold  upon  the  State." 

Although  Pope  Innocent  VIII.  had  been  brought 
up  at  the  Court  of  Naples,  this  did  not  prevent  his 
cherishing  a  secret  grudge  against  King  Ferrante ; 
the  latter  had  displeased  him  by  desiring  a  remission 
of  a  considerable  part  of  the  money  usually  paid  by 
Naples  as  church  tribute,  giving,  as  an  excuse,  the 
heavy  expenses  incurred  by  the  Turkish  crusade. 
The  discontented  barons  hoped  now  to  find  an  ally 
in  the  Pope,  and  formed  a  conspiracy.  A  deed  of 
violence  perpetrated  by  Alfonso  gave  Innocent  an 
opportunity  of  giving  his  displeasure  vent. 

The  little  mountain  town  of  Aquila  enjoyed  the 
freedom  of  a  republic,  though  it  was  really  in  subjection 
to  the  King  of  Naples.  For  more  than  a  century  the 
Count  of  Montorio  had  exercised  over  it  much  the 
same  kind  of  authority  as  that  of  the  Medici  over 
Florence.  This  independence  rankled  in  the  mind 
of  Alfonso,  and  he  determined  to  deprive  the  town 
of  its  privileges.  His  troops  were  now  quartered  at 
Chieti,  whither  he  summoned  the  Count.  The  latter, 
all  unsuspecting,  responded  to  the  call,  whereupon  he 
was  immediately  arrested,  and,  with  his  wife,  conveyed 
to  Naples.  At  the  same  time  Alfonso  despatched  his 
troops  in  small  detachments  to  Aquila,  by  which 
means  the  whole  army  succeeded  in  entering  the 
town  without  exciting  suspicion.  When,  at  last,  the 
citizens  guessed  his  intention,  they  repeatedly  begged 
the  King  to  remove  his  men,  as  it  was  contrary  to 
their  privileges  to  be  obliged  to  receive  troops  in 
their  town.  As  he  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  their  entreaties, 


PARLIAMENT  SUMMONED  AT  NAPLES  173 

the  citizens  armed  themselves  and  slaughtered  part 
of  the  garrison,  putting  the  rest  to  flight.  They 
thereupon  declared  their  independence  of  King 
Ferrante  and  placed  themselves  under  the  protection 
of  the  Church.  Innocent  welcomed  them  cordially 
and  prepared  for  war.  Ferrante,  for  the  sake  of 
appearance,  liberated  the  Count  of  Montorio.  The 
Pope,  however,  allowed  the  vassals  of  the  Colonna  to 
advance  against  Aquila.  The  King  then  summoned 
a  parliament  at  Naples,  but  the  Count  of  Fondi,  the 
Duke  of  Amalfi,  and  the  Prince  of  Tarento  were  the 
only  nobles  who  had  the  courage  to  appear.  All  the 
other  barons  escaped  to  Melfi,  convinced  that  to  fall 
into  Ferrante's  power  would  mean  the  loss  of  their 
lives.  They  determined  that  they  would  no  longer 
be  trampled  upon,  but  Alfonso,  who  was  well  aware 
of  their  intentions,  seized  the  Count  of  Nola,  took 
all  his  strongholds,  and  sent  his  wife  and  two  sons  as 
prisoners  to  Naples.  He  also  made  up  his  mind  to 
capture  the  other  rebellious  barons  one  by  one,  before 
they  had  time  to  unite  their  forces ;  but  his  enemies 
were  more  numerous  than  he  had  expected,  and 
he  was  therefore  obliged  to  be  wary  in  his  move- 
ments. However,  neither  Alfonso  nor  the  malcontents 
were  ready  for  war,  so  negotiations  were  set  on  foot, 
with  a  view  of  gaining  time  rather  than  of  making 
peace.  Ferrante  sent  to  Florence  and  Milan  to 
demand  auxiliary  troops,  which  they,  as  allies,  were 
expected  to  provide. 

Ludovico,  following  his  usual  obscure  policy,  re- 
turned an  ambiguous  reply,  but  Florence,  which  was 
dominated  by  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  promised  the  King 
powerful  support.  Ludovico  was  therefore  obliged 
to  declare  his  readiness  to  help,  and  the  war  costs 
were  to  be  shared  between  Milan  and  Florence.  The 
Count  of  Pitigliano,  the  Lord  of  Piombino,  and  all 
the  generals  of  the  House  of  Orsini,  were  subsidised, 
and  began  fighting  in  November. 


174     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

The  Pope,  on  the  other  hand,  strove  to  show  himself 
friendly  to  the  Venetians,  and  released  them  from  the 
ecclesiastical  censures  laid  upon  them  by  Sixtus  IV. 
But  the  Republic  of  Venice  was  only  just  beginning 
to  enjoy  the  benefits  of  peace  after  lengthy  warfare, 
and  did  not  feel  inclined  to  plunge  into  fresh  hos- 
tilities. They,  however,  offered  the  Pope  the  services 
of  their  General,  Ruberto  San  Severino,  and  his  two 
sons.  Innocent  VIII.,  in  this  predicament,  sum- 
moned to  his  assistance  the  Duke  of  Lorraine,  whom 
he  regarded  as  the  representative  of  the  House  of 
Anjou,  and  offered  him  the  investiture  of  the  kingdom 
of  Naples.  But  the  Duke  was  just  then  engaged  in 
disputing  his  grandfather's  will,  by  which  he  was 
deprived  of  his  inheritance,  and  could  therefore  be 
of  little  help. 

Ferrante,  meanwhile,  had  given  the  barons  to  under- 
stand that  he  was  willing  to  listen  to  their  complaints. 
They  therefore  despatched  the  Count  Bisignano  as 
their  representative,  with  many  requests.  Ferrante, 
with  his  usual  power  of  dissimulation,  appeared  to 
acquiesce  in  their  demands,  and  sent  his  second  son, 
Federigo,  to  their  assembly  with  power  to  grant  them. 
But  the  barons,  who  knew  the  treachery  of  their 
King,  were  alarmed  at  his  seeming  complaisance,  and 
refused  to  accept  peace  under  the  conditions  which 
they  themselves  had  proposed.  When  Federigo  arrived 
at  Salerno,  in  the  belief  that  matters  were  pacifically 
arranged,  the  Prince  of  Salerno  convened  a  meeting 
of  the  barons,  and  sought,  in  strong  and  energetic 
terms,  to  induce  him  to  accept  the  crown  in  his  father's 
stead,  assuring  him  that  they  would  defend  his  throne 
at  the  sacrifice  of  their  lives  and  property. 

Federigo,  who  was  in  truth  a  noble  Prince,  moved 
by  no  prospects  of  self-advancement,  thanked  them 
for  their  proposal,  but  refused  it  with  decision,  declaring 
his  unwillingness  to  defy  the  law  and  treat  his  father 
and  brothers  with  contumely. 


BATTLE  OF  LAMENTANA         175 

The  conspirators  were  seized  with  rage  and  despera- 
tion, and,  as  they  could  not  make  Federigo  King,  they 
took  him  prisoner  instead.  They  further  took  up 
their  stand  under  the  papal  banner  and  openly  declared 
themselves  hostile  to  the  King.  Ferrante  determined 
to  avenge  the  affront  by  an  attack  on  the  States 
of  the  Church,  and  sent  Alfonso  to  the  frontier  of 
the  Kingdom.  When  he  realised  that  the  soldiers 
as  well  as  the  leaders  had  religious  motives  for  warring 
against  the  Pope,  he  summoned  a  meeting  of  com- 
manders and  barons  in  Naples  Cathedral  and  publicly 
explained  that  he  only  desired  to  defend  his  boundaries 
and  that  he  had  no  wish  to  fight  against  the  Holy 
See,  of  which  he  remained  a  dutiful  son  (1485).  At 
the  same  time  he  issued  commands  to  all  the  bishops 
and  prelates  of  his  kingdom  that  they  should  leave 
the  Roman  Court  and  repair  to  their  own  dioceses. 
The  revenues  of  the  Archbishop  of  Salerno  and  the 
Bishops  of  Melito  and  Teano,  who  did  not  comply 
with  this  order,  were  confiscated.  A  second  force 
under  command  of  Duke  Alfonso's  son,  Don  Ferrantino, 
was  sent  to  Apulia,  accompanied  (on  account  of  the 
inexperience  of  the  leader)  by  the  Counts  of  Madde- 
loni  and  Marigliano. 

Nothing  decisive  occurred  at  first.  Alfonso  and 
the  Orsini  blocked  the  way  of  San  Severino,  who 
wished  to  pass  through  the  Papal  States  in  order  to 
join  the  revolting  barons.  Thereupon  all  the  towns 
on  the  boundaries  of  Romagna  rose  in  rebellion, 
renouncing  their  adherence  to  the  Pope  and  declaring 
themselves  republican.  The  Baglioni  provoked  insur- 
rection in  Perugia,  and  the  Vitelli  in  Citta  di  Castello, 
while  Giovanni  dei  Gatti  asserted  his  rights  to  Viterbo. 
In  Assisi,  Foligno,  Montefalcone,  Todi,  Spoleto,  and 
Orvieto  a  party  was  formed  which  wished  to  join 
with  the  Florentines. 

Meanwhile  on  May  8,  1486,  the  troops  of  Duke 
Alfonso  and  San  Severino  had  an  encounter  at  the 


176    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Bridge  of  Lamentana,  where  San  Severino's  son, 
Fracasso,  received  a  dangerous  wound.  Alfonso  took 
a  number  of  his  men  prisoners,  and  forced  him  to 
retreat.  Thereupon  he  united  with  the  Orsini  and 
cast  terror  into  the  heart  of  Rome.  At  the  same 
time  Federigo  escaped  to  Naples,  where  he  was 
rapturously  received  by  his  father  and  the  citizens. 

The  wily  Ferrante  did  not  cease  to  try  to  win  over 
to  his  side  the  rebellious  barons  who  were  annoyed 
with  the  Pope  because  their  soldiers  received  no  pay. 
The  Cardinals,  too,  assailed  Innocent  with  complaints 
and  requests,  so  that  he  at  last  made  up  his  vacillating 
mind  to  enter  into  negotiations  with  Ferrante.  The 
barons  likewise  resolved  to  make  up  their  quarrel  with 
the  King,  but  they  proceeded  with  the  greatest  caution. 
The  Pope,  knowing  the  treacherous  character  of 
Ferrante,  desired  that  the  Duke  of  Milan,  Lorenzo 
de'  Medici,  and  the  King  and  Queen  of  Castile  should  act 
as  guarantors  for  his  promises. 

Peace  was  concluded  on  August  n.  Ferrante 
acknowledged  himself  as  a  direct  vassal  of  the  Church, 
and  undertook  to  pay  the  Pope  an  annual  tribute. 
In  spite  of  the  guarantee  of  the  King  of  Spain  and 
the  Duke  of  Milan,  the  barons  knew  Ferrante's  faith- 
lessness and  Alfonso's  cruelty  well  enough  to  be 
greatly  alarmed  at  this  peace. 

The  Chief  Seneschal  of  the  kingdom,  Pietro  di 
Guerrara,  died  of  a  broken  heart,  and  the  other 
barons  banded  themselves  together  to  defend  their 
castles,  and,  if  possible,  to  obtain  help  from  Rome 
and  Venice.  But  Ferrante  and  Alfonso,  hi  their 
crafty  way,  treated  them  graciously  and  promised 
them  every  security.  The  Prince  of  Salerno  alone 
refused  to  be  entrapped  by  their  wiles ;  he  fled  to 
Rome,  but  perceiving  that  the  Pope's  thoughts  were 
no  longer  of  war,  he  betook  himself  to  France. 

Ruberto  San  Severino,  dismissed  by  the  Pope, 
now  journeyed  with  1,600  cavalry  in  the  direction 


THE  FATE  OF  THE  BARONS      177 

of  Ravenna.  Alfonso,  however,  was  on  his  track, 
and  Ruberto  could  do  nothing  but  disband  his  force, 
and,  hurling  maledictions  on  the  Pope,  escape  secretly 
by  night  to  the  Venetians,  in  company  with  about 
one  hundred  cavalry.  His  soldiers,  like  sheep  without 
a  shepherd,  dispersed  in  all  directions.  Some  of  them 
were  captured  and  robbed  by  peasants,  others  by 
the  Florentines  and  Bolognese,  while  others  entered 
the  service  of  Alfonso. 

Ferrante  and  Alfonso  were  meanwhile  deliberating 
as  to  how  they  could  revenge  themselves  on  the 
barons.  They  determined,  first  of  all,  to  compass 
the  ruin  of  the  Count  of  Sarno  and  the  Secretary 
Petrucci,  on  whom  the  other  barons  laid  all  the 
guilt.  They  hastened  the  wedding  between  Marco 
Coppola,  the  Count's  son,  and  the  daughter  of  the 
Duke  of  Amalfi,  a  grandson  of  the  King.  In  the 
midst  of  the  festivities  in  the  great  hall  of  Castelnuovo, 
constables  rushed  in  and  seized  the  Count  of  Sarno 
and  his  sons  Marco  Coppola  and  Filippo,  the  Secretary 
Petrucci,  the  Counts  Carinola  and  Policastro,  together 
with  several  others.  Not  content  with  this,  the 
King  gave  orders  for  the  plundering  of  their  castles, 
which  treachery  excited  violent  protests.  He  there- 
fore appointed  four  judges  to  pronounce  sentence  on 
the  prisoners,  who  were  all  condemned  to  death  and 
their  property  confiscated. 

The  King  apparently  wished  to  prolong  the  pleasure 
of  seeing  them  die,  for  he  refused  to  have  them  all 
executed  on  the  same  day.  The  Secretary's  sons 
were  the  first  to  suffer ;  they  were  executed  on  a 
scaffold  erected  hi  the  middle  of  the  market-place. 
A  few  months  later  Petrucci  himself  and  the  Count 
of  Sarno  were  beheaded  at  the  gate  of  Castelnuovo, 
in  sight  of  the  whole  town,  May  15,  1487.  Ten 
days  later  he  commanded  the  arrest  of  the  Duke 
of  Altamura,  Prince  Bisignano,  the  Duke  of  Melfi, 
the  Duke  of  Nardi,  the  Count  of  Morcone,  the  Count 
MB 


178    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

of  Lauria,  the  Count  of  Melito,  the  Count  of  Nola, 
and  many  other  cavaliers.  At  Alfonso's  instigation 
the  King,  at  various  times  and  in  various  ways, 
brought  about  their  deaths. 

To  complete  the  tragedy,  Marino  Marzano,  who 
for  twenty-five  years  had  languished  in  prison,  was 
handed  over  to  the  executioner.  The  fate  of  the 
last  batch  of  victims  remained  a  secret  until  it  was 
noticed  that  the  hangman  was  adorned  with  a  gold 
chain  belonging  to  the  Prince  of  Bisignano.  Rumours 
spread  that  they  had  been  killed  and  thrown  in  sacks 
into  the  sea,  while  their  sons  and  wives,  accused  of 
further  insubordination,  were  arrested  and  deprived 
of  their  goods. 

Ferrante,  emboldened  by  the  annihilation  of  so 
many  barons,  now  abandoned  all  pretence  of  deference 
to  the  Pope,  and  refused  payment  of  tribute,  at  the 
same  time  coolly  disposing  of  benefices  without  any 
reference  to  the  Holy  See.  Innocent  despatched 
the  Bishop  of  Cesena  to  Naples  to  remonstrate  with 
the  King  on  his  conduct.  The  latter  insolently 
replied  that  as  far  as  the  tribute  was  concerned,  he 
had  already  spent  so  much  on  behalf  of  the  Church 
that  he  could  justly  claim  dispensation ;  also  that 
he  knew  his  subjects  better  than  did  the  Pope,  and 
would  therefore  continue  to  distribute  benefices  as 
he  thought  good.  Truly,  this  was  the  most  shameful 
peace  ever  entered  upon  by  the  Holy  See. 

In  1487  Northern  Italy  was  invaded  by  the  Swiss, 
who  were  successful  until  the  Duke  of  Milan  despatched 
a  powerful  army  against  them.  They  thereupon 
made  peace  and  restored  what  they  had  conquered. 
But  war  soon  broke  out  again.  The  Swiss  asserted 
that  they  were  accused  by  the  Italians  of  plundering 
the  churches,  and  laid  siege  to  Domodossola,  the 
strongest  castle  of  the  whole  country.  Ludovico 
Sforza  advanced  as  far  as  possible,  and  Renaldo 
Trivulzio  undertook  to  raise  the  siege.  A  terrible 


CARDINAL  PAOLO  BOMBARDS  GENOA  179 

encounter  took  place,  in  which  many  were  killed 
and  wounded.  The  Swiss,  who  displayed  the  greatest 
bravery  throughout,  were  finally  obliged  to  yield. 
One  part  of  them  fled  to  the  mountains,  while  another 
continued  to  defend  the  bridge  of  Crea,  at  the  entrance 
to  the  Antegoria  Valley.  They  held  out  with  phenom- 
enal courage  until  the  number  of  slain  fallen  into  the 
river  was  so  great  as  to  make  a  kind  of  bridge  across 
which  the  enemy  passed  and  attacked  the  Swiss 
on  the  flank.  The  latter  all  perished,  and  a  like 
fate  overtook  those  who  had  sought  refuge  in  the 
mountains.  Some  were  killed  by  the  soldiers,  others 
by  the  peasants,  while  those  who  escaped  died  of 
starvation,  and  were  found  with  grass  and  leaves 
in  their  mouths.  The  fiendish  cruelty  displayed 
by  the  Italians  during  this  war  was  a  disgrace  to 
humanity.  It  is  even  said  that  there  were  women 
who  roasted  parts  of  the  corpses  and  served  them 
at  meals. 

Genoa  also  was  not  free  from  disturbances.  Ibletto 
Flisco  and  Battistino  Campofregoso  took  up  arms 
against  the  Cardinal  Archbishop  Paolo,  who,  in 
the  name  of  the  Duke  of  Milan,  held  the  regency 
of  Liguria.  Archbishop  Paolo  withdrew  to  the 
casteletto  and  bombarded  the  town,  which  fell 
into  strife  and  disorder.  The  Duke  thereupon  sent 
Francesco  San  Severino  with  large  troops  to  Genoa. 
Ibletto  finally  united  with  Adorno  and  Spinola  and 
became  reconciled  to  the  Duke,  so  that  only  the 
castle  and  Savona  remained  in  Paolo's  hands.  But 
Ludovico  Sforza,  who  intended  to  seize  Genoa  for 
himself,  made  an  arrangement  with  Tregoso  that 
Savona  should  be  ceded  to  him  on  payment  of  4,000 
ducats  yearly,  and  that  Chiaro  Sforza,  daughter 
of  Galeazzo  and  widow  of  Dal  Verme,  should  be 
betrothed  to  his  son  Tregesino.  Paolo  now  yielded 
the  fortress  to  San  Severino,  who  entrusted  it  to  the 
care  of  Zanone  da  Lavello  a  man  both  brave  and 


180    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

loyal,  and  himself  set  sail  for  Rome.  But  Ludovico, 
when  he  had  the  castle  in  his  power,  forgot  Tregoso, 
and  appointed  as  Governor  of  Genoa  the  able  Agostino 
Adorno. 

In  1487  began  preparations  for  the  marriage  of 
the  young  Duke  of  Milan  and  Isabella,  daughter  of 
Alfonso  of  Calabria,  who  had  been  betrothed  since 
1480.  The  Duke's  natural  brother,  Hermes,  was 
sent  to  the  Neapolitan  Court  that  he  might  act  as 
escort  to  the  bride.  He  was  accompanied  by  the 
most  distinguished  nobles  of  Milan,  who  vied  with 
one  another  in  the  display  of  magnificence.  All 
were  clothed  in  gold  and  silver  stuffs,  and  decorated 
with  costly  pearls  and  precious  stones ;  but  the  most 
gorgeously  apparelled  was  the  Marchese  Rolando 
Pallavicino,  whose  jewels  were  valued  at  25,000 
ducats.  The  very  servants  wore  silken  garments 
with  the  arms  of  their  masters  embroidered  in  silver 
and  pearls  upon  the  left  sleeves. 

At  Genoa  six  galleys  awaited  the  Marchese  Hermes 
in  order  to  take  him  to  Naples.  On  December  24, 
1488,  he  reached  his  destination  with  a  company  of 
450  persons,  not  including  the  Genoese  ambassadors, 
who  were  there  as  a  sign  of  respect  for  the  Duke. 
Having  concluded  the  arrangements  for  the  wedding, 
he  set  out  on  his  homeward  way  with  the  bride,  who 
had  many  Neapolitan  lords  and  ladies  in  her  train. 
At  Civita  Vecchia  they  were  received  and  entertained 
by  Monsignore  Ascanio,  uncle  of  the  bridegroom, 
while  at  Leghorn  the  bride  was  waited  upon  by  a 
deputation  of  Florentines,  who  invited  her  to  go 
into  the  country  to  recover  from  the  fatigues  of 
her  journey.  She  remained  in  Leghorn  four  days, 
during  which  the  Florentines  inaugurated  brilliant 
festivities  in  her  honour. 

On  January  17,  1489,  Isabella  arrived  at  Genoa, 
where  she  met  with  an  enthusiastic  reception.  The 
approach  of  the  little  fleet  was  signalled  by  the  firing 


MARRIAGE  OF  THE  DUKE  OF  MILAN  181 

of  salutes.  The  highest  nobles  of  the  town  came 
forth  to  greet  her,  and,  amid  the  pealing  of  bells, 
she  was  escorted  under  a  canopy  to  the  ducal  palace. 
Here  she  stayed  for  five  days,  and  then  went  on 
to  Tortona,  where  Ludovico  and  her  bridegroom 
advanced  on  horseback  to  meet  her.  The  young 
Duke  greeted  her  with  effusion,  and  would  have 
embraced  her,  instead  of  kissing  her  hand  in  Nea- 
politan fashion,  if  the  restlessness  of  the  horses  had 
not  prevented  him.  The  town  was  gaily  decorated, 
and  everywhere  hung  festoons  of  laurel  with  gilded 
apples  nestling  in  the  foliage.  The  people  hailed 
the  bride  with  shouts  of  joy,  and  she  was  escorted 
by  the  crowd  to  the  Episcopal  Palace,  which  was 
arranged  for  her  reception.  Who  could,  at  such  a 
moment,  foresee  that  Isabella  was  destined  to  become 
one  of  the  most  unhappy  Princesses  of  Italy  ?  The 
next  day  they  continued  their  way  to  Abbiatagrosso, 
where  the  Duchess  Bona  met  her  and  accompanied 
her  to  Milan. 

Three  litters  were  specially  built  to  convey  the 
bride  and  her  suite  to  the  bridegroom's  home.  The 
one  destined  for  her  own  use  was  decorated  with 
red  velvet  bearing  the  impress  of  the  ducal  arms, 
and  furnished  inside  with  the  greatest  luxury.  A 
few  miles  from  Milan  she  was  met  by  a  deputation 
of  welcome,  consisting  of  Philip,  uncle  of  the  young 
Duke,  several  ladies  of  the  highest  rank,  and  sixty  of 
the  most  beautiful  maidens  of  Milan. 

Near  San  Cristoforo,  Ludovico,  with  a  retinue 
of  senators  and  ambassadors,  advanced  to  greet  her 
and  escorted  her  to  Milan.  At  the  harbour  of  Porta 
Ticinese  the  Duke,  with  more  than  500  nobles  and 
a  bodyguard,  came  to  meet  his  bride.  At  the  same 
moment  cannon  thundered,  trumpets  crashed,  and 
bands  played  in  order  to  announce  the  happy  arrival 
of  the  young  Duchess.  Hand  in  hand,  the  bridal 
pair  made  their  way  to  the  Castle.  In  the  courtyard 


182     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

the  walls  were  draped  with  azure  cloth  from  which 
hung  festoons  of  ivy.  Everywhere  there  was  evidence 
of  joy  and  welcome.  Upon  entering  the  Castle 
they  were  received  by  the  Duke's  sister,  Bianca 
Maria,  who  embraced  the  bride  and  led  her  to  the 
bridal-chamber.  The  bed  was  of  untold  value,  both 
from  an  artistic  and  a  pecuniary  point  of  view ; 
upon  the  counterpane  were  embroidered  five  lions 
in  pearls.  All  around  were  spread  wonderful  carpets, 
and  the  whole  room  was  decorated  with  crimson 
satin. 

The  next  day  the  marriage  ceremony  took  place 
in  the  Cathedral.  Cloths  in  the  Sforza  colours  were 
spread  in  the  streets ;  all  the  houses  were  decorated 
with  carpets,  satin  cloths,  and  festoons  of  laurel  and 
ivy.  The  goldsmiths  displayed  in  the  middle  of 
their  street  an  immense  gilded  globe  adorned  with  four 
golden  griffins ;  a  silvered  column  bearing  a  lion  was 
on  the  top,  while  at  the  foot  of  the  globe  stood  a 
child  dressed  as  Cupid,  who  sang  festal  verses  as 
the  bridal  pair  passed  by.  In  the  Cathedral  place 
triumphal  arches  were  erected,  upon  them  depicted 
the  most  distinguished  deeds  of  the  Sforza  family. 

The  wedding  procession  was  led  by  the  pages  and 
serving  nobles ;  then  followed  the  ducal  trumpeters 
and  minstrels,  together  with  those  of  the  other  gentle- 
men, and  then  the  ambassadors  and  the  chief  nobles 
in  pairs.  The  ducal  sword  was  borne  by  Viscount 
Francesco  Bernardino,  and  immediately  after  him 
rode  the  bridal  couple  under  a  canopy  of  gold  cloth 
lined  with  ermine.  The  bride's  horse  was  led  by  the 
Marchese  Giovanni  Pallavicino  and  the  Count  Gio- 
vanni Borromeo,  while  by  her  side  walked  Alexander 
Sforza,  in  readiness  to  help  her  dismount.  Fifty  of 
the  most  beautiful  ladies  in  Milan  rode  at  the  end 
of  the  procession,  which  was  joined  by  the  clergy. 
Priests  and  monks  in  their  full  vestments  formed  a 
line  which  reached  from  the  Castle  to  the  Cathedral. 


ISABELLA  APPEALS  TO  ALFONSO    183 

Amid  cries  of  joy  the  bride  and  bridegroom  reached 
the  church,  where  a  solemn  mass  was  celebrated. 
Then  a  priest  handed  the  wedding-rings,  which  lay 
upon  the  altar,  to  the  Bishop,  who  blessed  them,  and, 
after  a  long  address,  gave  them  to  the  Duke.  The 
latter  placed  one  of  them  on  the  bride's  finger,  while 
he  himself  received  the  other  from  Ludovico.  After 
a  solemn  Te  Deum  several  of  the  nobles  were  knighted 
by  the  newly  married  Duke.  Finally  the  procession 
wended  its  way  back  to  the  Castle  in  the  same  order 
in  which  it  had  come. 

But  in  spite  of  all  these  manifestations  of  good- 
will to  the  young  Duke,  Ludovico  retained  the 
management  of  state  affairs  in  his  own  hands,  and 
only  allowed  the  merest  pittance  for  the  maintenance 
of  the  ducal  household.  He  gave  important  offices 
to  his  adherents  and  made  himself  loathed  by  his 
system  of  oppression.  Not  only  did  he  take  upon 
himself  the  command  of  the  army,  but  he  seized  upon 
the  ducal  treasure  and  disposed  of  the  annual  revenues. 
His  soveregnity,  indeed,  was  supreme,  and  Giovanni 
Galeazzo  and  his  young  wife  were  repressed  in  every 
way.  Isabella,  who  was  a  girl  of  spirit,  could  not 
brook  this  humiliating  treatment,  and  sent  the 
following  appeal  to  her  father,  Alfonso  : 

"  It  is  now  several  years,  my  father,  since  you 
arranged  for  me  an  alliance  with  Giovanni  Galeazzo, 
with  the  idea  that  he  should,  on  reaching  a  proper  age, 
govern  his  States  as  his  father  Galeazza,  his  grand- 
father Francesco,  and  his  ancestors,  the  Visconti,  have 
done  before  him.  He  has  now  attained  the  requisite 
age,  and  is  already  a  father ;  yet  his  authority  has 
been  completely  stolen  from  him.  Only  with  difficulty 
can  he  obtain  the  necessaries  of  life  from  Ludovico 
and  his  ministers.  Ludovico  manages  everything  as 
he  pleases,  decides  upon  war  or  peace,  makes  laws, 
confers  diplomas,  exempts  from  taxes,  imposes  rates, 


184     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

distributes  favours,  appropriates  treasures — all  accord- 
ing to  his  pleasure.  We,  on  the  other  hand,  deprived 
of  all  assistance,  and  without  money,  lead  the  life 
of  private  persons ;  Giovanni  Galeazzo  does  not 
appear  as  the  Lord  of  the  State,  but  Ludovico  stations 
the  prefects  in  the  fortresses,  surrounds  himself  with 
soldiers,  augments  the  Council,  and  usurps  all  the 
exclusive  privileges  of  the  ruler.  Not  long  ago  he 
became  the  father  of  a  son,  who,  according  to  the 
popular  belief,  is  destined  to  be  Count  of  Pavia,  and 
later  to  succeed  as  Duke.  Meanwhile,  the  mother 
is  honoured  as  though  she  were  the  Duchess.  We 
and  our  children  are  despised,  and  are  indeed  not 
without  risk  to  our  lives  under  his  rule,  so  that  one 
day,  in  order  to  bring  to  an  end  the  hatred  which  is 
openly  and  on  all  sides  manifested  to  us,  we  may  be 
swept  out  of  the  way,  and  I  can  already  imagine 
myself  an  inconsolable  and  deserted  widow.  And 
yet  I  still  feel  in  me  courage  and  strength.  The 
people  love  and  sympathise  with  us,  while  they  hate 
and  abhor  our  tyrant,  who  has  sucked  their  blood  in 
order  to  satisfy  his  avarice.  But  I  bow  beneath  the 
unequal  weight,  and  submit  to  the  ignominy  which  is 
laid  upon  us. 

"  It  thou  has  any  bowels  of  compassion,  if  thou 
dost  cherish  a  vestige  of  affection  for  me,  if  my  tears 
can  move  thee,  if  there  is  in  thy  heart  a  spark  of 
generosity,  so  let  me  entreat  thee  to  free  thy  daughter 
and  thy  son-in-law  from  cruel  bondage,  insults,  and 
death,  and  raise  them  to  the  throne.  But,  carest 
thou  nothing  about  our  fate,  better  would  it  be  for 
me  to  take  my  own  life  than  that  I  should  continue  to 
bear  the  yoke  of  tyranny  and  suffer  every  reverse 
under  the  eyes  of  my  rival." 

On  receiving  this  epistle  Alfonso  was  filled  with  a 
mighty  anger  against  Ludovico.  He  went  to  his 
father,  Ferrante,  and  told  him  what  disgrace  had 


EMBASSY  TO  LUDOVICO          185 

come  upon  the  House  of  Aragon,  urging  him,  with 
vehemence,  to  interfere  on  behalf  of  the  young  Duke. 
Ferrante  realised  the  extent  of  Ludovico's  authority, 
and  he  thought  that  the  matter  would  be  more  pru- 
dently settled  by  negotiation  than  by  war.  Cool  and 
self-possessed,  he  awaited  an  opportunity  for  revenge. 
He  never  allowed  himself  to  exhibit  anger  or  displeasure, 
and  appeared  to  disregard  insults  as  though  he  had  not 
understood  them.  Finally,  he  despatched  two  ambas- 
sadors to  Ludovico,  who  received  them  with  every 
appearance  of  amiability.  They,  with  great  moderation, 
explained  to  him  that,  his  nephew  having  now  attained 
a  suitable  age  to  undertake  the  government  of  Milan, 
King  Ferrante  begged  that  the  sceptre  of  authority 
might  be  yielded  to  him.  Ludovico,  however,  sent 
the  messengers  back  to  Naples  without  any  decisive 
answer.  Ferrante  was  informed  by  Isabella  of  the 
unsatisfactory  result  of  the  embassy,  and  he  finally 
agreed  with  Alfonso  that  force  would  have  to  be 
employed  before  the  young  Duke  could  be  restored 
to  his  rights. 


CHAPTER  IX 

Preparations  for  war  between  Naples  and  Milan — Ludovico  Sforza 
appeals  to  Charles  VIII.  of  France — Charles  decides  to  under- 
take the  invasion  of  Italy — His  relations  with  the  other  Euro- 
pean Powers — Ferrante  of  Naples  succeeded  by  his  son  Alfonso, 
1494 — Progress  of  the  French — Their  splendid  reception  by 
Ludovico — Charles  interviews  the  wretched  Gian  Galeazzo 
Sforza  at  Pavia — Galeazzo's  death — Comines  at  Venice — Alex- 
ander's attitude  towards  the  French  invasion — Piero  de' 
Medici's  unsatisfactory  behaviour ;  his  letter  to  the  Florentines ; 
his  downfall — Charles  VIII.  at  Pisa. 

MEANWHILE,  as  we  have  already  seen,  Pope  Innocent 
VIII.  had  been  gathered  to  his  fathers,  and  Rodrigo 
Borgia,  as  Alexander  VI.,  was  now  occupying  the 
Papal  Chair. 

In  1493  King  Ferrante  prepared  to  take  active 
measures  against  Ludovico  the  Moor.  He  gave 
command  of  the  army  to  his  son,  Alfonso,  who, 
possessed  of  no  small  military  skill,  was  only  too 
ready  to  undertake  an  expedition  in  defence  of  his 
daughter's  interests.  Ferrante  imagined  that  the 
war  would  be  but  a  trivial  one,  since  its  only  object 
was  to  place  the  rightful  prince  upon  the  throne,  and 
he  knew  that  the  people  strongly  disapproved  Lu- 
dovico's  behaviour  to  his  nephew,  the  young  Duke 
Galeazzo.  Alexander  Sforza,  the  Duke's  half-brother, 
had  visited  Naples  and  assured  the  King  that  the 
citizens  were  already  ripe  for  revolt  against  Ludovico's 
hated  rule. 

But  Ludovico,  through  his  spies,  managed  to  keep 
well  abreast  of  Ferrante's  plans,  and  made  up  his 
mind  to  resist  them  at  any  cost.  So  astute  a  man 

186 


LUDOVICO  APPEALS  TO  CHARLES    187 

could  not  fail  to  realise  that  he  had  given  his  subjects 
genuine  cause  for  complaint.  Taxation  and  all 
manner  of  extortions,  deprivation  of  property,  banish- 
ment, insults,  death,  outrages,  the  promotion  of 
favourites  of  low  degree,  ingratitude  for  service 
rendered,  utter  ruin  for  all  whose  riches  excited  his 
avarice  or  against  whom  he  bore  a  secret  grudge — all 
these  were  of  constant  occurrence,  and  caused  him 
to  be  hated  by  all.  Now,  when  he  was  about  to  fight 
in  an  unjust  cause,  Ludovico  deemed  it  advisable 
to  obtain  help  from  outside.  France  seemed  to  him 
the  most  suitable  source  to  which  to  appeal,  for  the 
House  of  Anjou  had  never  yet  renounced  her  claim 
to  Naples.  He  therefore  despatched  the  Count  of 
Belgiojoso  to  the  Court  of  Charles  VIII.  to  persuade 
the  King  to  act  as  his  ally.  The  Count  fulfilled  his 
mission  with  all  the  skill  of  an  accomplished  courtier ; 
he  interviewed  all  who  were  likely  to  have  any  influence 
over  their  monarch,  bribing  some  with  gold  and 
others  with  promises  of  great  possessions  in  Naples. 
By  this  means  he  won  over  many  of  the  nobles  to 
his  side,  among  them  Stephen  de  Vere,  a  former 
Chamberlain  of  the  King's,  afterwards  Seneschal 
of  Beaucaire,  and  BriQonnet,  the  financier.  The 
frivolous  young  King,  secure  in  his  shallow-pated 
ignorance,  airily  consented  to  undertake  the  invasion 
of  Naples,  "  but  there  was  none  save  himself  and  two 
lesser  folk  who  found  it  good."  These  two  lesser 
folk  were  Briconnet  and  de  Vere,  who  hoped  by 
means  of  the  expedition  to  increase  their  possessions. 
But  those  who  had  more  at  heart  the  welfare  of  their 
King  and  country  tried  to  discourage  the  undertaking. 
Ludovico  wrote  a  letter  to  Charles  VIII.,  referring 
to  the  friendly  relations  which  had  always  existed 
between  France  and  the  House  of  Sforza  and  inviting 
him  to  attempt  the  reconquest  of  Naples,  which  had 
been  illegally  annexed  by  the  House  of  Aragon.  He 
also  represented  that  Naples  was  most  admirably 


188     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

situated  for  the  headquarters  of  a  campaign  against 
the  Turks,  since  a  fleet  could  easily  be  equipped  and 
an  army  collected.  Promising  to  support  the  French 
with  arms,  money,  horses,  and  soldiers,  he  conjured 
the  King  not  to  refrain  from  an  undertaking  which 
would  have  the  countenance  of  all  the  Princes  in 
Italy,  to  say  nothing  of  Heaven  itself.  From  Naples, 
he  continued,  it  would  be  a  light  matter  to  attack 
the  Ottoman  Empire,  conquer  Jerusalem,  and  win 
everlasting  fame.  "  All  the  thousands  banished  from 
their  country  by  the  despot  Ferrante  cry  to  thee  for 
help,  through  thee  they  expect  to  be  restored  to  their 
homes ;  they  call  to  thee  for  support  with  the  same 
anguish  with  which  the  Patriarchs  in  limbo  once 
looked  to  Christ  for  deliverance.  Everything  fore- 
tells victory ;  thou  hast  nought  to  fear,  either  from 
without  or  within,  and,  if  anything  deters  thee, 
remember  that  I  will  see  that  thou  art  obeyed,  followed, 
and  received  by  all  with  honour." 

Charles,  dull  of  wit,  lazy,  and  yet  boastful,  began 
serious  preparations  for  his  invasion  of  Italy,  after 
an  arrangement  had  been  made  with  Ludovico  that 
the  French  army  should  be  granted  a  free  passage 
through  Italy.  Ludovico  further  undertook  to  furnish 
him  with  500  lances  and  to  allow  them  to  equip 
as  many  ships  at  Genoa  as  they  should  find  necessary  ; 
he  also  agreed  to  provide  Charles  with  a  loan  of 
200,000  ducats  upon  his  departure.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  French  King  undertook  to  defend  the 
dukedom  of  Milan  and  Ludovico's  authority,  to  invest 
the  town  of  Asti  (the  property  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans), 
with  a  garrison  of  200  lances,  which  should  always 
be  in  readiness  to  fight  for  the  House  of  Sforza,  and 
also  to  bestow  the  princedom  of  Tarento  upon  Ludovico 
after  the  conquest  of  Naples. 

This  compact  was  secretly  arranged,  and  when 
the  rumour  of  the  impending  invasion  spread  and 
Ludovico  was  suspected  of  being  in  alliance  with  the 


POWER  OF  THE  HOLY  SEE      189 

French,  he  feigned  to  be  no  less  alarmed  than  the 
others  at  the  prospect  of  the  intruders'  arrival. 

The  claims  of  the  House  of  Anjou  to  Naples  were 
as  ill-founded  as  those  of  the  House  of  Aragon.  Both 
parties  deduced  their  rights  from  a  gift.  In  order 
to  prove  the  validity  of  this  gift,  it  had  first  to  be 
settled  whether  the  kings  of  Naples  held  their  crown 
as  vassals  of  the  Holy  See  and  whether  the  Pope 
could,  under  certain  circumstances,  again  lay  claim  to 
it.  It  was  presumed  that  the  power  with  which 
one  Prince  had  been  endowed  by  another  might, 
at  will,  be  transferred  to  a  third,  and  that  only  the 
consent  of  the  Church  would  be  necessary  to  render 
the  transference  valid. 

If  prescription  of  that  which  had  been  acquired  by 
force  or  cunning  could  legalise  its  possession,  then 
the  House  of  Anjou  had  certainly  the  first  claim 
to  Naples,  since  it  had  governed  that  kingdom  for 
almost  two  hundred  years.  When,  in  1442,  Renatus 
was  driven  from  Naples  by  Alfonso  of  Aragon,  the 
kingdom  was  lost  to  the  House  of  Anjou,  and  through 
several  successive  legacies  its  rights  were  inherited  by 
Louis  XL,  who  bequeathed  it  to  his  son  Charles  VIII. 

On  the  other  hand,  exception  might  be  taken  to 
the  claims  of  Ferrante.  He  derived  them  from 
Manfred,  the  natural  son  of  Federigo  II.,  and  they 
were  only  transmitted  to  him  through  the  female 
line.  Ferrante,  moreover,  was  himself  illegitimate, 
though  acknowledged  by  his  father.  But  the  same 
power  which  invested  the  House  of  Anjou  with 
Naples  had,  on  a  later  occasion,  bestowed  the  same 
kingdom  upon  Alfonso,  Ferrante's  father.  The  feudal 
power  of  the  Papacy,  to  which  both  sides  appealed, 
had  therefore  to  be  regarded  as  the  final  arbiter. 

Ferrante  inherited  the  throne  from  his  father 
Alfonso,  and  could  consequently  be  regarded  de  jure 
and  de  facto,  as  the  rightful  king. 

Charles  VIII.,  who  was  anxious  to  be  on  good 


190    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

terms  with  the  Florentines,  sought  by  promises  and 
threats  to  turn  them  from  their  alliance  with  Ferrante. 
But  they  were  reluctant  to  proclaim  themselves 
definitely  on  his  side,  and  their  envoys,  the  Bishop  of 
Arezzo  and  Piero  Soderini,  who  were  despatched 
to  the  French  Court  at  Toulouse,  expressed  them- 
selves so  dubiously  as  only  to  excite  suspicion. 

Through  de  Bri9onnet  and  the  Seneschal  Beaucaire, 
Charles  sounded  the  ambassadors  as  to  their  intentions. 
The  latter  begged  that  he  would  not  compel  them  to 
take  part  against  Ferrante.  The  ruin  of  their  State 
would  profit  him  little,  they  said,  while  Ferrante 
was  great  and  powerful,  and  enjoyed  the  Pope's 
support,  and  they  would  be  subjugated  before  France 
could  help  them.  Charles,  who  regarded  this  state- 
ment as  a  mere  subterfuge,  became  furiously  angry, 
and  commanded  the  removal  of  all  Florentines  from 
his  States,  as  well  as  the  confiscation  of  their  property. 
Fortunately,  however,  he  allowed  himself  to  be  dis- 
suaded from  such  an  extreme  measure. 

In  order  to  further  his  ends,  he  overwhelmed  the 
brothers  Lorenzo  and  Giovanni  de'  Medici  with  favours, 
hoping  that  they  would  overthrow  Piero,  who  was 
unpopular.  They  themselves  were  much  loved  in 
Florence  for  their  generosity  and  amiability,  while 
Piero,  by  his  pride  and  ambition  had  aroused  universal 
dislike. 

Both  brothers,  rendered  arrogant  by  the  King's 
marks  of  favour,  openly  boasted  of  their  power  and 
influence,  and  persuaded  many  of  the  citizens  to  join 
their  party.  But  the  gravest  suspicions  were  aroused 
when  d'Aubigny  stayed  in  Florence  on  his  return  to 
France  and  was  received  by  them  with  every  demon- 
stration of  respect.  Piero,  under  pretext  that  they 
were  a  danger  to  the  State,  had  them  arrested ;  their 
goods  were  seized,  and  their  speedy  execution  followed. 
But  the  Senate  began  to  see  through  Piero's  ambitious 
plans,  and  the  people  took  up  arms  on  Lorenzo's 


EMBASSY  TO  ALEXANDER  VI.     191 

behalf.  Piero  now  pretended  that  he  meant  to 
overlook  the  offence,  being  unwilling  to  shed  the 
blood  of  a  kinsman.  They  were,  however,  banished 
and  forbidden  to  come  within  a  twenty-mile  radius 
of  Florence.  Thus  was  Florence  divided  into  two 
factions. 

Charles  sent  an  embassy  to  Rome  for  the  purpose 
of  securing  the  sympathy  of  the  new  Pope,  Alexander 
VI. ;  but  the  latter  replied  evasively,  calling  his 
attention  to  the  fact  that  Naples  was  a  fief  of  the 
Church,  and  that,  in  the  event  of  a  quarrel  about 
it,  it  was  the  province  of  Rome  to  decide  the  affair. 
But  when  Charles  sent  a  second  embassy,  the  Pope's 
attitude  seemed  to  have  changed  entirely,  and  he 
had  gone  over  to  the  Neapolitan  side.  A  match 
had  been  arranged  between  Sancia,  the  illegitimate 
daughter  of  Alfonso  of  Calabria  and  Jofre,  then 
Alexander's  youngest  son.  The  King  of  Naples 
heaped  favours  upon  the  young  couple,  and  the  Pope 
was  thus  quite  drawn  over  to  the  Neapolitan  party. 
He  now  gave  Charles  to  understand  that  the  House 
of  Aragon  had  already  been  enfeoffed  three  times 
by  the  Papal  See,  and  that,  if  he  had  no  better  claim 
to  advance,  the  right  of  the  Aragons  to  Naples  could 
not  be  disputed. 

The  other  Powers,  with  the  exception  of  Ercole 
of  Ferrara,  Cardinal  Giuliano  della  Rovere  (Alexander's 
implacable  foe),  and  Lorenzo,  son  of  Piero  Francesco 
de'  Medici,  now  showed  a  strong  disposition  to  support 
the  Pope.  Ferrante  of  Naples  was  in  high  glee. 
"  Be  of  good  cheer,"  he  wrote  to  his  envoy  in  France, 
"  for  perfect  harmony  now  reigns  between  me  and 
the  Pope." 

But  before  Charles  could  set  out  on  his  campaign, 
he  wanted  to  make  sure  of  the  friendship,  or  at  least 
of  the  neutrality,  of  the  other  European  Powers. 
His  relations  with  Maximilian  of  Austria  were,  to 
say  the  least,  unpleasant.  Not  only  had  Charles 


192    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

repudiated  his  betrothal  to  Maximilian's  little  daughter, 
Margaret,  who  was  ignominiously  sent  back  to  Austria, 
but  he  had  added  insult  to  injury  by  marrying  Anne  of 
Brittany,  the  Emperor's  affianced  bride.  Ambassadors 
were  sent  to  the  King  of  France  demanding  compensa- 
tion for  his  offence,  but  the  affair  ended  amicably,  for 
every  one  was  tired  of  war.  It  was  arranged  that 
Philip,  Maximilian's  son,  should  receive  the  part  of 
Artois  which  Charles  had  annexed  and  which  had 
already  been  made  over  to  France  as  a  portion  of 
Margaret's  dowry. 

Comines,  in  his  Memoirs,  relates  that  he  asked 
many  doctors  of  theology  whether  Anne's  marriage 
with  Charles  was  valid,  and  that  some  gave  answer 
in  the  affirmative,  others  in  the  negative.  It  seems, 
however,  that  neither  this  match  nor  that  of  Margaret, 
who  afterwards  married  the  Prince  of  Castile,  turned 
out  happily.  Anne's  three  sons  all  died  very  young, 
and  Margaret  lost  her  husband  in  the  first  year  of 
their  wedded  life.  Shortly  after  his  death  she  gave 
birth  to  a  still-born  son,  "  qui  a  mis  en  grande  douleur 
les  Roy  et  Reyne  de  Castile,  et  tout  leur  Royaume." 

Amicable  relations  had  also  to  be  established  between 
France  and  Ferdinand  of  Spain,  who  was  a  kinsman 
of  the  reigning  House  of  Aragon  in  Naples.  Ferdinand 
had  once  borrowed  100,000  ducats  from  Louis  XI., 
giving  him,  as  security,  Roussillon  and  Perpignan. 
But  when  a  few  years  later,  he  was  prepared  to  pay 
back  the  money,  Louis  steadfastly  refused  to  give 
up  these  two  provinces.  As  soon,  however,  as  Charles 
had  decided  on  the  Italian  expedition,  he  sent  envoys 
to  Ferdinand  announcing  his  readiness  to  restore 
them,  and  asking  nothing  but  his  friendship  in  return. 
The  transfer  really  took  place,  and  Ferdinand  promised 
not  to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  the  House  of 
Aragon. 

The  Venetian  response  to  Charles's  request  for 
help  and  advice  was  unsatisfactory.  They  could 


THE  TORTURE  OF  "  THE  QUESTION,"  COMMONLY  APPLIED  IN  THE  FIFTEENTH 
CENTURY    IN    ROME. 

From  a  fresco  in  the  Church  of  San  Pietro  in  Gessate. 


192] 


GREAT  CAMPAIGN  OF  CHARLES  VIII.  193 

not  undertake  to  support  him,  they  said,  for  they 
always  had  to  be  on  their  guard  against  Turkey ; 
that  it  would  be  presumption  on  their  part  to  offer 
advice  to  so  wise  a  King,  but  that  they  were  more 
disposed  to  help  than  to  hinder  him.  With  these 
evasive  words  Charles  had  to  be  content. 

In  August  1494  King  Charles  set  out  gaily,  almost 
flippantly,  on  the  great  campaign  which  was  to 
change  the  face  of  Europe.  His  first  stopping-place 
was  Lyons,  where  he  tarried  for  several  weeks,  wasting 
his  substance  in  riotous  living.  Cardinal  Giuliano 
della  Rovere  and  the  Duke  of  Salerno,  who  had 
escaped  from  the  snares  of  King  Ferrante,  hastened 
thither  to  persuade  Charles  to  attack  Naples.  His 
sagacity  soon  perceived  that  he  must  turn  for  help 
to  Stephen  de  Vere  and  Brisonnet  rather  than  to  the 
King.  Their  policy  consisted  of  shameless  flattery 
and  indulgence,  by  which  means  they  maintained 
a  strong  influence  over  the  weak-minded  Charles. 
The  Duke  represented  the  Italian  invasion  and  the 
conquest  of  Naples  as  an  undertaking  to  which  the 
House  of  Anjou  (whose  claims  devolved  on  Charles) 
was  in  honour  bound.  Thus  the  way  was  smoothed 
for  Ludovico's  ambassador,  Galeazzo,  brother  of 
Count  Cajazzo  of  San  Severino,  who  shortly  after- 
wards arrived.  He  was  received  by  the  King  with 
the  greatest  affability  and  brilliantly  entertained. 
Ludovico  had  won  over  the  Genoese,  who  had  formerly 
been  attached  to  the  House  of  Aragon.  It  was 
arranged  that  the  Duke  of  Orleans  should  go  with  a 
fleet  of  3,000  Swiss  to  Genoa,  while  d'Aubigny  was 
to  be  sent  to  Milan  with  200  lances  and  3,000  Swiss. 
But  the  King  was  undecided  as  to  whether  he  should 
go  backwards  or  forwards. 

Comines  observes  that  the  cost  of  equipping  the 
ships  for  Genoa  was  so  great  as  to  cripple  the  King's 
monetary  resources.  He  continues.  "  Car,  comme 
j'ai  dit,  il  [Charles  VIIL]  n'estoit  point  pourvue, 

NB 


194    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

ne  de  sens,  ne  d'argent,  n'y  d'autre  chose  ne'cessaire 
a  telle  entreprise.  .  .  .  Je  ne  veux  point  dire  que  le 
Roy  ne  fust  sage  de  son  age;  mais  il  n'avait  que 
vingt  et  deux  ans,  ne  faisoit  que  saillir  du  nid." 

Ludovico,  who  was  by  this  time  extremely  un- 
popular in  Italy,  did  all  in  his  power  to  urge  the  King 
to  set  out.  Finally  Charles  prepared  to  start,  but 
again  wavered,  and  Comines  was  told  that  everything 
was  broken  off.  On  the  same  day,  however,  the 
King  borrowed  500,000  ducats  from  a  merchant  in 
Milan,  for  which  Ludovico  had  to  provide  security. 
Before  this  he  had  already  borrowed  100,000  francs 
from  the  Bank  of  Genoa,  for  which  he  had,  in  four 
months,  to  pay  interest  amounting  to  14,000  francs. 
Ferrante  sought  by  negotiations  to  hinder  Charles's 
advance  towards  Naples,  and  even  volunteered  to  pay 
him  an  annual  tribute.  Thereby,  however,  he  only 
served  to  confirm  the  King  in  his  plan.  These  negotia- 
tions did  not  prevent  Ferrante  from  making  active 
preparations  for  war.  He  equipped  a  fleet  of  forty 
galleys  and  assembled  a  land  force  of  7,000.  But 
death  suddenly  freed  him  from  his  embarrassments 
on  January  25,  1494.  Burchard  relates  that  he  had 
become  unwell  at  his  country  house  of  Trapergola, 
and  had  therefore  returned  to  Naples.  In  mounting 
his  horse  he  fell  down  unconscious,  and  the  next 
day  passed  away,  sine  luce,  sine  cruce,  sine  Deo.  He 
was  seventy-one  years  of  age. 

Alfonso,  Duke  of  Calabria,  now  succeeded  to  the 
throne  of  Naples,  and  every  one  looked  anxiously  to 
see  what  attitude  the  Pope  would  adopt  towards 
the  new  King,  who  did  everything  in  his  power  to 
propitiate  him.  Early  in  February  Alexander  warned 
the  French  ambassadors  against  attacking  Naples, 
and  also  wrote  a  letter  to  Charles  VIII.  expressing 
surprise  that  he  should  entertain  hostile  designs 
against  a  Christian  Power  when  a  union  between 
all  European  States  was  necessary  in  order  to  thwart 


JOFRfe 


BETROTHAL  OF  JOFRE  BORGIA     195 

the  Turks.  On  May  7,  1494,  Alfonso  was  crowned 
by  the  Cardinal  of  Monreale,  and  soon  afterwards 
was  celebrated  the  betrothal  of  Sancia  of  Aragon 
and  the  thirteen-year-old  Jofre*  Borgia.  Alexander 
exempted  the  new  King  from  the  annual  tribute, 
and  in  return  Alfonso  invested  the  Pope's  eldest  son, 
Giovanni  the  Duke  of  Gandia,  with  the  princedom 
of  Tricaria  and  other  crown  lands,  which  yielded  an 
annual  income  of  12,000  ducats.  Neither  was  Caesar 
forgotten :  a  considerable  portion  of  crown  land 
was  assigned  to  him.  The  bride's  dowry  amounted 
to  200,000  ducats,  and  the  alliance  was  celebrated 
by  the  most  brilliant  festivities,  as  if  they  wished  to 
forget  the  danger  that  was  threatening  the  country. 
But  Alfonso  was  quite  conscious  of  the  gravity  of  the 
position.  He  determined  to  undertake  the  command 
of  his  troops  himself,  and  entrusted  that  of  the  fleet 
to  his  brother  Federigo. 

On  August  23,  1494,  Charles  left  Vienna  and 
advanced  towards  Asti.  At  Suza  he  was  met  by 
Galeazzo  San  Severino,  who  accompanied  him  to 
Turin.  The  Regent  Bianca,  widow  of  the  Duke  of 
Savoy,  received  him  with  astonishing  splendour. 
De  la  Vigne,  in  his  Vergier  d'honneur,  describes  the 
magnificence  of  the  display.  Dazzled  by  the  number 
and  value  of  the  diamonds  worn  by  the  Duchess 
and  her  suite,  Charles  was  unable  to  refrain  from 
borrowing  them,  upon  which  he  immediately  pawned 
them  for  12,000  ducats.  As  Comines  naively  remarks  : 
"  Et  pouvez  voir  quel  commencement  de  guerre 
c'estoit,  si  Dieu  n'eut  guide  1'ceuvre." 

In  Chien  Charles  stayed  for  several  days,  enjoying 
himself  in  his  own  fashion.  Dramas  of  doubtful 
morality  were  performed  in  his  honour,  but  the 
chief  attraction  seems  to  have  been  the  charms  of  a 
certain  Anna  Solari  (De  la  Vigne  and  Segur). 

Asti  was  the  appointed  meeting-place,  and  Ludovico 
Sforza,  Ercole  of  Ferrara,  and  Guiliano  della  Rovere 


196    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

were  there  to  greet  the  French  King.  Ludovico 
was  accompanied  by  his  wife  Beatrice  and  fifty 
beautiful  Italian  ladies,  who,  moreover,  were  not 
troubled  with  many  scruples  of  morality.  The  King's 
weak  brain  was  dazzled  by  the  loveliness  of  these 
women,  who  were  adorned  in  the  richest  manner 
and  by  no  means  sought  to  conceal  their  charms. 
They  made  their  entry  into  the  town  in  six  carriages 
covered  with  gold  cloth  and  red  velvet  and  drawn 
by  six-and-twenty  horses.  Charles,  who  had  at  first 
been  inclined  to  harbour  suspicions  of  Ludovico, 
changed  his  opinion  in  two  days,  for  he  was  quite 
overwhelmed  by  the  splendour  of  his  reception. 

King  Alfonso  had  despatched  two  armies  towards 
Charles.  The  one,  led  by  his  son  and  Virginio  Orsini, 
was  opposed  by  the  tried  and  trusty  d'Aubigny,  a 
Scotchman  by  birth,  and  distinguished  both  for  his 
bravery  and  his  generalship.  The  other,  which  had 
embarked  with  the  idea  of  conquering  Genoa,  was 
commanded  by  Federigo,  Alfonso's  brother.  With 
the  help  of  Flisco  (Fiesco)  and  several  disaffected 
Genoese,  Federigo  hoped  to  have  little  difficulty  in 
effecting  his  object.  But  unfortunately  for  his  plans, 
Louis  of  Orleans  appeared  at  the  crucial  moment 
and  drove  back  his  troops.  The  cannon  which  the 
French  had  installed  on  their  vessels,  and  which,  up 
to  that  time,  had  not  been  used  in  Italy,  contributed 
greatly  to  the  victory.  A  great  galley  belonging  to 
Comines,  and  furnished  with  heavy  artillery,  was 
seriously  damaged.  The  Swiss,  under  the  leadership 
of  the  Bailiff  of  Dijon,  advanced  towards  the  Nea- 
politans, who  fled  before  them.  Many  prisoners 
were  taken,  but  they  received  no  further  injury  than, 
after  the  Italian  custom,  being  stripped  to  their 
shirts  and  then  set  free.  Among  them  was  Fregoso, 
a  natural  son  of  Paul  Fregoso,  Cardinal-Archbishop 
and  former  Doge  of  Genoa. 

The  Swiss  guards,   who  took   the  war  seriously 


SUCCESS  OF  LOUIS  AT  GENOA    197 

however,  plundered  Rapallo  and  killed  many  of  the 
inhabitants  ;  but  when  they  brought  their  booty  to  be 
sold  at  Genoa,  the  Italians  rose  in  revolt  and  several 
Swiss  were  slain.  Order  was  restored  by  Adorno,  who 
held  the  reins  of  government. 

While  Charles  was  at  Asti  he  received  news  of  the 
success  of  Louis  of  Orleans  at  Genoa.  The  outlook 
seemed  promising  when  the  King  was  taken  dangerously, 
ill  with  a  disease  which,  though  called  small-pox, 
was  probably  the  result  of  his  dissolute  habits.  He 
got  better,  however,  and  continued  his  way  to  Casale, 
the  capital  of  Montferrat.  Here  he  was  heartily 
welcomed  by  the  Margravine,  and  he  did  not  neglect 
the  opportunity  of  borrowing  her  jewels  with  the 
intention  of  pawning  them  in  Genoa. 

Chance  favoured  Charles  in  a  surprising  way.  Don 
Ferrantino,  at  the  head  of  the  second  division  of  the 
forces  of  his  father,  Alfonso,  had  advanced  with  his  men 
as  far  as  Ferrara,  and  was  burning  with  anxiety  to 
fight  d'Aubigny.  But  his  men  lacked  cohesion,  being 
made  up  of  soldiers  from  different  Italian  States  who 
were,  again,  under  the  command  of  their  own  leaders  ; 
moreover,  the  news  of  the  French  victory  at  Rapallo 
had  discouraged  the  Italians.  Although  they  exceeded 
the  French  in  number,  a  council  of  war  decided  that 
it  would  be  indiscreet  to  venture  upon  a  battle. 
Orsini,  in  particular,  was  opposed  to  the  idea  of  fighting, 
although  Pescara  and  Trivulzio  were  of  a  different 
opinion.  Subsequent  events  proved  that  d'Aubigny 
was  right  in  supposing  that  Ferrantino's  troops  would 
soon  be  disbanded  if  left  alone.  The  Colonna,  who 
had  always  been  rivals  of  the  Orsini,  declared  them- 
selves on  the  side  of  the  French,  seized  upon  Ostia, 
and  summoned  Charles  to  take  possession  of  that 
important  harbour. 

The  Pope  thereupon  withdrew  the  troops  which  he 
had  sent  to  Ferrantino's  help,  while  d'Aubigny  was 
reinforced  with  fresh  men.  The  favourable  moment 


198    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

was  gone ;  but  Ferrantino  would  not  yield,  for  he 
still  reckoned  on  the  support  of  the  Princes  of  Romagna. 
Mordano,  near  Imola — a  strong  fortress — resisted,  but 
the  French  stormed  the  town  with  incredible  fury. 
The  garrison — men,  women  and  children — were  all 
massacred,  and  when  d'Aubigny  entered  he  found 
nothing  but  the  corpses  of  the  inhabitants.  Don 
Ferrantino  then  withdrew  to  Rome. 

While  at  Casale  Charles  gave  audience  to  Constantine 
Arianite's,  claimant  to  the  crowns  of  Servia  and 
Macedonia.  He  assured  the  King  that  European 
Turkey,  weary  of  Bajazet's  tyranny,  was  now  ripe 
for  rebellion.  Ludovico,  too,  had  approached  Charles 
at  Asti,  and  had,  with  much  eloquence,  expounded 
the  same  theory.  "  Quand  vous  me  voudrez  croire," 
he  said,  "  je  vous  aiderai  a  vous  faire  plus  grand  que 
ne  fut  jamais  Charlemagne,  et  chasserons  ce  Turc, 
hors  de  cet  empire  de  Constantinople  aisement,  quand 
vous  aurez  ce  Royaume  de  Naples." 

Charles,  who  from  the  outset  had  cherished  remark- 
able dreams  of  covering  himself  with  glory  by  crushing 
the  Turkish  power,  was  encouraged  and  strengthened 
in  his  childish  schemes  by  these  words.  He  now 
proceeded  to  Pavia,  where  the  luckless  Gian  Galeazzo, 
Ludovico's  ill-treated  nephew,  was  languishing  in 
captivity.  Ludovico  was  greatly  alarmed  when  he 
heard  that  the  King  desired  to  speak  with  his  cousin 
(the  mothers  of  Charles  and  Galeazzo  were  sisters, 
Princesses  of  the  House  of  Savoy),  for  he  feared 
that  the  chivalrous  instincts  of  France  might  be 
aroused  at  the  sight  of  the  unhappy  Prince.  The 
latter  was  only  about  twenty-five  years  old,  but  he 
had  been  a  prisoner  for  ten  years.  His  chief  pleasure 
lay  in  the  affection  of  his  wife  Isabella  and  his  little 
son,  for  whom  he  pathetically  entreated  the  French 
King's  protection.  Galeazzo's  physician,  Theodore  of 
Pavia,  was  present  at  the  interview,  and  Charles 
gathered,  from  his  behaviour,  that  his  patient  was 


DEATH  OF  GALEAZZO  199 

suffering  from  the  effects  of  a  slow  poison.  As 
Comines  says,  he  would  willingly  have  warned  him, 
"  mais  il  ne  vouloit  deplaire  en  rien  au  dit  Ludovic." 
At  a  certain  moment  a  secret  door  opened  and  the 
young  Duchess,  clad  in  deep  mourning,  entered. 
She  threw  herself  at  the  King's  feet,  imploring  him 
to  protect  her  husband  and  pardon  her  father ;  but 
Charles,  though  affected,  answered  that  it  was  now 
too  late  to  help  her. 

The  poor  young  wife,  with  her  little  children,  shut 
herself  up  like  a  prisoner  in  a  room  into  which  the 
light  could  not  penetrate,  and  lay  for  a  long  time  upon 
the  hard  ground.  Her  rival,  the  gay  Beatrice  d'Este, 
could  now  for  a  short  time  enjoy  her  triumph. 

Ludovico,  now  more  than  ever  anxious  to  win  the 
King's  favour,  provided  him  with  gold  and  weapons 
and  tried  to  urge  him  forward.  Charles  soon  left 
Pavia  for  Piacenza,  but  no  sooner  had  he  arrived  there 
than  news  reached  him  of  Galeazzo's  death.1  This 
event  caused  him  considerable  remorse,  for  he  was 
conscious  of  having  done  nothing  to  improve  his 
fortunes.  He  was  also  mistrustful  of  Ludovico,  who 
hastened  to  Milan  to  make  arrangements  for  the 
coronation  of  Galeazzo's  little  son.  Meanwhile  Charles 
had  the  obsequies  of  his  cousin  celebrated  in  the 
most  lavish  and  magnificent  manner,  inviting  the 
whole  of  Piacenza  to  take  part  in  them. 

From  Asti  Comines  was  sent  with  letters  of  recom- 
mendation from  the  Duke  of  Milan  to  his  ambassador 
in  Venice.  He  received  a  monthly  salary  of  100  ducats, 
together  with  a  beautiful  dwelling  and  three  gondolas. 
The  Venetian  envoy  in  Milan  was  treated  with  equal 
consideration,  only,  as  Comines  ingenuously  remarks, 
there  no  gondolas  were  placed  at  his  disposal,  because 
in  Milan  it  was  customary  to  use  horses.  He  journeyed 
through  Brescia,  Verona,  Vicenza,  and  Padua,  and 

1  There  is  good  reason  to  suppose  that  Ludovico  hastened  his  end 
by  poison. 


200     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

was  everywhere  received  with  the  greatest  respect, 
and  worthily  entertained.  Everything  was  arranged 
for  him,  but,  alas !  no  one  thought  of  paying  the 
minstrels  and  tambourine  players,  so  that  the  poor 
Comines  was  not  much  the  gainer. 

As  Comines  approached  Venice  he  was  received 
by  twenty-five  nobles  richly  clad  in  red  silk.  They 
escorted  him  to  the  Church  of  St.  Andrew,  where 
the  other  nobles  and  the  ambassadors  from  Milan 
and  Ferrara  were  already  assembled.  Afterwards  he 
was  taken  on  board  a  luxuriously  equipped  boat, 
much  larger  than  an  ordinary  gondola  and  capable  of 
holding  about  forty  people.  To  Comines  was  given 
the  place  of  honour  between  the  two  envoys,  and 
away  they  went  down  the  Grand  Canal,  "  the  most 
beautiful  street  in  the  world."  He  was  greatly 
impressed  by  the  splendour  and  beauty  of  the  houses 
which  they  passed,  many  of  them  decorated  with 
marble  and  precious  stones.  It  was  the  richest  town 
that  he  had  ever  seen,  and,  as  he  remarks,  the  best 
governed. 

Escorted  by  fifty  nobles,  Comines  visited  the 
Cloister  of  the  Black  Monks  of  San  Giorgio,  where  an 
apartment  was  assigned  to  him.  The  next  day  he 
appeared  before  the  Signor  and  delivered  his  cre- 
dentials to  the  Council,  which  was  assembled  under 
the  presidency  of  the  Doge.  The  latter  (Barbarigo) 
is  described  as  a  gentle,  wise,  and  amiable  old  man, 
with  a  wide  understanding  of  Italian  affairs.  His 
palace  was  very  beautiful,  and  contained  four  large 
and  richly  gilded  halls  of  marble,  though  the  court 
itself  was  small.  From  it  Comines  could  hear  mass 
being  sung  at  St.  Mark's,  the  richest  Cathedral  in 
the  world,  full  of  marvellous  treasures  and  precious 
stones. 

For  eight  months  Comines  stayed  in  Venice,  enjoy- 
ing himself  at  the  public  expense.  He  has  nothing 
but  praise  for  the  good  management  and  sagacity  of 


EMBARRASSMENT  OF  THE  FRENCH  201 

the  Seignory.  When  the  latter  heard  of  Galeazzo's 
death  they  asked  Comines  whether  Charles  VIII. 
would  be  inclined  to  take  up  the  cause  of  the  little 
five-year-old  heir.  But  Comines  thought  it  unlikely 
on  account  of  the  friendly  relations  between  the 
French  King  and  Ludovico,  who,  regardless  of  the 
child's  claims,  was  proclaimed  Duke  at  Milan.  In 
order  to  gain  this  end,  he  had  invited  the  French  to 
Italy,  knowing  that  the  Italian  Powers  would  never 
allow  this  usurpation. 

It  was  not  long  before  the  deference  which  the 
Italians  had,  at  first,  accorded  the  French,  diminished, 
for  their  rapacity  and  unseemly  conduct  were  making 
them  universally  unpopular.  The  French  now  found 
themselves  in  considerable  embarrassment.  Their 
treasury  was  completely  exhausted,  and  Brigonnet 
advised  a  return  to  France.  But  this  would  have 
been  no  easy  matter.  At  the  same  time  the  King 
was  assured  by  the  brothers  Medici,  and  others,  that 
Florence  was  waiting  open-armed  to  receive  him. 
Ludovico,  too,  was  ready  with  promises  of  help. 
Nevertheless  Charles,  in  order  to  continue  the  march, 
was  obliged  to  raise  150,000  gold  ducats  upon  his 
crown  lands,  and  the  clergy  advanced  15,000  on  the 
understanding  that  the  freedom  of  the  Gallican  Church 
should  be  granted  in  Rome.  While  these  transactions 
were  going  on,  Pope  Alexander  sent  a  message  to 
Charles  forbidding  him  to  set  foot  in  the  papal 
province.  But  the  King  replied  that  he  had  long 
since  taken  a  vow  to  make  a  pilgrimage  to  the  Apostle 
Peter  at  Rome,  and  that  he  must  fulfil  it  even  at  the 
risk  of  his  life. 

This  command  of  the  Pope  only  served  to  rouse 
the  French  spirit,  and  it  was  now  merely  a  question 
as  to  which  route  the  army  should  take.  Venice,  to 
the  north-east,  was  neutral ;  the  Pope  had  finally 
decided  to  oppose  the  French ;  in  Florence  opinion 
was  divided — the  citizens  were  prepared  to  welcome 


202    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Charles  and  were  confirmed  in  their  views  by  Savona- 
rola's predictions  that  a  scourge  should  chastise  Italy. 
Piero  de'  Medici,  on  the  other  hand,  was  in  league 
with  Naples.  It  was  finally  decided  to  take  the 
rough  and  stormy  route  of  the  Via  de  Pontremoli, 
rather  than  the  shorter  and  more  convenient  one 
through  Bologna  and  Rimini.  They  would  thus 
avoid  Prince  Ferrantino  of  Naples,  who  had  been  sent 
by  Alfonso  to  hold  the  Romagna.  The  Duke  of 
Montpensier  had  orders  to  move  towards  Pontremoli 
with  the  vanguard,  while  Charles  soon  followed  with 
the  remaining  troops. 

When  the  French  reached  the  Florentine  fortress 
of  Tivizzano,  the  garrison  opposed  them  with  decision. 
But  the  Marquis  of  Malaspina,  who  knew  the  neigh- 
bourhood well,  offered  himself  as  guide  and  disclosed 
the  weakest  point  in  the  fortress.  After  a  vigorous 
attack,  the  Duke  of  Montpensier  and  his  troop 
gained  an  entrance  and  slew  the  whole  garrison 
with  great  slaughter.  Little  was  gained,  however, 
by  this  cruelty,  for  the  French  progress  was  checked 
by  the  impregnable  fortresses  of  Sarzana  and  Pietra 
Santa.  Both  these  places,  on  their  steep  heights, 
needed  only  to  keep  their  gates  shut  to  render  further 
advance  impossible.  The  French  were  thus  placed  in 
an  awkward  plight,  for  to  besiege  the  fortresses  would 
have  been  extremely  risky,  owing  to  the  difficulty  of 
obtaining  provisions  in  that  sterile  district.  People 
were  justified  in  thinking  that  Ludovico  had  enticed 
Charles  into  a  trap. 

The  situation  was  saved  by  the  discord  just  then 
prevailing  in  Florence.  Piero  de'  Medici,  hated  for 
his  extortions  and  misrule,  thought  to  escape  from 
the  atmosphere  of  distrust  which  surrounded  him 
by  imploring  the  protection  of  Charles.  He  was 
evidently  influenced  by  the  example  of  his  father 
Lorenzo,  who,  under  similar  circumstances,  had  ap- 
pealed to  the  Neapolitan  Court.  But  Piero  was  cast  in 


PIERO  DE'  MEDICI  IN  BANISHMENT  203 

a  less  heroic  mould  ;  he  lacked  both  courage  and  skill 
to  carry  through  his  enterprise,  and  only  succeeded 
in  getting  permanently  banished  from  Florence. 

From  Empoli  Piero  despatched  the  following  letter 
to  the  Government : 

"  I  will  not  try  to  justify  my  hasty  departure, 
for  I  think  it  no  wrong  to  adopt  a  measure  which, 
in  my  humble  opinion,  is  not  only  calculated  to 
restore  peace  to  my  native  town,  but  is  also  attended 
with  less  difficulty  and  danger  for  the  State  and 
its  inhabitants  (myself  alone  excepted)  than  any 
other.  I  have  decided  to  go  in  person  to  his  Most 
Christian  Majesty  in  the  hope  of  mitigating  the 
displeasure  which  the  town  has  been  obliged  to  cause 
him  by  fulfilling  her  contracts  with  other  States. 
For,  it  seems  to  me  that  this  is  the  only  respect  in 
which  the  King  desires  a  change.  As  I  have  been 
hitherto  regarded  as  the  cause  of  his  ill-will,  I  will 
either  justify  my  conduct  or  at  least  attract  his  revenge 
to  my  person  rather  than  to  the  State.  My  family 
has  already  often  set  the  example  of  such  a  sacrifice, 
but  I  hold  myself  under  a  deeper  obligation  than 
any  of  my  forefathers,  because  I,  more  than  any  of 
them,  have  been  honoured  beyond  my  merits.  The 
less  I  deserve  the  distinctions  which  have  fallen  to 
my  share,  the  more  I  consider  myself  bound  to  carry 
out  my  present  plan.  Neither  difficulty  nor  expense, 
nay,  not  even  life  itself,  do  I  esteem ;  but  I  would 
willingly  sacrifice  myself  for  each  of  you  in  particular, 
much  more  for  the  whole  Republic.  On  this  occasion 
I  shall  probably  give  you  a  proof  of  my  sincerity, 
for  I  shall  either  return  with  good  news  for  you 
and  the  Republic,  or  I  shall  surrender  my  life  in 
the  attempt  to  serve  you.  By  the  love  and  loyalty 
which  you  owe  to  the  ashes  of  my  father,  the  great 
Lorenzo,  and  by  the  kindness  you  have  ever  displayed 
towards  me,  I  conjure  you  to  remember  me  in  your 


204    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

prayers.  Also,  if  it  be  the  will  of  Providence  that 
I  should  not  return  to  you,  I  commend  to  your  care 
my  brothers  and  children.  To-morrow  I  set  out  on 
my  journey  from  here. 

"  PIERO  DE'  MEDICI. 

"GIVEN  AT  EMPOLI, 
"  October  26,  1494." 

From  Empoli  Piero  proceeded  to  Pisa,  whence 
he  sent  a  message  to  the  Neapolitan  envoy  in  Florence 
to  the  effect  that,  though  his  devotion  to  the  House 
of  Aragon  never  failed,  he  lacked  friends,  money, 
and  credit  to  continue  a  war  in  which  he  had  been 
involved  through  friendship  for  the  royal  House  of 
Naples. 

On  October  30  Piero  arrived  at  Pietra  Santa, 
where  he  heard  that  Orsini,  who  had  been  sent  to 
reinforce  Sarzana,  had  been  attacked  and  defeated 
by  Montpensier — a  circumstance  of  trifling  importance 
considering  the  strength  of  the  two  fortresses.  But 
Piero  was  afraid  to  enter  the  camp  of  Sarzana  without 
a  letter  of  recommendation  from  the  French  King. 
Bri9onnet  and  de  Piennes  were  despatched  to  meet 
him,  but  when  Piero  arrived  at  the  camp  he  com- 
pletely lost  his  head,  and  knelt,  cowed  and  discomfited, 
before  the  King,  whose  reception  of  him  was  cool 
and  a  trifle  contemptuous.  The  French  demands 
were  by  no  means  modest,  but  Piero  agreed  meekly 
to  all  that  was  proposed.  Sarzana,  Pietra-Santa, 
Librafratta,  Pisa,  and  Livorno  were  to  be  surrendered 
until  the  conquest  of  Naples  should  be  completed, 
and  Florence  was  to  be  the  pledge  of  reconciliation. 
Comines  tells  us  that  the  French  were  highly  amused 
and  astonished  that  Piero  should  concede  so  much 
more  than  they  had  ever  expected. 

The  Florentines  were  furious  when  they  heard  of 
Piero's  irresponsible  folly.  "  It  was  time,"  said  Piero 
Capponi,  in  the  Council  of  November  i,  "  to  shake 


EMBASSY  TO  CHARLES  205 

off  this  baby  government."  They  sent  an  embassy 
of  five  citizens,  headed  by  Savonarola,  to  Charles, 
hoping  to  obtain  some  amelioration  of  the  hard 
conditions.  But  neither  their  representatives  nor 
the  threats  and  predictions  of  Savonarola  could  move 
the  King.  From  the  demeanour  of  the  envoys 
Piero  could  see  how  greatly  the  Florentines  were 
offended  by  his  action.  He  therefore  begged  his 
kinsman  Paolo  Orsini,  the  commander  of  the 
Florentine  army,  to  follow  him  to  Florence  with 
as  large  a  troop  as  he  could  muster.  On  November 
9,  he  presented  himself,  with  a  considerable  retinue, 
at  the  Town  Hall,  intending  to  summon  a  general 
parliament  and  take  the  government  into  his  own 
hands  ;  but  his  entry  was  prevented  by  Corsini,  Nerli, 
and  others,  who  hurled  the  most  bitter  reproaches 
at  his  head.  Piero,  disconcerted,  retired  to  his 
palace,  and,  arming  himself  and  his  servants,  begged 
Orsini  to  defend  him  from  his  enemies.  But  the 
whole  of  Florence  was  in  rebellion.  Everywhere 
sounded  the  cry,  "  Liberty !  liberty !  down  with 
the  Balls !  " l  Even  the  sight  of  Piero's  brother, 
the  popular  Cardinal  de'  Medici,  produced  no  effect 
upon  the  excited  crowd.  The  very  street-boys 
assailed  Piero  with  stones  and  hisses ;  the  tumult 
became  more  and  more  violent,  until  he  saw  that 
all  hope  was  gone,  and  that  nothing  remained  but 
the  memories  of  the  family.  The  magnificent  works 
of  art  collected  by  Lorenzo  in  the  garden  of  San 
Marco,  which  had  been  for  the  Florentines  a  kind  of 
Art  Academy,  were  all  stolen  or  destroyed.  Even 
the  very  trees  which  he  had  planted  were  demolished. 
Charles  VIII.,  meanwhile,  was  moving  onwards. 
From  Sarzana  he  went  to  Pisa  by  way  of  Lucca,  where 
he  refused  to  see  Cardinal  Piccolomini,  who  had 
been  sent  by  the  Pope  to  try  to  make  terms  with 
him.  On  November  9  Charles  entered  Pisa,  where 

1  The  Medici  arms. 


206    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

the  citizens  hailed  him  as  their  deliverer.  They  had 
suffered  oppression  from  the  Florentines  for  no  less 
than  eighty  years,  and  consequently  hated  them 
with  a  deadly  hatred.  A  mighty  throng  advanced 
to  meet  the  French  King,  entreating  him  to  relieve 
their  city  from  the  yoke  of  Florence. 

A  certain  Rabot,  Councillor  of  the  Dauphin^ 
Parliament,  advised  Charles  to  grant  the  request 
of  this  ill-treated  people.  The  King,  who  certainly 
had  no  power  to  bestow  freedom  upon  the  Pisans, 
nevertheless  obligingly  promised  them  his  protection. 
Rabot,  amid  many  demonstrations  of  joy,  com- 
municated his  answer  to  the  people.  In  their  excite- 
ment they  hastened  to  the  Arno  Bridge,  where  stood 
the  statue  of  a  colossal  lion  erected  in  token  of  the 
Florentine  supremacy ;  this  they  threw  down  and 
raised  in  its  place  an  image  of  the  King,  who,  sword 
in  hand,  was  mounted  on  a  horse  which  trampled  with 
its  hoof  the  overthrown  lion. 

On  the  same  day  were  banished  the  Florentine 
authorities,  who  were  only  saved  from  actual  ill- 
treatment  out  of  respect  for  Charles.  The  King's 
untimely  complaisance  was  to  result  in  a  bloody 
strife,  which  disturbed  the  peace  of  Italy  for  many 
a  weary  year. 

D'Aubigny  was  meanwhile  gaining  important  suc- 
cesses in  the  Romagna.  He  had  taken  several  for- 
tresses and  compelled  the  bold  Catherine  Sforza, 
widow  of  the  late  governor  of  Imola  and  Forli,  to 
renounce  her  alliance  with  the  Pope.  He  then 
advanced  to  Faenza  with  the  object  of  attacking 
Ferrantino,  but  the  latter  was  so  much  terrified  at 
this  proceeding  that  he  beat  a  hasty  retreat  to  Cesena. 
There  he  received  news  of  the  surrender  of  Sarzana 
and  the  Florentine  rebellion.  No  longer  feeling  safe, 
he  marched  towards  Rome,  but  his  obvious  alarm 
had  weakened  confidence  in  his  power  to  such  an 
extent  that  serious  resistance  seemed  improbable. 


BANISHMENT  OF  THE  MEDICI  207 

Charles  only  stayed  in  Pisa  a  few  days  and  then 
continued  his  way  towards  Florence.  At  Empoli 
he  received  disquieting  news  of  the  rebellion  of 
the  Florentines  and  the  banishment  of  the  Medici. 
Florence,  it  is  true,  was  prepared  for  the  defence, 
but,  at  the  same  time,  she  did  not  omit  to  send 
ambassadors  to  the  French  King,  with  costly  presents 
for  his  propitiation. 


CHAPTER  X 

The  French  entry  into  Florence — Droll  appearance  of  Charles  VIII. 
— Piero  Capponi's  prompt  action — Compromise  with  the  Floren- 
tines— Disorderly  behaviour  of  the  French  at  Siena — Progress  of 
the  invasion — The  Pope's  alarm  and  vacillation  ;  his  agreement 
with  Charles  VIII. — Capture  of  Giulia  Farnese — The  French 
enter  Rome  with  great  ceremony — Vannozza's  house  plundered 
— Affairs  of  Djem ;  his  death — Was  Alexander  responsible  for 
it  ? — Abdication  of  Alfonso  of  Naples  in  favour  of  his  son  Fer- 
rantino  ;  his  last  days — Ferrantino's  bad  fortune — Caesar  Borgia 
escapes  to  Rome — Fortune  favours  the  French — They  enter 
Naples,  February  22,  1495 — Ferrantino  takes  refuge  at  Ischia — 
His  uncle  Federigo — Siege  of  Castelnuovo — French  attitude 
towards  the  Neapolitans — Ferdinand  the  Catholic  appealed  to 
by  Ferrantino — Comines  at  Venice — Charles  VIII.  leaves 
Naples. 

ON  November  17,  1494,  the  French  army  entered 
Florence.  Charles  VIII. ,  welcomed  by  the  shouts 
of  the  people,  rode  under  a  rich  canopy  borne  by 
elegant  youths  of  noble  descent.  "  The  monarch's 
appearance  was  in  strange  contrast  with  that  of 
the  numerous  and  powerful  army  behind  him.  He 
seemed  almost  a  monster,  with  his  enormous  head, 
long  nose,  wide,  gaping  mouth,  big,  white,  purblind 
eyes,  very  diminutive  body,  extraordinarily  thin 
legs  and  misshapen  feet.  He  was  clad  in  black 
velvet,  with  a  mantle  of  gold  brocade ;  bestrode  a 
tall  and  very  beautiful  charger,  and  entered  the 
city  riding  with  his  lance  levelled — a  martial  atti- 
tude then  considered  as  a  sign  of  conquest.  All 
this  rendered  the  meanness  of  his  person  the  more 
grotesque."1 

1  Villari. 

208 


CHARLES  VIII.  ENTERS  FLORENCE   209 

With  him  was  the  imperious  and  warlike  Cardinal 
della  Rovere  (afterwards  Pope  Julius  II.),  who  was 
filled  with  the  ambition  to  depose  Alexander  VI., 
as  a  simoniacal  usurper. 

Having  been  escorted  by  the  Seignory,  amid  deafening 
cries  of  "  Viva  Francia !  "  from  the  excited  populace, 
to  the  Church  of  Santa  Maria  del  Fiore,  where  mass 
was  celebrated,  Charles  was  installed  with  much 
ceremony  in  the  luxurious  palace  of  the  Medici. 
The  owner  of  the  said  palace,  Piero  de'  Medici,  had 
meanwhile  arrived  in  Venice,  where  he  encountered 
Comines  and  poured  out  his  woes  to  him.  To  such 
a  pass  had  things  come,  he  said,  that  he  had  actually 
been  refused  credit  for  a  piece  of  cloth  (to  make  clothes 
for  himself  and  his  brothers),  worth  about  one  hundred 
ducats.  This  was  indeed  a  humiliation  for  a  member 
of  the  rich  and  prosperous  house  of  Medici. 

King  Charles  remained  for  several  days  in  Florence, 
enjoying  the  festivities  which  were  arranged  for  him. 
A  representation  of  the  Annunciation  was  given  in 
the  Church  of  San  Felice,  with  such  brilliant  success 
that  the  King  begged  for  a  repetition  of  it.  Each 
day  was  filled  with  pageantry  and  feasting,  and  at 
night  the  city  was  so  brilliantly  illuminated  that  it 
seemed  like  midday. 

But  this  pleasant  state  of  affairs  was  not  to  last. 
Philippe  de  Brienne,  who  was  staying  with  Lorenzo 
Tornabuoni,  a  friend  and  kinsman  of  Piero  de'  Medici's, 
used  all  his  influence  to  persuade  the  King  to 
recall  Piero.  This  Charles  was  not  disinclined  to  do, 
and  an  invitation  to  return  was  sent  to  him,  with 
the  assurance  that  he  should  be  reinstated  in  his 
former  dignities.  Piero,  however,  who  received  the 
letters  while  in  Venice,  was  misguided  enough  to 
ask  advice  of  the  Council ;  the  latter,  who  were  by 
no  means  anxious  for  the  complete  restoration  of 
peace  in  Florence,  warned  him  against  placing  too 
much  reliance  on  the  King's  promises,  and  gave  orders 

OB 


210    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

that  he  should  be  carefully  watched  in  order  to  prevent 
his  leaving  the  town. 

When  the  news  of  Piero's  recall  spread  through 
Florence,  the  people  fell  into  a  state  of  tremendous 
excitement,  which  was  increased  by  the  French 
King's  declaration  that  he  would  establish  a  new 
constitution  and  appoint  the  Seignory  himself.  The 
citizens,  goaded  to  rebellion,  protested  that  the  town 
would  defend  herself  to  the  bitter  end  rather  than 
consent  to  lose  her  freedom.  The  people  thronged 
round  the  palace,  and  fighting  would  undoubtedly 
have  begun  there  and  then  if  a  few  of  the  French 
leaders,  combining  with  some  members  of  the  Seignory, 
had  not  interfered.  Nevertheless,  the  French  pride 
had  received  a  severe  blow,  and  they  realised  that 
Florence  was  not  to  be  conquered  by  entering  it 
"  chalk  in  hand  and  lance  to  hip."1 

The  Seignory  took  advantage  of  the  opportunity 
to  try  to  abate  the  King's  unreasonable  pretensions, 
and  soon  the  terms  of  the  agreement  were  settled. 
Charles  was  to  receive  the  title  of  Restorer  and 
Protector  of  the  Liberty  of  Florence,  with  the  right 
to  hold  the  fortresses  for  two  years,  on  condition  that 
they  should  be  restored  directly  the  war  was  ended ; 
the  Florentines  were  also  to  pay  him  a  large  sum  of 
money,  but  a  fresh  dispute  arose  as  to  the  amount. 
Finally,  Charles  ordered  his  secretary  to  read  his 
conditions  aloud,  declaring  that  he  would  yield  no 
further.  When  the  magistrates  again  refused  to 
accept  them  the  King,  in  anger,  exclaimed :  "  Then 
we  will  sound  our  trumpets ! "  Thereupon  the 
capable,  energetic  Capponi  seized  the  document,  tore 
it  up,  and  made  his  famous  reply  :  "  Then  we  will 
ring  our  bells."  These  decisive  words  were  not 
without  their  effect  upon  Charles,  who  realised  the 
undesirability  of  a  fight  with  the  Florentines. 

1  The  French  made  chalk-marks  on  the  houses  they  intended  to 
occupy. 


CHARLES  VIII.  LEAVES  FOR  SIENA  211 

Capponi,  who  had  left  the  hall  in  dudgeon,  was  recalled, 
and  the  King,  who  had  known  him  personally  as  an 
envoy  to  the  French  Court,  called  out  facetiously : 
"  Ah,  Ciappon,  Ciappon,  voi  siete  un  mal  Ciappon  !  " 
Thus,  thanks  to  Capponi's  prompt  action,  a  com- 
promise was  made  without  much  difficulty. 

The  Florentines  bqund  themselves  to  pay  120,000 
ducats,  in  three  instalments ;  they  were  to  change 
their  coat-of-arms  for  that  of  the  French  King.  The 
latter,  in  return,  took  them  under  his  protection  and 
bound  himself  not  to  retain  the  fortresses  for  more 
than  two  years,  and,  if  the  Neapolitan  expedition  ended 
before  that  time,  to  give  them  up  without  delay. 
The  Pisans  were  to  be  pardoned  as  soon  as  they  re- 
turned to  their  old  allegiance  to  Florence ;  the  decree 
putting  a  price  on  the  heads  of  the  Medici  was  to  be 
revoked,  but  the  estates  of  Giuliano  and  Giovanni 
were  to  remain  confiscated  until  all  Piero's  debts 
were  paid,  and  Piero  himself  was  not  to  come  within 
two  hundred  miles  of  Florence.  After  this  agreement 
had  been  drawn  up  in  official  form,  the  contract- 
ing parties  met  in  the  Church  of  Santa  Maria  del 
Fiore,  November  26,  1494,  and  took  a  solemn  oath 
of  observance. 

On  November  28,  stimulated  by  the  warnings  of 
Savonarola,  the  King,  to  the  unspeakable  joy  of  the 
citizens,  left  Florence  for  Siena.  Among  the  many 
causes  of  grievance  against  the  French  was  the 
plunder  of  the  splendid  palace  in  which  they  had 
been  so  lavishly  entertained.  Even  the  King  him- 
self had  not  thought  it  beneath  his  dignity  to  make 
off  with  objects  of  the  greatest  value,  among  them 
an  intaglio  representing  a  unicorn,  estimated  by 
Comines  to  be  worth  about  7,000  ducats.  The  officers, 
nobles,  and  common  soldiers  busied  themselves  in  the 
same  way,  and  shamelessly  took  possession  of  everything 
that  tempted  their  greed. 

At  Siena  Charles  stayed  several  days,  enjoying  the 


212    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

festivities  inaugurated  in  his  honour  and  indulging 
his  propensity  for  amorous  adventures.  His  further 
progress  was  not  without  danger,  for  his  soldiers 
were  exposed  to  great  privation  on  the  bare  and 
frozen  fields.  Comines  wrote  to  the  King  that 
Alfonso  was  about  to  establish  himself  at  Viterbo, 
while  his  son  Ferrantino  was  to  defend  Naples.  He 
was  thus  protected  in  the  rear  by  Rome  and  the 
Orsini  possessions.  But  Cardinal  Riario,  who  was 
in  Viterbo  and  in  league  with  the  Colonna,  surrendered 
the  town  to  Charles.  Fortune  favoured  the  French; 
all  the  fortified  places  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Viterbo 
yielded,  and  even  as  they  journeyed  through  the 
Orsinsi  domain  they  met  with  no  resistance. 

From  Brazzano,  one  of  the  largest  of  the  Orsini 
towns,  where  the  French  army  had  found  a  plentiful 
supply  of  food,  the  King  despatched  Cardinal  Riario 
to  Ostia,  a  place  of  great  importance  under  the 
dominion  of  the  Colonna.  Through  the  quarrels  of 
the  two  houses  of  Orsinsi  and  Colonna  Rome  was 
divided  into  two  factions,  and,  according  to  Comines, 
it  was  only  this  constant  strife  and  ill-will  that  pre- 
vented the  States  of  the  Church  from  being  the 
happiest  States  on  earth. 

Before  Charles's  entry  into  Viterbo  he  had  sent 
envoys  to  Rome  in  order  to  negotiate  with  Pope 
Alexander  VI.,  whose  friendship  he  considered  would 
be  worth  an  army  to  him.  The  Pope,  who  had  let 
Ferrantino  and  his  troops  into  the  capital  by  night, 
dismissed  the  envoys,  but  retained  Cardinal  Ascanio 
Sforza,  brother  of  the  Duke  of  Milan,  and  Prospero 
Colonna  as  hostages. 

More  and  more  were  the  French  spreading  them- 
selves over  the  papal  domains.  As  the  Pope's  mistress, 
Giulia  Farnese,  her  sister  Girolama,  and  Madonna 
Adriana  were  going  to  visit  Cardinal  Farnese  in 
Viterbo,  they  fell  into  the  hands  of  a  body  of  French 
scouts  under  the  captaincy  of  d'Allegre.  They  and 


CAPTURE  OF  GIULIA  FARNESE      213 

their  suite  were  taken  captive  to  Montefiascone,  and 
when  the  captain  discovered  their  identity,  he  placed 
their  ransom  at  3,000  ducats,  at  the  same  time  in- 
forming King  Charles  of  the  affair.  The  latter, 
however,  refused  to  see  them. 

Alexander  was  filled  with  anxiety  upon  hearing 
of  this  adventure  and  begged  Cardinal  Ascanio  to 
intercede  on  behalf  of  the  captives.  He  also  wrote 
to  Galeazzo  of  San  Severino,  who  was  accompanying 
the  King  to  Siena,  and  who,  anxious  to  please  the 
Pope,  urged  Charles  to  release  them.  The  King 
complied,  and  sent  the  ladies,  with  an  escort  of  400 
Frenchmen,  to  the  gates  of  Rome.  The  Pope,  it  is 
said,  went  to  meet  them  arrayed  in  the  most  festive 
lay  attire,  much  to  the  amusement  of  the  people. 
Ludovico  reproached  Cardinal  San  Severino  and 
Monsignore  Ascanio  for  surrendering  them,  for,  since 
these  beautiful  women  were  "  the  heart  and  eyes  " 
of  the  Pontiff,  "  they  would  have  been  the  best  whip 
for  compelling  him  to  do  everything  that  was  wanted 
of  him  ;  for  he  could  not  live  without  them." 

Charles  rejected  Alexander's  request  for  an  armistice 
for  himself  and  Alfonso,  and  sent  envoys  to  negotiate 
with  him.  But  the  Pope,  instead  of  listening  to  their 
proposals,  had  them  arrested,  though  he  very  soon 
released  them.  He  was  indeed  in  a  vacillating  temper, 
and  "  grew  more  helpless  from  hour  to  hour."  At  one 
moment  he  wanted  to  defend  himself,  the  next  to 
come  to  terms ;  then,  again,  he  thought  of  leaving 
the  city.  On  December  18  Burchard  relates  that 
"  everything  in  the  Vatican  down  to  the  bedding  and 
table  service,  was  packed  for  flight." * 

On  December  17  the  French  took  possession  of 
Civita  Vecchia,  and  on  the  same  day  the  Orsinsi  went 
over  to  the  French  King  and  admitted  him  to  their 
Castle  of  Bracciano.  After  much  wavering,  the  Pope 
decided  to  give  up  opposing  Charles  and  to  allow 

1  Pastor, 


214    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

him  to  enter  the  city.  During  Christmas  night  three 
French  envoys  had  arrived  in  Rome,  and  their  retinue 
calmly  installed  themselves  in  the  chapel  in  the 
places  reserved  for  the  prelates.  Burchard,  Prefect 
of  the  Ceremonies,  was  anxious  to  turn  them  out ;  but 
the  Pope,  in  terror,  exclaimed :  "  You  will  cost  me 
my  head ;  let  the  French  put  themselves  wherever 
they  please  !  " 

After  considerable  difficulty,  the  Pope  and  the 
King  came  to  an  understanding.  Charles  promised 
to  respect  Alexander's  rights,  both  temporal  and 
spiritual,  and  the  whole  of  the  city  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  Tiber  was  given  up  for  the  occupation  of  the 
French  troops. 

On  the  last  day  of  the  year  1494  Charles  made 
his  formal  entry  into  Rome.  At  the  Porta  del  Popolo 
the  keys  of  all  the  city  gates  were  delivered  over  to 
the  King's  Grand  Marshal.  It  is  said  that  the  entry 
of  the  troops  lasted  from  three  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon till  nine  in  the  evening — a  sight  witnessed 
by  mighty  throngs  of  spectators.  Cardinals  Ascanio 
Sforza  and  Giuliano  della  Rovere  rode  beside  the 
King,  and  many  Italian  nobles  and  generals  were 
conspicuous  among  the  French  nobility.  The  im- 
posing procession  struck  terror  into  the  hearts  of  the 
Romans,  who  were  particularly  impressed  by  the 
weight  and  size  of  the  bronze  cannon.  The  Pope 
himself  was  so  much  alarmed  and  unnerved  that, 
notwithstanding  the  King's  assurance  that  he  should 
be  treated  with  respect,  he  had  fled  to  the  Castle 
of  Sant'  Angelo.  The  Cardinals,  in  particular  Riario 
and  Ascanio,  urged  Charles  to  depose  him  and  consent 
to  a  new  papal  election.  Twice  were  cannon  pointed 
towards  the  castle,  but  "  tousjours  le  Roy  par  sa 
bonte  y  resista." 

During  the  first  days  of  the  French  invasion  a 
number  of  houses  were  plundered  by  the  soldiers,  and 
several  inhabitants  suspected  of  hostility  to  Charles 


DJEM  SULTAN  215 

were  murdered.  The  home  of  Vannozza  was  ruth- 
lessly ravaged ;  some  of  her  servants  were  ill-treated, 
and  she  herself  exposed  to  coarse  insults.  One  can 
imagine  her  feelings  at  being  subjected  to  the  affronts 
of  insolent  soldiers,  while  her  treasures,  the  result 
of  long  saving,  were  plundered  beneath  her  very 
eyes.  Her  first  impulse  was  to  hasten  to  the  Pope 
to  beg  him  to  have  the  French  quarters  burned 
down,  but  she  was  prevented  by  the  reflection  that 
this  might  lead  to  the  complete  downfall  of  the  Pope 
and  his  house. 

At  last  a  compromise  was  made.  The  Pope  agreed 
to  yield  Civita  Vecchia  and  other  strongholds  of  the 
States  of  the  Church  to  Charles  until  he  had  con- 
quered Naples.  The  helpless  Djem,  too,  was  to  be 
delivered  over  to  the  French,  though  Alexander  was 
to  retain  the  40,000  ducats  which  Bajazet  annually 
paid  as  pension  for  his  brother.  Caesar  Borgia,  "  who 
seemed  to  have  been  born  only  that  there  might  be 
in  the  world  one  man  wicked  enough  to  carry  out 
the  designs  of  his  father,  Alexander,"1  was  to  accom- 
pany Charles  to  Naples  as  hostage. 

The  sudden  appearance  of  Djem  upon  the  scene 
may  perhaps  require  some  explanation.  He  was  the 
son  of  Mohammed,  the  conqueror  of  Constantinople, 
and  brother  of  Bajazet,  the  reigning  Sultan.  Although 
younger  than  the  latter,  he  far  surpassed  him  in 
intellect  and  courage.  Supported  by  a  large  party, 
he  revolted  against  his  brother.  A  bloody  fight 
ensued  in  which  Djem  was  worsted  and  obliged  to 
flee.  At  first  he  sought  shelter  with  the  Knights 
of  St.  John  at  Rhodes,  but  the  Grand  Master  was 
base  enough  to  have  him  arrested  and,  later  on,  for 
greater  security,  delivered  up  to  Pope  Innocent  VIII., 
who  kept  him  in  the  greatest  subjection.  Bajazet  did 
all  he  could  to  win  the  Pope's  favour,  and  even  sent 
hmi  the  Holy  Spear  which  was  supposed  to  have 

1  Guicciardini. 


216    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

pierced  the  body  of  Christ.  He  also  undertook  to 
pay  an  annual  sum  of  40,000  ducats  for  the  mainten- 
ance of  his  brother,  who  for  the  rest,  lived  quite 
pleasantly  at  Rome  during  the  last  years  of  Inno- 
cent VIII.  and  the  first  of  Alexander  VI.  He  took 
part  in  all  the  papal  festivities,  and  when  he  rode 
with  the  Duke  of  Gandia,  the  latter  always  treated 
him  with  the  greatest  consideration. 

When  Charles  VIII.  was  preparing  for  his  journey 
to  Naples,  which  was  to  be  followed  by  the  more 
important  oriental  enterprise,  it  was  understood  that 
Djem  had  instigated  a  rebellion  against  Bajazet. 
But  the  farther  Charles  advanced,  the  more  did 
Alexander  realise  the  impossibility  of  resisting  him, 
and  he  decided,  together  with  Alfonso,  to  enter  into 
negotiations  with  the  Sultan.  Two  envoys — Camillo 
Pandone  and  Giorgino  Bucciardo — were  therefore 
despatched  as  apostolic  ambassadors  to  Constantinople. 
They  met  with  a  favourable  reception,  but,  as  Buc- 
ciardo was  returning  to  Rome  in  company  with  an 
envoy  from  the  Sultan,  they  were  shipwrecked  between 
Sinigaglia  and  Ancona,  and  completely  plundered  by 
Giovanni  della  Rovere,  Lord  of  Sinigaglia.  In  this 
way  they  lost  the  50,000  ducats  which  the  Sultan  was 
sending  to  the  Pope,  as  well  as  all  their  important 
papers.  They  were  then  set  free,  but,  in  spite  of  the 
Pope's  appeal  to  the  Venetians,  who  owned  the  control 
of  the  Turks  in  the  Adriatic,  the  money  was  never 
restored,  and  the  papers  were  handed  over  to  King 
Charles,  who  was  still  in  Florence,  by  della  Rovere, 
the  Pope's  enemy.  There  were  five  letters  from 
the  Sultan  to  Alexander,  one  of  them  containing  an 
offer  of  300,000  ducats  and  the  holy  seamless  robe  of 
Christ  in  return  for  the  death  of  his  brother  Djem. 

Although  the  envoy  had  lost  these  letters  he  had 
not  forgotten  their  contents,  which  he  was  able  to 
impart  to  Alexander  VI.  The  offer  of  so  considerable 
a  sum,  as  well  as  the  desire  to  thwart  the  French  King's 


plans,  must  have  been  a  great  temptation  to  the 
Pope  to  take  Djem's  life.  "  He  knew  the  secret  of  a 
slow  poison1  devoid  of  taste  and  smell,  and  resembling 
powdered  sugar  in  appearance,  with  which  he  could 
easily  effect  his  object."  Djem,  who,  with  a  sum  of 
2,000  ducats,  was  delivered  over  to  Charles,  already 
bore  death  in  his  heart.  In  bidding  farewell  to 
Alexander  and  Caesar,  he  thanked  them  in  touching 
words  for  their  kindness,  and  begged  them  to  recom- 
mend him  to  the  King's  favour.  This  recommenda- 
tion was  quite  unnecessary,  for  it  was  to  Charles's 
interest  to  keep  him  alive.  Nevertheless,  on 
February  25  the  unfortunate  man  died,  greatly  to 
the  satisfaction  of  Bajazet,  who,  it  is  said,  promptly 
handed  over  the  blood-money.  The  statement  is, 
however,  disputed. 

Paul  Jovius,  Guicciardini,  and  Marino  Sanuto  all 
speak  of  the  popular  suspicions  that  Alexander  VI. 
was  responsible  for  Djem's  death.  On  the  other 
hand,  Burchard,  whose  testimony  is  worthy  of  credit, 
simply  writes  that  Djem  died  after  having  eaten 
"  something  that  did  not  agree  with  his  stomach  "  1 
Another  contemporary  biographer  asserts  that  he 
died  from  rheumatism,  increased  by  the  neglect  of 
the  French  King.  His  physician  appears  to  have 
ascribed  his  death  to  catarrhal  affection  of  the  chest,  * 
and  the  same  cause  is  mentioned  in  a  letter  from  the 
Venetian  Government  to  their  ambassador  at  Con- 
stantinople. The  writer  continues  i  "  He  died  a 
natural  death,  that  is  very  certain."  *  But  the 

1  Probably  a  cumulative  poison  was  meant. 

*  No  reliance  whatever  can  be  placed  upon  the  evidence  of  a 
physician  at  this  period,  more  especially  when  he  may  have  been 
an  interested  witness, 

1  See  1'Epinois,  article  on  "  le  Pape  Alexander  VI."  Revue  des 
Questions  Historiques,  April  1881. 

Pastor  (vol.  v.  p.  465)  gives  additional  evidence  in  favour  of  Alex- 
ander's innocence.  Nevertheless,  the  damaging  fact  remains  that 


218     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

circumstances  of  the  death  were  less  well  known  then 
than  they  are  now. 

When  the  contract  with  Charles  had  been  signed, 
Alexander  ventured  to  emerge  from  the  Castle  of 
Sant'  Angelo,  and  a  meeting  took  place  between  him 
and  the  French  King  in  the  garden  of  the  papal 
palace.  Extreme  amiability  prevailed  at  this  inter- 
view, and  they  vied  with  one  another  in  the  display 
of  politeness.  Having  embraced  affectionately,  the 
problem  arose  as  to  which  could  remain  longer  with 
uncovered  head.  The  Pope  solved  it  by  reaching 
forward  for  the  royal  head-gear  and  obliging  Charles 
to  put  it  on  while  he  put  on  his  own.  Thus  were 
both  the  august  heads  covered  at  one  and  the  same 
time.  It  is  noteworthy  that  Charles  kissed  neither 
the  hand  nor  the  feet  of  the  Pope.  No  doubt  the 
latter  had  arranged  for  the  meeting  to  take  place 
in  the  garden  to  prevent  the  need  of  demanding 
homage  from  the  King.  At  a  second  interview,  how- 
ever, Charles,  as  an  obedient  son  of  the  Church, 
kissed  the  papal  feet. 

Alexander,  in  his  first  fright,  had  given  a  kind  of 
promise  to  bestow  upon  Charles  the  investiture  of 
Naples ;  but  now  he  steadily  refused  to  commit  him- 
self to  anything  definite,  merely  promising  to  bring 
the  King's  desire  before  the  College  of  Cardinals. 

During  the  month  which  Charles  spent  in  Rome, 
he  comported  himself  exactly  as  if  he  were  the  legal 
owner  of  the  city,  and  kept  the  Palace  of  San  Marco 
always  filled  with  Cardinals  and  the  highest  officials 
of  State.  His  long  stay  there,  however,  instead  of 

Alexander  applied  to  Bajazet  for  the  sum  he  had  offered  to  the  Pope 
as  a  fee  to  be  paid  for  the  murder  of  Djem.  If  the  death  had  been 
due  to  natural  causes,  it  may  well  be  asked  why  Alexander  demanded 
payment,  since  Djem  was  no  longer  in  his  custody  when  his  death 
occurred.  We  have  always  suspected  that  Caesar,  before  his  flight 
from  the  French  camp,  administered  the  poison  or  made  arrange- 
ments for  its  administration. 


ABDICATION  OF  ALFONSO        219 

injuring  his  cause,  rather  served  to  prepare  his  way 
to  Naples,  for  many  of  the  Neapolitan  nobles  fell 
away  from  Alfonso  and  declared  themselves  on  the 
French  side. 

The  once  bold  and  warlike  Alfonso,  his  son  Fer- 
rantino,  and  the  Orsini  were  now  afraid  to  remain 
in  Rome.  Alfonso  indeed,  fell  into  a  state  of  deep 
dejection.  If  the  waves  roared  at  night  he  imagined 
that  they  were  calling  "  France,  France !  "  and  the 
very  trees  and  stones  seemed  to  him  to  shriek  the 
hated  name. 

When  the  young  Ferrantino  got  back  to  Naples 
Alfonso  deemed  it  advisable  to  abdicate  the  crown 
(January  23),  for,  on  account  of  his  cruelties  and 
oppressions,  he  was  so  much  detested  that  he  felt 
his  throne  tremble  beneath  him.  This  was  not 
surprising,  for  a  more  depraved  and  vicious  tyrant 
would  have  been  hard  to  find.  After  signing  his 
abdication  in  favour  of  his  son,  he  betook  himself 
in  obvious  terror,  to  the  harbour,  where  four  galleys, 
laden  with  his  treasures,  awaited  him.  He  was 
conveyed  safely  to  Mazara,  in  Sicily,  a  country  seat 
owned  by  the  widowed  Queen  of  Naples.  Here  he 
was  permitted  to  pass  the  last  days  of  his  wicked  life 
hi  peace  and  safety. 

Guicciardini  relates  that  the  spirit  of  King  Fer- 
rante  appeared  three  times  to  Alfonso's  physician, 
enjoining  him  to  tell  his  son  Alfonso  that  all  resistance 
against  the  French  would  be  futile,  as  it  was  fore- 
ordained that  his  family  should  die  out  after  the 
loss  of  his  crown.  The  reason  assigned  for  this 
punishment  was  the  cruelty  of  which  the  House  of 
Aragon,  especially  Ferrante,  had  been  guilty  towards 
its  subjects.  The  same  historian  further  relates  that 
the  forms  of  murdered  ones  often  appeared  to  Alfonso 
in  his  sleep,  and  that  he  dreamed  that  the  people 
were  dragging  him  away  to  a  bloody  revenge. 

Alfonso  now  led  the  life  of  a  penitent  and  took  a 


220    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OP  R.  BORGIA 

vow  of  retirement  from  the  world.  He  served  God 
at  all  hours  of  the  day  and  night,  fasted,  gave  alms, 
and  lived  the  life  of  a  holy  man.  At  last  he  was 
attacked  by  a  painful  disease,  which  he  bore  with 
great  patience.  He  was  about  to  retire  to  a  cloister 
in  Valencia  when  death  overtook  him.  Comines  closes 
with  the  words,  "  et  selon  sa  grande  repentance,  il 
est  a  espe"rer  que  son  ame  est  glorieuse  en  Paradis." 

Ferrantino,  who  was  a  brave  and  promising  youth, 
did  his  best  to  avert  the  dangers  which  surrounded 
him.  He  liberated  the  prisoners  and  restored  then- 
property,  and  granted  extensive  privileges  to  the 
people.  But  it  was  too  late.  If  this  leniency  had 
been  displayed  earlier  a  reconciliation  might  have 
taken  place,  but  now  every  one  suspected  that  it  was 
only  the  result  of  fear,  and  it  therefore  failed  of  its 
intended  effect.  Most  of  the  nobles  and  office- 
holders had  already  joined  the  French  party,  and 
the  prospect  of  Charles's  approach  filled  Ferrantino 
with  terror.  Nevertheless,  he  assembled  a  consider- 
able troop,  of  which  the  command  was  taken  by 
Giacopo  Trivulzio  and  the  Count  of  Pitigliano, 
Niccolo  Orsini.  With  this  army  he  proceeded  to 
San  Germano,  which,  from  its  favourable  position, 
served  as  the  key  to  the  kingdom,  for  on  the  one 
side  it  was  obscured  by  steep  mountains,  and  on  the 
other  by  deep  morasses,  and  in  front  by  the  river 
Garigliano.  He  might  certainly  have  retarded  the 
advance  of  the  French  had  not  the  cowardice 
or  treachery  of  his  generals  rendered  resistance 
impossible. 

Meanwhile  Charles  was  drawing  near  to  Naples. 
At  Velletri  it  was  discovered  that  the  wily  Caesar 
Borgia,  who  had  been  sent  by  the  Pope  as  a  guarantee 
of  good  faith,  had  slipped  away  to  Rome.  This  was 
looked  upon  as  an  omen  of  Alexander's  faithlessness. 
Montefortino  was  stormed  by  the  French  on  their 
march,  and  all  the  inhabitants  slain.  Valmontona, 


FORTUNE  FAVOURS  THE  FRENCH  221 

which  belonged  to  the  Colonna,  was  not  attacked, 
but  they  planted  their  cannon  in  front  of  Monte  San 
Giovanni,  which,  after  a  very  heavy  siege,  was  taken* 
Charles  now  approached  San  Germano,  which  was 
occupied  by  Ferrantino's  troops.  It  seemed  that 
now,  if  ever,  the  advance  of  the  French  might  be 
checked ;  but  before  they  reached  San  Germano 
Ferrantino  had  fled,  with  his  disorganised  forces,  to 
Capua.  Here  his  men  were  refused  admission  though 
he  and  a  small  retinue  were  allowed  to  enter.  Fer- 
rantino did  not  stay  in  Capua,  but  hastened  on  to 
Naples,  where  a  rebellion  had  broken  out.  On  his 
return  he  found  that  Virginio  Orsini  and  the  Count 
of  Pitigliano  were  on  their  way  to  Nola.  Both  were 
taken  captive  with  their  men,  and,  though  no  injury 
was  done  them,  they  suffered  considerable  losses. 

The  instigator  of  this  treachery  was  Trivulzio,  who, 
immediately  after  Ferrantino's  departure,  had  de- 
livered the  town  to  Charles  and  gone  over  to  the 
French.  The  latter  pursued  Ferrantino  on  foot,  and, 
in  order  to  advance  more  rapidly,  were  obliged  to 
leave  their  heavy  artillery  behind. 

The  surrender  of  Capua  was  soon  followed  by  that 
of  all  the  most  important  places  hi  the  kingdom, 
with  the  exception  of  Brindisi,  Reggio,  and  GaUipoli. 
Everything  conspired  to  favour  the  French  pro- 
gress ;  even  the  weather  was  mild  and  pleasant,  and 
the  meadows  brilliantly  green  and  covered  with 
spring  flowers.  "  In  the  short  space  of  a  few  weeks," 
remarks  Ricciardi  da  Pistoja,  "  the  French  conquered, 
as  by  a  miracle,  a  whole  kingdom,  almost  without 
striking  a  blow."  "  The  French,"  said  Alexander  VI., 
"  came  in  with  wooden  spears,  and  found  they  had 
nothing  to  do  but  the  quartermaster's  work  of  mark- 
ing the  doors  with  chalk." 

Ferrantino,  deserted  by  all,  summoned  the  most 
important  Neapolitan  nobles,  released  them  from 
their  oath  of  fealty,  and  gave  them  permission  to 


222    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

negotiate  with  Charles.  Although  this  could  not 
fail  to  make  the  people  more  favourably  disposed 
towards  him,  it  was  obvious  that  his  cause  was  hope- 
less. The  Neapolitans  lost  no  time  in  plundering  his 
palace,  and  the  lives  of  the  royal  family  were  no  longer 
safe.  Ferrantino  managed  to  escape  to  Ischia,  where 
he  sought  refuge  in  the  castle  for  himself  and  family. 
With  some  reluctance,  the  governor  consented  to 
admit  the  King  alone,  probably  with  the  intention 
of  surrendering  him  to  the  French  ;  but  as  soon  as 
the  door  was  opened  Ferrantino  drew  a  pistol  from 
his  cloak  and  shot  him  on  the  spot.  The  garrison, 
impressed  by  this  practical  demonstration  of  the 
King's  courage  and  presence  of  mind,  allowed  him 
to  take  possession  of  the  castle  without  resistance. 

On  February  22,  1495,  Charles  entered  Naples  in 
triumph.  Never  was  a  King  more  joyfully  received, 
for  the  people  believed  that  they  were  now  delivered 
from  the  tyranny  of  the  House  of  Aragon.  Calabria 
and  Apulia,  as  far  as  Brindisi,  declared  themselves 
for  the  French,  and  all  the  nobles  of  the  kingdom 
came  to  Naples  to  pay  homage  to  Charles. 

In  Ferrantino's  flight  to  Ischia  he  had  been  accom- 
panied by  his  uncle  Federigo.  The  latter  was  after- 
wards summoned  to  Naples  by  Charles,  who  offered 
him  a  dukedom  in  France  for  his  nephew  if  he 
would  renounce  his  claim  to  the  throne.  In  vain  did 
Federigo  beg  that  Ferrantino  might  receive  a  portion 
of  Naples  with  the  title  of  King,  and  also  that  he 
himself  might  retain  his  title  and  possessions.  Charles 
would  not  yield,  and,  after  a  second  futile  interview, 
Federigo  returned  to  Ischia. 

Now  began  the  siege  of  Castello  dell'  Nuovo,  where 
Ferrantino  had  left  a  German  garrison  under  com- 
mand of  the  Marquis  of  Pescara.  Chance  at  last 
brought  the  siege  to  an  end,  for  the  uninterrupted 
firing  of  ten  days  had  not  been  able  to  force  the 
place  to  surrender.  A  powder  magazine  exploded 


CORONATION  OF  CHARLES  VIII.   223 

and  caused  terrible  devastation ;  nevertheless,  the 
garrison  held  out  bravely.  But  misfortunes  rarely 
come  singly.  The  wind  blew  a  lighted  fuse  into  a 
storehouse  of  pitch,  resin,  and  other  inflammable 
materials.  A  terrible  fire  immediately  arose,  and 
streams  of  burning  pitch  and  sulphur  poured  into  the 
courtyards  and  ruins  of  the  castle  where  lay  the 
mutilated  and  wounded.  Things  seemed  desperate, 
when  Caspar,  a  captain  who  had  already  distinguished 
himself,  came  to  the  front.  He  forced  Pescara  to 
take  flight,  plundered  the  treasure,  which  he  divided 
among  his  German  soldiers,  and  then  capitulated. 
On  March  5,  1495,  the  trusty  captain  knelt  on  the 
breach,  his  hands  extended,  his  white  head  bared,  and 
begged  for  mercy.  Castello  dell'  Nuovo  could  no 
longer  hold  out  against  the  heavy  artillery  of  the 
French,  and  surrendered  on  March  15. 

Charles  now  had  himself  crowned  and  took  up  his 
residence  in  the  Castello  Capuano.  To  the  people 
he  behaved  kindly,  reducing  their  taxes  and  freeing 
them  from  oppression,  but  he  treated  the  nobles, 
especially  the  adherents  of  the  House  of  Anjou, 
with  great  arrogance.  The  Aragons,  particularly  the 
Carafas,  were  dealt  with  more  graciously.  All  offices 
and  landed  property  were  given  to  the  French. 

The  self-respect  of  the  Italians  was  wounded  by 
the  King's  attitude,  and  they  felt  keenly  the  con- 
tempt shown  to  their  nobles.  While  the  French, 
who  were  unacquainted  with  the  manners  and  customs 
of  the  country,  managed  everything  as  they  pleased, 
it  was  only  with  difficulty  that  the  Italians  could 
approach  the  King.  They  were  obliged  to  wait  for 
hours  in  the  anterooms  of  the  French  minister, 
and  days  at  the  King's  door  begging  for  an  audience  ; 
and  if,  at  last,  after  being  exposed  to  the  contemp- 
tuous glances  of  the  courtiers,  they  reached  the  royal 
presence,  fresh  humiliations  awaited  them.  They 
yearned,  with  a  kind  of  home-sickness,  for  their  former 


224    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

habits  and  customs,  which  were  now  so  much  despised 
by  their  conquerors.  The  very  drama  which  the 
French  introduced  must  have  been  a  source  of  deep 
annoyance  to  the  Italians,  who  were  not  spared  the 
infliction  of  many  insults  from  the  stage.  Indeed, 
the  French,  from  the  courtiers  and  generals  down 
to  the  common  soldiers,  took  no  pains  to  hide  their 
contempt  for  the  cowardice  of  the  Neapolitans. 

Charles,  however,  troubled  himself  little  about 
the  humours  of  his  new  subjects.  He  was  mightily 
enjoying  the  pleasures  of  the  south,  and  spent  much 
of  his  time  at  knightly  tournaments  and  plays.  Every 
morning  he  conscientiously  performed  his  devotions 
at  one  of  the  churches  of  Naples,  and  he  also  devoted 
himself  to  the  "  healing  "  of  epileptics  and  those  afflicted 
with  the  King's  Evil.  According  to  the  popular  be- 
lief, the  King  of  France  had  the  power  of  healing 
these  diseases  by  the  laying  on  of  hands.  When  he 
attended  divine  service  in  the  Church  of  St.  Januarius, 
the  head  of  the  saint  and  the  reliquary  in  which 
his  blood  was  preserved  were  displayed  in  the  King's 
honour.  The  blood  seemed  at  first  as  hard  as  stone, 
but  when  he  touched  it  with  a  little  silver  staff  it 
immediately  became  liquid.  Charles  and  his  suite 
were  astonished,  for  this  miracle  was  reputed  to  happen 
only  at  the  prayer  of  the  faithful  and  on  rare 
occasions. 

Ferrantino  had  meanwhile  hastened  to  his  father, 
Alfonso,  whom  he  found  at  Messina  surrounded  by 
monks.  They  consulted  as  to  the  best  means  of 
banishing  the  French  from  Naples,  and  decided  to 
turn  for  help  to  the  Spanish  King,  Ferdinand  the 
Catholic,  a  step  which  proved  to  be  a  fateful  one  for 
the  Aragonese  House  of  Naples  and  Sicily.  Ferdinand 
was  indisputably  the  heir  of  Alfonso  I.  of  Naples 
and  Sicily,  whose  crown  was  illegally  transferred  to 
his  natural  son  Ferdinand  I.  Although  the  King  of 
Spain  had  raised  no  claims  at  Ferrantino's  coronation, 


UNEASINESS  OF  THE  POWERS     225 

and  had  even  given  him  his  sister  in  marriage,  it  was 
supposed  that  this  was  only  for  lack  of  power  to  main- 
tain them  at  that  time.  Without  considering  this 
danger,  the  King  of  Naples  despatched  his  secretary 
to  Madrid,  where  he  was  favourably  received  by 
Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  and,  although  he  had  promised 
Charles  not  to  interfere  with  his  plans  of  conquest, 
it  was  represented  that  the  treaty  had  only  been 
concluded  on  the  condition  that  the  French  King 
could  exhibit  legal  claims  to  Naples. 

The  King  of  Spain  equipped  a  large  fleet  and  placed 
it  under  the  command  of  "  The  Great  Captain," 
Gonsalvo  Fernandez  Aguilar  da  Cordova,  who  without 
delay  set  sail  for  Sicily. 

The  other  Powers  also  began  to  feel  uneasy  about 
the  French  King's  conquests,  and  all  sent  ambassadors 
to  Venice.  The  King  of  the  Romans  sent  the  Bishop 
of  Trent,  together  with  two  knights  and  a  doctor. 
They  were  well  received,  and  allowed  ten  ducats 
a  day,  in  addition  to  free  lodging.  Soon  afterwards 
the  Spanish  ambassador  arrived,  followed  by  the 
Bishop  of  Como  and  Francesco  Bernardino  Visconti, 
both  dispatched  by  Ludovico.  All  were  treated  in 
the  same  manner.  At  night  they  met  in  secret 
council,  and  the  Milanese  tried  to  deceive  Comines 
about  their  mission.  The  latter,  however,  was  well 
aware  of  their  plans.  He  appealed  to  the  great  Council 
to  repress  a  league  which  was  being  formed  against 
Charles,  but  the  Doge  told  him  to  give  no  heed  to 
such  rumours,  since  in  Venice  every  one  was  free  to 
speak  as  he  liked,  except  concerning  the  affairs  of 
the  State. 

When  the  news  of  Charles's  entry  into  Naples 
and  the  surrender  of  the  fortresses  reached  Venice, 
Comines  was  summoned  by  the  Doge.  He  found 
him  ill,  but  able  to  communicate  the  tidings  with  an 
appearance  of  cheerfulness.  None  of  those  present 
were  able  to  dissemble  with  the  same  ease,  and  many 

PB 


226    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.   BORGIA 

of  them,  by  their  dejected  bearing,  revealed  the  sadness 
of  their  hearts. 

Comines  immediately  informed  Charles  of  the 
situation,  and  begged  him  either  to  equip  himself 
with  money  and  supplies  or  to  make  up  his  mind  to 
return  to  France  as  soon  as  possible  after  the  fortified 
places  had  been  provided  with  garrisons.  He  also 
advised  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  who  was  at  Asti,  to 
prepare  for  the  attack  which  would  doubtless  follow. 

One  morning  Comines  was  summoned  to  appear 
before  the  Great  Council.  The  Doge,  upon  his 
entry,  informed  him  that  Venice  had  concluded  a 
league  with  the  Pope,  the  King  of  the  Romans,  the 
King  of  Spain,  and  the  Duke  of  Milan.  Their  object, 
he  said,  was  threefold  i  (i)  to  protect  the  Christian 
States  against  the  Turks,  (2)  to  defend  Italy  against 
all  outside  attacks,  and  (3)  to  maintain  and  protect 
the  Italian  States.  At  the  same  time  he  commissioned 
Comines  to  acquaint  Charles  VIII.  with  the  formation 
of  the  league.  All  present,  we  are  told,  bore  their 
heads  high  and  looked  much  more  cheerful  than 
they  had  done  on  hearing  of  the  conquest  of  Naples. 

Although  they  assured  Comines  that  they  bore  no 
ill-will  to  the  French  King,  their  intention  of  banish- 
ing him  from  Italy  and  cutting  off  his  return  was 
obvious. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  all  the  envoys 
of  the  League,  in  company  with  a  band  of  musicians, 
went  in  gondolas  past  Comines's  windows,  but  "  the 
Milanese  ambassador  appeared  not  to  recognise  him." 
In  the  evening  there  was  great  jubilation,  including 
fireworks,  bonfires,  and  the  roar  of  cannon.  For 
three  days  Comines  and  his  companions  refrained 
from  entering  the  town,  so  that  no  unseemly  word 
was  addressed  to  them.  At  the  Pope's  wish  the 
League  was  made  known  publicly  on  Palm  Sunday, 
and  that  not  merely  in  Italy  but  also  in  Germany 
and  Spain.  All  the  Princes  and  envoys  were  to  bear 


INHUMANITY  OF  FRENCH  TROOPS   227 

olive-branches  in  token  of  peace.  In  Venice  a  carpeted 
way  led  from  the  Doge's  Palace  to  the  end  of  the 
Place  of  San  Marco,  and  a  magnificent  procession  of 
magistrates,  envoys,  and  their  retinues  passed  along 
it.  They  were  all  magnificently  attired  in  red  velvet. 
Even  the  servants  had  received  new  garments,  "  mais 
elles  estoient  bien  courtes,"  Comines  quaintly  re- 
marks. At  a  column  of  porphyry  the  decisions  of  the 
League  were  read  aloud.  All  who  were  present  re- 
ceived the  general  absolution  from  the  papal  legate. 
Comines,  though  invited,  was  not  present.  During 
the  short  time  which  he  afterwards  remained  in 
Venice  he  was  treated  as  before,  and  when  and  he  left 
for  Florence,  where  he  was  to  await  the  King,  he 
was  provided  with  a  safe  escort  and  the  expenses  of 
his  journey  as  far  as  Ferrara  were  paid  for  him. 

Charles  was  now  in  an  unenviable  position,  for 
the  Neapolitans,  who  had  formerly  welcomed  him  as 
their  deliverer,  loathed  the  French  from  the  bottom 
of  their  hearts.  The  military  heeded  neither  the 
laws  nor  the  customs  of  humanity,  and  even  the 
nunneries  were  not  safe  from  the  indulgence  of  their 
bestial  sensuality.  Charles  realised  that  he  must 
depend  upon  his  own  troops  since  Ludovico  of  Milan 
had  failed  him.  But  before  leaving  Italy  he  made 
another  effort  to  persuade  the  Pope  to  confer  upon 
him  the  investiture  of  Naples ;  but  Alexander, 
who  had  refused  this  before,  was  still  less  inclined 
to  gratify  him  now. 

Charles,  however,  could  not  bring  himself  to  say 
good-bye  to  Naples  without  making  a  considerable 
parade  of  his  departure. 

On  May  12  he  made  a  brilliant  entry  into  the  town 
as  King  of  France,  Sicily,  and  Jerusalem.  He  was 
received  by  some  of  the  most  distinguished  citizens, 
who  presented  their  children  to  him,  begging  that  he 
would  grant  them  titles  of  nobility.  Before  the 
ceremonies  were  ended  the  King  took  a  solemn  oath 


228    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

binding  himself  to  maintain  the  privileges  of  his 
new  subjects,  who,  for  their  part,  undertook  to  render 
him  loyalty  and  obedience. 

Charles  now  made  preparations  for  departure. 
In  spite,  however,  of  the  admonitions  of  Comines, 
he  neglected  to  garrison  Reggio  in  Calabria  and  other 
important  towns,  which  had  formerly  adhered  to 
France,  but,  since  the  formation  of  the  League,  had 
gone  over  to  the  House  of  Aragon. 

As  Governor  of  Naples  Charles  installed  the  Duke 
of  Montpensier,  "  bon  chevalier  et  hardy ;  mais  peu 
sage,  ne  se  levant  qu'il  ne  fust  midy,"  as  Comines 
informs  us.  In  Calabria  the  French  were  repre- 
sented by  d'Aubigny,  a  brave  and  canny  Scot  of  the 
House  of  Stuart,  who  was  appointed  Chief  Constable 
of  the  Kingdom,  Count  of  Acri,  and  Marquis 
of  Squillace.  The  other  fortresses  Charles  confided 
to  his  most  experienced  generals.  All  of  them  proved 
faithful  to  their  trusts  except  Gabriel  de  Montfaucon, 
a  man  held  by  the  King  in  high  esteem,  but  who 
surrendered  the  fortress  of  Manfredonia  within  four 
days,  although  they  had  no  lack  of  provisions.  In 
Tarento,  Georges  de  Suilly  distinguished  himself 
by  his  valour ;  he  defended  the  town  until  hunger 
forced  him  to  submit.  He  himself  died  of  the  plague. 

They  all  suffered  from  an  alarming  scarcity  of  money 
as  the  expected  supplies  did  not  arrive.  The  Princes 
of  Salerno  and  Bisignano,  as  well  as  the  Colonna, 
were  provided  with  more  than  thirty  places  to  de- 
fend ;  but  they  soon  began  to  get  discontented  and 
to  intrigue  against  the  King,  instead  of  winning 
honour  and  glory  by  remaining  loyal  to  their  oath  of 
fealty. 


CHAPTER  XI 

Homeward  march  of  the  French — Charles  at  Siena  and  Pisa — Battle 
of  Fornuova — Sufferings  of  the  French  troops — Arrival  at  Asti — 
Surrender  of  Novara  by  the  Duke  of  Orleans — The  remnant  of 
the  French  army  arrives  in  France — Importance  of  the  French 
invasion  of  Italy — 1495  a  disastrous  year  for  Rome — Ferrantino 
welcomed  at  Naples — Montpensier  attacked  by  the  united  forces 
of  Ferrantino  and  Gonsalvo — Marriage  of  Ferrantino  ;  his 
death — Succession  of  his  uncle  Federigo  to  the  throne  of  Naples 
— The  affairs  of  Pisa — Piero  de*  Medici  attempts  to  return  to 
Florence — Death  of  Ludovico's  wife,  Beatrice  d'Este,  1497 — 
Ludovico's  grief — Alexander's  oppression  of  the  Roman  nobility 
— His  predilection  for  Juan,  Duke  of  Gandia — Caesar's  jealousy 
— Siege  of  Bracciano — Defeat  of  papal  troops  at  Soriano — 
Gonsalvo  da  Cordova  and  the  Pope — Murder  of  the  Duke  of 
Gandia — The  Pope's  sorrow — Fiendish  character  of  Caesar 
Borgia. 

ON  May  20,  1495,  Charles  VIII.  took  leave  of  Naples 
and  began  his  homeward  march.  His  soldiers  were 
overjoyed  at  the  prospect,  and  it  was  easy  to  recognise 
those  who  were  appointed  to  return  to  France,  by 
their  cheerful  bearing,  while  those  whom  duty  called 
to  stay  behind  showed  deep  depression.  Even  the 
King  could  not  conceal  his  pleasure  at  departing, 
and  expressed  compassion  for  those  who  were  left. 

Rome  was  reached  on  June  I.  To  the  great  dis- 
appointment of  the  French,  they  found  that  the 
Pope  had  already  left  the  city,  although  Charles  had 
sent  an  envoy  assuring  him  of  their  homage,  and 
begging  him  to  await  their  arrival.  The  League, 
having  doubts  of  Alexander's  loyalty,  had,  it  appears, 
persuaded  him  to  retire  to  Orvieto,  after  having 
placed  a  strong  garrison  in  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo. 

339 


230    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Charles's  second  entry  into  Rome  was  much  less 
impressive  than  his  first  had  been.  He  refused  the 
offer  of  residence  in  the  Vatican,  preferring  what  he 
considered  less  risky  quarters  in  the  Borgo.  Once 
more  he  begged  an  interview  of  the  Pope,  who  agreed 
to  meet  him  at  Viterbo ;  but,  on  arriving  there,  he 
found  that  Alexander  had  already  taken  his  departure 
for  Perugia.  Charles,  however,  was  received  with 
great  pomp,  and  tarried  there  three  days  awaiting 
the  arrival  of  his  rearguard  and  artillery.  Meanwhile, 
he  went  to  view  the  dead  body  of  the  sainted  Rosalia, 
who  looked  as  if  merely  sleeping,  as  indeed  the  monks 
declared  she  was. 

The  French  now  gave  full  vent  to  their  hatred  of 
the  Italians,  and  behaved  as  if  they  were  in  the  land 
of  an  enemy.  While  the  King  was  at  Viterbo  the 
vanguard  stormed  Toscanella,  which  had  refused  their 
admittance,  and  slaughtered  the  inhabitants.  Charles, 
it  is  said,  was  extremely  vexed  at  this,  for  Toscanella 
belonged  to  the  papal  dominions.  But  the  anger  of 
so  mild  and  inconsequent  a  monarch  was  not  very 
alarming,  and  the  Bastard  of  Bourbon,  who  was 
responsible  for  the  attack,  sought  to  appease  the 
King  by  making  him  an  accomplice.  Among  the 
prisoners  was  a  young  girl  of  ravishing  beauty.  The 
Bastard  brought  her  to  Charles  and  left  them  alone 
together.  The  maiden,  realising  her  danger,  fell 
on  her  knees  before  the  image  of  the  Madonna,  and 
in  terror  besought  her  protection.  The  King  was 
so  touched  by  her  despair  that  he  began  to  make 
inquiries  about  her  circumstances.  She  confessed 
that  she  was  betrothed,  but  that  her  bridegroom  and 
all  her  possessions  had  been  lost  hi  the  Toscanella 
disaster.  Fortunately  it  was  discovered  that  he  had 
escaped  the  massacre  and  was  among  the  prisoners. 
The  King  sent  for  him,  gave  the  young  couple  his 
blessing,  and  presented  them  with  500  ducats. 

At  Siena  Charles  was  received  by  an  embassy  of 


CHARLES  WELCOMED  AT  PISA   231 

the  most  distinguished  citizens.  Comines  was  there, 
too,  and  after  two  days  he  tried  to  persuade  the 
King  to  resume  his  march,  since  the  allies  were  still 
unprepared  for  war.  But  he  stayed  almost  a  week 
longer,  for  the  Sienese  entertained  him  in  a  manner 
after  his  own  heart,  and  "  luy  monstrenent  les 
Dames."  Leaving  a  garrison  of  three  hundred 
French  in  Siena,  Charles  proceeded  to  Pisa,  his 
original  idea  of  going  to  Florence  having  been  changed 
by  the  news  that  the  Florentines  were  equipping 
themselves  for  war.  As  Jacopo  Nardi  relates,  it  was 
marvellous  to  see  how  rapidly  men  and  boys  took 
arms,  and  how  private  citizens  competed  with  the 
Commissioners  of  the  Seignory  in  stocking  the  city 
with  weapons  and  supplies  (Villaii).  The  French 
King  was  filled  with  indignation  to  hear  that  the 
whole  town  was  preparing  as  if  for  the  approach  of 
a  foe,  while  the  Florentines  suspected  that  he  was 
about  to  reinstate  Piero  de'  Medici.  Savonarola,  of 
whom  Charles  had  a  kind  of  superstitious  awe,  was 
sent  to  Poggibonzi  (June  1495)  to  remonstrate  with 
him ;  but,  though  the  King  seemed  impressed  at  the 
time  by  his  warning  words,  they  had  no  permanent 
effect. 

At  Pisa  Charles  was  welcomed  with  delight.  All 
the  houses  were  decorated,  and  the  children  of  the 
nobles,  dressed  in  white  silk  woven  with  lilies,  came 
forth  to  meet  him.  On  the  great  bridge  was  erected 
his  statue,  with  his  horse  treading  on  the  Lion  of 
Florence  and  the  Serpent  of  Milan.  Tables  groaning 
under  rare  wines  and  delicacies  were  set  up  in  the 
street,  and  even  the  least  of  the  French  soldiers  were 
invited  to  partake.  One  day,  as  the  King  was  re- 
turning from  mass,  he  encountered  a  procession  of 
all  the  loveliest  women  in  Pisa,  robed  in  black,  with 
flowing  hair,  bare  feet  and  ropes  about  their  necks ; 
they  besought  him,  with  cries  and  plaints,  not  to 
deliver  them  up  to  the  tyranny  of  the  Florentines. 


\ 


232    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

But  though  Charles  appeared  touched,  he  would  give 
no  promise.  A  French  garrison  was  established  in  the 
citadel,  commanded  by  d'Entragues,  a  man  of  shady 
reputation. 

The  King  now  continued  his  march  by  way  of 
Lucca,  where,  according  to  de  la  Vigne : 

II  f  ut  festi6  moult  honorablement 

En  submettant  la  ville  entitlement 

Les  corps,  les  biens  des  hommes  et  des  femmes, 

A  son  plaisir  et  bon  commandement, 

Pour  le  servir  de  cceur,  de  corps  et  d'ames. 

From  Lucca  Charles  went  on  by  way  of  Pietra 
Santa  to  Sarzana,  where  he  received  news  that  the 
Genoese  were  about  to  detach  themselves  from 
Milan.  He  therefore  sent  troops  to  their  help,  and 
a  French  fleet  from  Naples  was  also  despatched.  But 
the  rumour  proved  false,  and  the  fleet  was  defeated 
at  Rapallo. 

The  Duke  of  Orleans,  whose  troops  were  occupying 
Asti,  and  had  also  conquered  Novara,  as  a  descendant 
of  the  House  of  Visconti,  laid  claim  to  Milan.  He 
was  supported  by  the  Margravine  of  Montferrat, 
though  against  the  King's  wishes. 

From  Lucca,  Charles  went  on  through  Pietra-Santa 
and  Sarzana  to  Pontremoli,  at  the  foot  of  the  moun- 
tains. He  sent  the  vanguard,  under  Marshal  Gie* 
and  Trivulzio,  to  request  an  entrance,  which  was 
granted.  But  there  soon  arose  a  quarrel  between 
the  inhabitants  and  the  Germans  belonging  to  the 
King's  troops,  with  the  result  that  thirty  or  forty  of 
the  latter  were  killed.  Their  compatriots,  infuriated, 
flew  to  arms,  plundered  the  town,  and  burned  all  the 
provisions  they  could  lay  hands  on.  This  outbreak, 
united  to  the  King's  bad  reputation,  did  great  harm 
to  the  French  cause.  The  army  suffered  much 
privation  from  lack  of  provisions,  though  the  Ger- 
mans did  their  best,  by  the  vigour  of  their  service,  to 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  ALLIES     233 

compensate  for  the  misfortune  they  had  caused. 
Owing  to  their  energy  the  King,  with  all  his  baggage 
and  artillery,  were  safely  conveyed  over  the  pre- 
cipitous mountain  paths  of  the  Apennines.  The 
vanguard,  under  Marshal  Gie*,  was  already  thirty  miles 
in  advance,  in  camp  near  the  village  of  Fornuova, 
only  half  a  mile  away  from  the  troops  of  the  allies. 
The  latter,  luckily  for  the  French,  were  led,  by  the 
expectation  of  greater  booty,  to  wait  until  the  rest 
of  the  army  had  arrived. 

In  the  camp  at  Fornuova  the  French  were  able  to 
renew  their  stock  of  provisions.  The  peasants  brought 
very  black  bread,  much-watered  wine,  and  a  little 
fruit,  which  they  sold  at  exorbitant  prices.  The 
soldiers  at  first  feared  that  the  food  might  be  poisoned, 
and  hesitated  to  taste  it,  especially  as  two  Swiss  died. 
But  before  midnight  their  hunger  overcame  them, 
and  they  followed  their  horses'  example  by  making  a 
good  supper.  Comines  remarks  that  it  was  greatly  to 
the  credit  of  the  Italians  that  no  poison  had  been 
employed. 

The  two  armies  were  separated  by  the  river  Taro, 
which  could  easily  be  crossed  at  low  water.  Comines 
was  deputed  to  enter  into  negotiation  with  the  allied 
forces,  for  the  French  army  had  to  cross  the  river 
before  continuing  its  march.  He  set  out  reluctantly 
on  his  mission,  and,  though  an  interview  took  place, 
it  led  to  no  result.  The  same  night  there  broke  over 
the  camp  a  terrible  storm,  hi  which  many  saw  a 
presage  of  evil.  The  French  position  was  indeed 
critical.  In  front  of  them  was  a  large  and  powerful 
army  commanded  by  the  daring  Marquis  Francesco 
Gonzaga,  and  it  seemed  as  though  their  scanty  troops 
could  have  little  chance  against  it.  But  when,  on 
Monday,  July  6,  Comines  found  Charles  fully  armed 
on  a  beautiful  black  horse,  he  recognised  such  a 
change  in  the  King's  usual  faltering  and  undecided 
demeanour  that  the  words  of  Savonarola,  "  This  time 


234     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

you  will  escape  from  the  danger  which  threatens 
you,"  recurred  to  him  and  gave  him  fresh  courage. 

Everyone  saw  that  a  battle  was  inevitable.  The 
strength  of  the  French  was  concentrated  in  the  van- 
guard under  Trivulzio  and  Marshal  Gi£  ;  the 
main  corps  was  commanded  by  the  King,  and 
the  rearguard  by  la  Tremouille  and  the  Comte  de 
Foix. 

The  army  of  the  League  was  divided  into  four 
parts,  three  of  which  were  destined  for  the  attack 
while  the  fourth  was  to  defend  the  camp.  The  first 
corps,  under  Galeazzo  San  Severino,  was  to  cross 
the  river  on  the  upper  side  of  the  French  vanguard 
and  proceed  to  the  attack.  The  centre,  under 
Gonzaga,  consisted  of  about  14,000  men,  including 
many  hardy  Stradiotes.  Their  task  was  to  cross  the 
Taro  and  attack  the  French  centre,  while  a  strong 
reserve  under  Montefeltro  were  to  await  the  signal 
of  attack  on  the  river  bank.  The  third  corps,  com- 
manded by  Forte  Braccio,  was  to  fall  upon  the  French 
rearguard. 

Of  the  fight  which  followed  Comines  gives  a  wonder- 
fully detailed  account,  but  the  reports  of  contem- 
porary Italian  historians  differ  considerably.  There 
is  no  doubt,  however,  that  Charles  VIII.  displayed 
remarkable  bravery  and  did  not  shrink  from  the 
greatest  personal  risk.  Both  sides  suffered  much,  for 
the  fight,  though  short,  was  sharp.  The  French 
army  would  probably  have  been  utterly  destroyed  if 
it  had  not  been  for  the  untrained  Bohemians  in  the 
Italian  forces,  who  hastily  began  to  plunder  the 
enemy's  baggage.  The  French  were  thus  enabled 
to  cut  their  way  through,  though  not  without  heavy 
damages.  The  royal  standard,  the  headquarters,  and 
an  immense  amount  of  valuable  booty  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Italians,  and  it  is  not  surprising  that 
they  laid  claim  to  the  victory,  although  the  object 
of  the  battle  had  not  been  gained.  The  well-known 


BRUTALITY  OF  FRENCH  SOLDIERY  285 

Madonna  of  the  Victory,  now  in  the  Louvre,  com- 
memorates this  claim.  The  French,  for  their  part, 
considered  themselves  victorious,  since  they  were  now 
able  to  continue  their  march. 

The  Italians,  who  were  little  accustomed  to  blood- 
shed in  war,  seem  to  have  regarded  this  battle  as 
remarkably  gory,  while  Comines  mentions  it  as  a  com- 
paratively insignificant  skirmish.  The  French  slaugh- 
tered all  their  prisoners,  but  the  Italians  treated  theirs 
with  humanity.  The  Marquis  of  Mantua,  in  an  inter- 
view with  Comines,  recommended  to  him  those  who  had 
been  taken  captive,  and  in  particular  his  uncle  Ridolfo, 
under  the  delusion  that  they  were  still  alive.  "  Mais 
je  scavoye  bien  le  contraire,"  says  Comines,  "  toute 
fois  je  classeuroye  que  tous  les  prisonniers  seroyent 
bien  trait^s.  .  .  .  Les  prisonniers  par  nous  detenus 
estoyent  bien  aise's  a  panser,  car  il  n'y  en  avoit  point." 

To  an  unbiassed  observer  it  would  seem  that 
great  errors  were  made  on  both  sides.  Charles  ought 
to  have  proposed  a  battle  with  the  allies  instead  of 
allowing  his  vanguard  to  cross  the  river,  and  thus 
deprive  himself  of  their  support.  Just  as  blame- 
worthy was  the  conduct  of  the  allies,  who,  by  their 
great  superiority  in  numbers,  might  easily  have  gained 
a  victory  over  the  weary  French  troops ;  but  their 
forces  were  split  up  into  too  small  portions,  which 
were  not  well  under  the  control  of  their  generals. 

On  their  homeward  march  the  French  troops 
suffered  sadly  from  lack  of  provisions  and  water. 
Their  thirst,  we  are  told,  was  so  terrible  that  they 
were  obliged  to  drink  muddy  ditch-water.  Comines 
sometimes  went  for  two  days  with  nothing  to  eat  but 
a  little  bad  bread,  yet  he  was  among  those  who 
suffered  least.  It  was  most  praiseworthy,  he  thinks, 
that  there  was  no  murmuring.  This  was  the  most 
fatiguing  and  painful  march  in  which  he  had  ever 
engaged,  although  he  had  followed  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy  in  many  a  hard  campaign. 


236     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

At  last  the  hungry  and  weary  troops  arrived  at 
Asti,  where  they  were  cheered  by  an  abundant  supply 
of  provisions.  Here  they  received  news  that  Louis, 
Duke  of  Orleans,  was  about  to  surrender  Novara 
owing  to  lack  of  food.  Charles  immediately  hastened 
to  Vercelli,  hoping  to  be  able  to  cross  the  Sesia  and 
go  to  the  Duke's  assistance  ;  but,  owing  to  the  heavy 
rains,  the  river  was  swollen  into  a  rushing  torrent, 
and  the  camp  was  cut  off  from  help.  The  King, 
however,  rose  to  the  occasion  and  himself  super- 
intended the  building  of  a  bridge  of  boats,  which, 
alas  !  was  speedily  swept  away  by  fresh  floods  of 
rain.  While  they  were  considering  the  erection  of 
another  bridge  the  Duke  of  Orleans  surrendered,  only 
thirty  Frenchmen  being  left  in  the  citadel.  Two 
thousand  men  had  died  of  hunger,  and  of  the  remaining 
5,000  less  than  600  were  capable  of  fighting.  The 
others  were  so  emaciated  as  to  appear  more  dead 
than  alive. 

Although  French  historians  represent  the  recon- 
quest  of  Novara  in  a  not  unfavourable  light,  it  cannot 
be  denied  that  it  was  one  of  the  most  acute  humilia- 
tions which  they  had  encountered  in  the  whole 
campaign.  The  town  was  completely  invested  by 
the  allies,  and  the  garrison  suffered  the  most  terrible 
privation.  Charles  was  obliged  to  ask  for  an  armistice, 
which  the  Duke  of  Milan  only  granted  with  reluctance. 
The  Duke  of  Orleans  and  a  few  friends  were  allowed 
to  visit  the  King  at  Vercelli,  but  only  on  condition 
that  they  should  return  to  Novara  in  the  event  of 
no  peace  being  concluded.  After  lengthy  negotiations, 
the  Duke  of  Milan  finally  decided  to  leave  the  allies 
and  enter  into  a  private  treaty  with  Charles.  The 
latter  was  thus  permitted  to  equip  a  fleet  in  the 
harbour  of  Genoa,  and  received  promise  of  a  free 
passage  through  Milanese  territory,  and  assistance 
in  troops  and  money  in  the  event  of  his  undertaking 
a  fresh  campaign  against  Naples. 


IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  INVASION    237 

The  French,  who  had  lost  2,000  men  through 
hunger  and  pestilence,  now  set  out  to  join  their  King 
at  Vercelli.  More  than  three  hundred  of  them, 
however,  died  on  the  way,  and  as  many  more 
collapsed  immediately  upon  their  arrival.  The  King 
treated  his  troops  with  great  consideration,  and 
Comines,  it  is  said,  saved  more  than  fifty  lives  by 
nursing  many  of  the  invalids  in  the  little  Castle  of 
Camariano. 

With  his  army  now  reduced  to  one-third  of  its 
original  numbers,  Charles  pushed  homeward  by  way 
of  Turin.  Here  he  tarried  for  some  time,  but  on 
October  22,  1495,  he  took  his  departure  and  was 
soon  back  in  his  own  dominions.  His  wonderful 
conqaest  of  Naples  was  already  a  thing  of  the  past, 
though  its  effects  were  far-reaching  indeed. 

In  spite  of  its  evanescent  character,  the  invasion 
of  Charles  VIII.  was  a  great  factor  in  the  history  of 
the  Renaissance.  It  marks  a  turning-point  from 
which  dates  the  spread  of  culture  in  Europe.  Italy, 
in  all  her  glory,  was  at  last  revealed  to  the  nations  of 
the  north.  "  Like  a  gale  sweeping  across  a  forest 
of  trees  in  blossom,  and  bearing  their  fertilising 
pollen  to  far-distant  trees  that  hitherto  have  bloomed 
in  barrenness,  the  storm  of  Charles's  army  carried 
far  and  wide  through  Europe  the  productive  energy 
of  the  Renaissance."1 

The  year  1495  had  indeed  been  a  disastrous  one 
for  Rome.  It  had  twice  witnessed  the  invasion  of 
the  French,  and  before  its  close  one  of  the  most 
terrible  floods  ever  known  in  Italy  had  set  its  mark 
upon  the  city.  In  some  parts  people  were  drowned 
in  their  beds,  and  many  others  died  from  the  effects 
of  cold  and  hunger.  "  There  were  great  floods," 
writes  a  Venetian  correspondent,  "  in  the  reigns  of 
Pope  Sixtus  IV.  and  Martin  V.,  but  never  one  like 
this.  Many  are  rilled  with  terror  and  think  there 

1  J.  A.  Symonds,  Age  of  the  Despots,  p.  358. 


238     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

is  something  beyond  nature  in  it ;  but  it  is  not  for 
me  to  say  anything  on  this  point.  .  .  .  These  parts 
of  Rome  have  suffered  so  much  that  it  makes  the 
heart  ache  to  see  it.  The  Pope  has  ordered  pro- 
cessions to  implore  the  mercy  of  God." 

A  belief  arose  that  the  Divine  wrath  was  about 
to  burst  forth  upon  the  city  and  utterly  destroy  it. 
Strange  and  ominous  tales  were  spread,  one  in  par- 
ticular of  a  monster  said  to  have  been  found  on  the 
banks  of  the  Tiber.  The  Venetian  ambassadors 
describe  it  as  having  "  the  body  of  a  woman,  and  a 
head  with  two  faces.  The  front  face  was  that  of  an 
ass  with  long  ears,  at  the  back  was  an  old  man  with 
a  beard.  The  left  arm  was  human,  the  right  re- 
sembled the  trunk  of  an  elephant.  In  the  place  of 
a  tail  it  had  a  long  neck  with  a  gaping  snake's  head 
at  the  end ;  the  legs,  from  the  feet  upwards  and  the 
whole  body,  were  covered  with  scales  like  a  fish." 
On  all  hands  signs  and  tokens  were  thought  to  portend 
fresh  disasters,  and  the  voice  of  Savonarola  thundered 
forth  the  most  terrible  prophecies  of  evil  to  come. 

As  soon  as  the  young  King  Ferrantino  heard  that 
Charles  had  left  Naples  he  landed  on  the  coast  of 
Calabria  with  about  six  hundred  men.  Gonsalvo 
da  Cordova  joined  him,  but  d'Aubigny,  whom 
Charles  had  left  behind  to  defend  Naples,  defeated 
them  at  Seminara.  Ferrantino  retreated  to  Messina, 
and  Gonsalvo  fled  over  the  mountains  to  Reggio. 
In  this  battle  Ferrantino  was  saved  from  death  by 
the  loyalty  of  his  page,  Giovanni  of  Capua,  who 
paid  for  his  heroism  with  his  own  life. 

At  Messina  Ferrantino  equipped  a  small  fleet  and 
sailed  in  the  direction  of  Naples,  hoping  to  be  kindly 
received  by  the  Neapolitans.  In  vain  he  cruised 
about  the  coast  for  three  days,  and  he  was  already 
about  to  retire  when  a  boat  from  Naples  brought 
him  news  that  the  people  were  longing  for  his  return, 
but,  from  fear  of  the  French  garrison,  they  dared 


MONTPENSIER  FLEES  TO  SALERNO   239 

not  welcome  him ;  if,  however,  he  would  attempt  a 
landing  they  would  stand  by  him.  On  the  day  after 
the  battle  of  Taro,  therefore,  Ferrantino  landed  at 
Maddalena,  about  a  mile  from  Naples.  An  insurrection 
arose ;  the  gates  were  closed  behind  the  French, 
and  only  opened  again  to  receive  Ferrantino,  who 
was  greeted  by  the  populace  with  loud  cries  of  joy. 

The  Duke  of  Montpensier  made  a  brave  defence, 
but  was  finally  obliged  to  flee  to  Salerno.  Here 
he  received  reinforcements,  and,  returning  to  Naples, 
almost  compelled  Ferrantino  to  beat  a  retreat.  But, 
fortunately  for  the  latter,  the  Pope  sent  a  few  troops 
to  his  aid,  and,  with  the  help  of  Prospero  and  Fabricius 
Colonna,  he  was  able  to  repulse  the  French  attack. 

Ferrantino  also  sought  help  from  the  Venetians. 
The  Senate,  no  longer  hiding  its  hostility  to  France, 
sent  him  a  considerable  fleet  and  a  land  force  under 
the  Marquis  of  Mantua,  who  had  won  a  great  reputa- 
tion in  the  battle  of  Taro.  In  return  for  this  assist- 
ance, they  demanded  the  surrender  of  Brindisi, 
Trani,  Gallipoli,  Otranto,  and  other  towns  on  the 
shores  of  the  Adriatic. 

Montpensier,  who  had  withdrawn  to  Atella,  was 
reinforced  by  a  number  of  Swiss.  D'Aubigny,  also, 
though  himself  in  need  of  support  against  Gonsalvo, 
sent  him  both  money  and  men.  These  were 
commanded  by  Count  Moreto  and  Albert  San 
Severino,  who,  however,  were  surprised  and  captured 
on  their  march  by  Gonsalvo.  At  Atella,  Montpensier 
was  so  violently  attacked  by  the  united  forces  of 
Ferrantino  and  Gonsalvo  that  he  was  obliged  to 
negotiate.  An  armistice  of  thirty  days  was  granted 
on  condition  that,  if  in  that  time  no  fleet  came  to  his 
help,  he  must  surrender  not  only  Atella  but  also  all 
the  Neapolitan  fortresses  still  in  the  possession  of 
the  French. 

But  Charles,  having  once  safely  arrived  in  his  own 
country,  troubled  little  about  the  brave  warriors 


240    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

left  behind  in  Italy.  The  stipulated  time  passed, 
and  the  hoped-for  succour  did  not  arrive.  Mont- 
pensier,  therefore,  had  to  fulfil  the  conditions  of 
the  treaty ;  but  Ferrantino,  instead  of  keeping  his 
promise  of  letting  the  French  troops  immediately 
set  sail  for  Provence,  sent  about  6,000  of  them  to  the 
island  of  Procida  and  other  unhealthy  parts,  where 
almost  two-thirds  of  them  died  from  hunger  and 
disease.  Montpensier  died  at  Pozzuoli,  but  d'Aubigny, 
after  tarrying  in  Calabria  until  he  heard  of  the 
surrender  of  Atella,  withdrew  his  troops  and  led  them 
safely  back  to  France. 

Ferrantino,  whose  claim  to  the  throne  of  Naples 
was  no  longer  disputed,  now  turned  his  attention  to 
matrimony.  He  had  long  loved  Joanna,  a  beautiful 
girl  of  fourteen,  the  half-sister  of  his  father  Alfonso, 
and,  now  that  his  kingdom  was  in  a  state  of  com- 
parative peace,  he  gained  the  Pope's  dispensation 
for  the  marriage.  Their  near  relationship  was  looked 
upon  askance  by  many.  "  Ce  me  semble  horreur," 
says  Comines,  "  de  parler  d'un  tel  mariage,  dont  on 
eut  fait  deja  plusieurs  en  cette  maison."  The  King, 
however,  did  not  long  enjoy  his  married  life,  for  he 
died  shortly  after  the  wedding  celebrations.  As  he 
left  no  children,  the  crown  passed  to  his  uncle  Federigo, 
a  Prince  of  considerable  virtue  and  kindliness,  who, 
under  more  propitious  circumstances,  might  have 
reorganised  and  tranquillised  the  kingdom  of 
Naples. 

Before  Charles  VIII.  left  Italy  he  had  given  the 
Florentines  a  definite  promise  that,  in  return  for  the 
loan  of  a  much-needed  sum  of  money,  he  would 
restore  Pisa  to  them.  D'Entragues  received  orders 
to  evacuate  the  citadel,  but  he  surrendered  it  to 
the  Pisans  for  12,000  ducats,  whether  at  the  King's 
counter-order,  or  merely  from  a  desire  for  money, 
is  not  certain.  The  Florentines  thereupon  had 
recourse  to  arms ;  but  the  Pisans  raised  forces  and 


THE    STORY    OF    ISIS    AND    OSIRIS. 

Pinlnricchio  (Borgia  Apartments,  the  Vatican}. 


240] 


ENTRY  OF  EMPEROR  MAXIMILIAN  241 

turned  to  the  other  Italian  States  for  help,  promising 
subjection  if  they  would  free  them  from  the  hated 
yoke  of  Florence.  The  Venetians  and  the  Duke  of 
Milan  prepared  for  the  defence. 

Meanwhile  the  Florentines,  under  Viletti,  attacked 
the  unfortunate  town,  but  were  forced  to  retreat 
by  the  fire  of  artillery  from  the  citadel. 

There  now  appeared  a  new  candidate  for  the 
possession  of  Pisa,  no  less  a  person  than  the  Em- 
peror Maximilian.  In  October  1496  he  marched 
into  Milanese  territory,  where  the  Duke  had  made 
brilliant  preparations  for  his  reception.  He  then 
proceeded  in  the  direction  of  Pisa.  But  the  Venetians, 
who  were  ever  seeking  to  increase  their  power,  and 
kept  a  jealous  eye  upon  their  neighbours,  placed  a 
strong  garrison  in  the  town,  and  obliged  Maximilian 
to  withdraw.  They  tried  to  persuade  him  to  renounce 
his  claims,  but  he,  angry  at  his  failure,  was  eager  to 
ravage  the  whole  province  of  Tuscany.  A  terrible 
storm  arose,  however,  and  scattered  his  fleet,  so  that 
he  was  obliged  to  beat  a  hasty  retreat  to  his  own 
domains. 

For  the  last  year  Piero  de'  Medici  had  been  living 
a  degraded  and  vicious  life  in  Rome.  He  had  never 
given  up  hope  of  being  reinstated  in  Florence,  and 
thought  that  the  Emperor's  arrival  in  Pisa  would 
provide  a  suitable  opportunity  for  him  to  try  to 
return.  The  Pope  and  the  Venetians  supported 
him,  and  he  had  many  friends  among  the  youth  of 
Florence  who  encouraged  him  in  his  undertaking. 
With  the  help  of  Virginio  Orsini,  who,  during  the 
battle  of  the  Taro,  had  escaped  from  captivity, 
Piero  marched  into  Umbria  with  a  considerable 
force,  and  reached  Rapollano  in  the  middle  of  winter. 
But  the  Florentines  had  taken  all  necessary  pre- 
cautions. Arezzo  and  Cortona  were  reinforced  and 
all  disposable  troops  gathered  to  Florence,  while 
the  friends  of  the  Medici  were  carefully  watched. 
QB 


242    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

It  was  thus  almost  impossible  for  the  advancing 
forces,  who  relied  as  much  on  their  friends  as  on  their 
own  strength,  to  venture  an  assault.  Virginio,  there- 
fore, merely  set  fire  to  the  outlying  villages,  having 
first  plundered  them  for  the  maintenance  of  his  men. 
While  in  this  critical  situation  he  received  a  command 
to  take  service  with  the  French  King,  who  was  with- 
drawing his  troops  from  Naples.  Notwithstanding 
the  grudge  he  bore  to  Charles  for  having  unjustly 
detained  him  in  prison,  Virginio  lost  no  time  in 
marching  towards  Naples  with  his  troops,  leaving 
Piero  and  his  friends  in  the  lurch.  His  treachery 
met  with  its  reward,  for  he,  together  with  the  Duke 
of  Montpensier,  was  taken  prisoner  at  Atella,  and 
they  both  died  in  captivity.  Piero's  army  was 
now  disbanded. 

About  this  time  domestic  troubles  pressed  hardly 
upon  Ludovico  of  Milan.  Three  of  his  sons  died  and 
soon  afterwards,  in  January  1497,  he  lost  his  wife, 
Beatrice  d'Este,  after  the  birth  of  a  still-born  child. 
Ludovico,  who  was  absolutely  callous  to  the  miseries 
of  his  fellow-men,  nevertheless  suffered  agonies  of 
grief  at  her  death,  for  she  had  been  the  loyal  sharer 
of  all  his  joys  and  ambitions,  to  say  nothing  of  his 
crimes.  At  his  command  she  was  splendidly  en- 
tombed in  the  Chapel  of  Santa  Maria  delle  Grazie, 
which  was  decorated  in  the  most  lavish  manner. 
Beatrice  was  only  twenty-three  at  the  time  of  her 
death ;  her  strong  personality  had  always  exercised 
a  remarkable  influence  over  her  wicked  husband,  and 
when  she  was  no  longer  on  earth  to  advise  him, 
his  fortunes  began  steadily  to  decline.  Ludovico 
ordered  that  the  day  of  her  death  should  be  observed 
as  a  fast,  and  he  himself  always  celebrated  the  anni- 
versary with  deep  abasement  of  spirit,  standing 
with  rent  garments  at  the  table  where  his  courtiers 
dined. 

Now  that  Alexander  VI.  had  no  more  to  fear  from 


GREED  OF  ALEXANDER  VI.     243 

France,  he  adopted  measures  for  the  oppression  of 
the  Roman  nobility,  proceeding  to  enrich  his  beloved 
children  at  their  expense.  He  was  especially  anxious 
to  promote  the  fortunes  of  Juan,  Duke  of  Gandia, 
upon  whom  he  hoped  to  found  the  future  greatness 
of  his  house.  The  Duke,  though  immoral,  was  of  a 
gentle  and  amiable  disposition,  and  was  as  much  loved 
as  his  brother  Caesar  was  hated  and  feared.  The 
Pope,  indeed,  loved  Juan  with  a  far  more  tender  affec- 
tion than  that  which  he  bore  to  the  brilliant  Caesar. 
The  latter,  who  longed  for  the  proud  position  of  heir 
of  the  House  of  Borgia,  was  consumed  with  jealousy 
of  his  elder  brother.  Juan,  however,  was  still  young, 
while  Alexander  was  getting  on  in  years,  so  that  in 
the  natural  course  of  events  Caesar  would  never 
have  the  first  place  in  his  father's  favour.  A  horrible 
plan  was  already  seething  in  his  brain ;  he  had  re- 
duced crime  to  a  fine  art  and  found  no  difficulty  in 
devising  a  way  of  removing  this  hindrance  from  his 
path.  How  he  succeeded  will  shortly  be  seen. 

Alexander  VI.  had  always  been  at  enmity  with 
those  Roman  nobles  whose  possessions  excited  his 
greed.  Upon  becoming  Pope  he  had  lost  no  time  in 
attacking  the  Orsini,  until  the  French  invasion  had 
forced  him  to  desist.  At  the  same  time,  he  pursued 
the  Colonna,  who  had  seized  upon  Ostia.  He  con- 
fiscated their  property  and  had  their  palaces  de- 
molished ;  but,  on  account  of  the  Pope's  treaty  with 
Charles  VIII. ,  to  whom  the  Colonna  were  attached, 
he  was  obliged  to  give  up  molesting  them  for  a  time. 
After  the  French  retreat,  however,  he  renewed  his 
hostilities  against  the  Orsini,  who  had  remained  faithful 
to  France,  while  the  Colonna  were  more  inclined 
towards  the  House  of  Aragon. 

The  task  of  overthrowing  the  Orsini  was  entrusted 
to  Juan,  Duke  of  Gandia,  whom  the  Pope  summoned 
from  Spain  for  this  purpose.  When  he  arrived  in 
Rome  (August  10,  1496),  the  French  garrison  at 


244    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Atella  had  already  been  forced  to  surrender,  with  the 
result  that  Virginio,  the  Orsini  leader,  was  imprisoned. 
This  seemed  a  good  opportunity  for  attempting  the 
further  conquest  of  the  Orsini  strongholds.  The 
Duke  of  Gandia,  though  by  no  means  remarkable  for 
military  skill,  was,  amid  much  pomp  and  circumstance, 
appointed  Commander-General  of  the  papal  troops. 
On  October  27  the  expedition  started  from  Rome. 
Gabera,  Scrofano,  Formello,  Campagnano,  and  finally 
Anguillara,  speedily  succumbed. 

"  The  next  step  was  to  proceed  to  lay  siege  to  the 
family  castle  of  Bracciano.  This  majestic  fortress, 
with  its  five  round  towers,  still  crowns  the  height  above 
the  blue  lake  in  grey  and  massive  grandeur.  Here  the 
whole  clan,  with  all  their  forces,  were  assembled. 
The  youthful  Alviano,  with  his  high-spirited  con- 
sort, Bartolomea,  Virginio's  sister,  commanded  the 
defenders."1  Bartolomea  threw  her  whole  energies 
into  the  cause  of  her  family,  and  sacrificed  her  riches, 
her  jewels,  and  even  her  wedding-robe  in  order  that 
the  soldiers  might  be  paid.  Her  husband,  Alviano, 
also  distinguished  himself  by  wonderful  fearlessness, 
energy,  and  presence  of  mind.  The  Duke  of  Gandia, 
on  the  other  hand,  was  inexperienced  and  not  very 
capable,  so  that  no  progress  was  made  until  the  end 
of  November,  when  the  guns  which  the  King  of  Naples 
had  lent  the  Pope  arrived.  Even  then  Bracciano 
continued  to  hold  out  bravely,  though  the  besiegers 
displayed  the  most  inhuman  cruelty.  Caesar  Borgia, 
who  was  indulging  in  the  pleasures  of  the  chase  at 
Monte  Mario,  was  nearly  taken  prisoner,  and  was 
only  saved  by  the  fleetness  of  his  horse.  The  Pope 
was  frantic  at  the  non-success  of  his  troops,  and 
on  Christmas  Day  was  quite  incapacitated  by 
anxiety. 

The  French  King,  meanwhile,  did  not  abandon 
the  Orsini  cause.  He  sent  them  money  and  a  few 
*  Pastor,  vol.  v.  p.  489. 


troops  under  Carlo,  a  natural  son  of  Virginio  Orsini, 
and  Vitellozzo.  Many  old  soldiers  again  enlisted 
under  their  banner,  and  they  were  also  joined  by  the 
Baglioni,  the  Prefect  of  Rome,  and  other  important 
nobles  who  feared  the  Borgia  rapacity.  Only  the 
Colonna  and  Savelli  held  back.  They  were  now  as 
friendly  to  the  Borgias  as  they  had  formerly  been 
hostile,  and  gave  no  heed  to  the  popular  saying  that 
"  the  Borgias  would  dine  on  the  property  of  the 
Orsini,  but  that  they  expected  to  sup  on  that  of  the 
Colonna." 

The  approach  of  these  reinforcements  compelled 
the  papal  army  to  raise  the  siege.  The  two  armies 
met  at  Soriano  an  January  25,  1497,  and  the  battle 
resulted  in  the  absolute  defeat  of  the  pontifical  troops. 
The  Orsini,  though  at  a  disadvantage  in  the  beginning, 
fought  lustily,  and  five  hundred  men  were  killed  or 
taken  prisoners ;  the  rest  saved  themselves  by  flight. 
The  Duke  of  Gandia  was  wounded  and  Urbino  cap- 
tured, and  the  Apostolic  Legate  died  a  few  days 
later  from  the  effects  of  fright. 

The  Orsini  were  now  masters  of  the  Campagna. 
The  Pope  was  terrified  at  the  news  of  the  defeat,  and 
contrived  to  patch  up  a  kind  of  peace  with  his  enemies. 
Virginio  Orsini,  however,  derived  no  benefit  from  the 
success  of  his  house,  for  he  had  died,  presumably 
from  poison,  before  the  battle  took  place. 

Ostia  still  remained  in  the  power  of  Cardinal 
Giuliano  della  Rovere,  the  declared  enemy  of  the 
Pope.  The  latter  now  turned  to  the  only  friend 
whom  he  could  trust — Gonsalvo  da  Cordova,  the 
Spanish  General,  and  commissioned  him  to  reconquer 
it  for  the  Papal  See.  As  peace  prevailed  in  Naples, 
Gonsalvo  united  his  Spaniards  with  the  papal  forces 
and  began  to  fire  upon  the  fortress ;  but  before 
many  shots  had  been  exchanged,  Menaldo,  the 
commander  of  the  garrison,  surrendered  (March  9, 
1497).  At  the  same  time  Alexander  VI.  decided, 


246    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

on  his  own  responsibility,  to  deprive  Cardinal  Giuliano 
della  Rovere  of  his  benefices,  and  his  brother  Gio- 
vanni, who  had  supported  Vitellozzo,  of  the  Prefecture 
of  Rome. 

On  March  15  Gonsalvo  and  the  Duke  of  Gandia, 
"  the  one  an  able  general  and  statesman,  the  other 
a  mere  stage  prince  bedizened  with  ornaments  and 
tinsel,"  arrived  in  Rome.  They  were  welcomed  at 
the  gates  by  the  Pope's  sons,  all  the  Cardinals,  and 
a  goodly  multitude  of  people.  Gonsalvo  was  at 
once  conducted  to  the  Pope,  who  kissed  him  on  the 
cheek,  and,  in  presence  of  the  Cardinals,  conferred  on 
him  the  golden  rose.  The  Spaniard  gave  proof  of 
his  magnanimity  by  begging  that  Menaldo  might  be 
liberated.  His  request  was  granted,  and  Menaldo 
was  allowed  to  retire  to  France. 

Modern  writers  have  maintained  that  Gonsalvo  took 
the  opportunity  of  remonstrating  seriously  with 
the  Pope  on  his  evil  ways,  but  there  seems  to  be  no 
mention  of  this  in  contemporary  chronicles.  There 
can  be  no  doubt,  however,  that  such  reproof  was 
urgently  needed,  for  Alexander's  nepotism  and  iniquity 
were  unbounded.  It  was  about  this  time  that 
Cardinal  Peraudi  remarked  to  the  Florentine  envoy : 
"  When  I  think  of  the  lives  of  the  Popes  and  some  of 
the  Cardinals,  I  shudder  at  the  idea  of  residing  at 
the  Court." 

The  Pope,  who  was  anxious  to  form  a  party  of 
Cardinals  to  support  his  schemes,  had  made  himself 
very  unpopular  in  1496  by  conferring  the  red  hat 
upon  several  Spaniards.  In  June,  1497,  a  Secret 
Consistory  was  held,  at  which  he  proposed  to  invest 
the  Duke  of  Gandia  with  the  Duchy  of  Benevento 
as  well  as  the  cities  of  Terracina  and  Pontecorvo, 
hoping  thus  to  prepare  his  way  to  the  throne  of 
Naples.  Though  there  were  twenty-seven  Cardinals 
present,  Piccolomini  was  the  only  one  who  had  the 
courage  to  protest  against  this  alienation  of  church 


MURDER  OF  JUAN  BORGIA      247 

property,  and  his  remonstrances  were  disregarded. 
In  the  same  month  Caesar  Borgia,  despite  the  great 
disapproval  of  the  College  of  Cardinals,  was  appointed 
Legate  to  Naples,  where  he  was  deputed  to  anoint 
and  crown  the  new  King  Federigo.  At  the  close 
of  the  Consistory,  Caesar  retired  to  his  rooms  and 
shut  himself  in ;  it  is  probable  that  he  was  already 
busying  himself  with  the  plans  for  his  brother's 
murder.  The  time  had  come  when  his  jealousy 
could  no  longer  be  contained  and  he  determined,  by 
foul  means,  to  oust  the  Duke  of  Gandia  from  his 
position  as  heir  of  the  Borgia  fortunes.  Several 
contemporary  historians  impute  to  him  the  desire 
of  getting  rid  of  a  rival  for  Lucrezia's  favours.  This, 
however,  can  hardly  be  credited,  for  Lucrezia  was 
already  on  distinctly  unfriendly  terms  with  her  father 
and  brothers  after  the  dissolution  of  her  union  with 
Sforza.  It  cannot  be  denied  that  Caesar  possessed 
some  demoniacal  kind  of  influence  over  his  sister, 
but  there  are  no  fixed  facts  to  prove  the  appalling 
suspicions  which  have  been  promulgated  by  enemies 
of  the  House  of  Borgia.  There  is,  however,  little 
doubt  that  both  Caesar  and  the  Duke  of  Gandia 
maintained  immoral  relations  with  Donna  Sancia, 
their  sister-in-law.  Some  have  regarded  this  as  an 
additional  motive  for  the  murder. 

Burchard,  the  Master  of  the  Papal  Ceremonies, 
gives  in  his  Diary  a  blunt  and  detailed  account  of  the 
Duke's  murder,  which,  however,  bears  upon  it  the 
impress  of  truth.  "  On  June  14,"  he  says,  "  the 
Cardinal  of  Valencia  [Caesar]  and  the  Duke  of  Gandia, 
both  sons  of  the  Pope,  were  present  at  a  banquet 
given  by  their  mother,  Vannozza,  who  lived  near  the 
Church  of  San  Pietro  in  Vincoli.  As  it  grew  late, 
the  Cardinal  reminded  his  brother  that  it  was  time 
to  return  to  the  Papal  Palace.  They  and  a  small 
escort  therefore  mounted  their  horses,  or  mules,  and 
rode  as  far  as  the  Palace  of  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza, 


248     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

where  the  Duke  informed  the  Cardinal  that  he 
wished  to  pay  a  visit  to  his  mistress  before  going 
home.  Thereupon  he  dismissed  his  entire  suite  with 
the  exception  of  his  valet  and  a  masked  person  who 
had  visited  him  daily  for  the  last  month.  He  let 
this  domino  sit  behind  him  on  his  mule  and  rode 
as  far  as  the  Ghetto,  where  he  gave  his  servant  orders 
to  wait  for  him  until  a  certain  hour,  but,  if  he  did 
not  get  back  by  that  time,  to  return  to  the  palace. 
The  Duke  took  this  masked  person  up  again  behind 
him  and  rode  on.  But  in  the  night  he  was  murdered, 
and  his  body  thrown  into  the  Tiber.  The  servant 
who  waited  for  him  was  also  attacked  and  fatally 
wounded,  and,  although  everything  was  done  to 
revive  him,  he  did  not  recover  consciousness  enough 
to  give  any  comprehensible  information  about  his 
master's  fate. 

"  When  the  Duke  had  not  returned  by  the  following 
morning  his  people  became  uneasy,  and  one  of  them 
informed  the  Pope  that  his  sons  had  passed  the  whole 
night  in  revelling,  and  that  the  Duke  had  not  yet 
reappeared.  At  this  news  the  Pontiff  was  overcome 
with  anxiety,  though  he  suspected  that  Gandia  had 
spent  the  night  with  some  hired  prostitute,  and, 
not  wishing  to  compromise  himself  by  leaving  her 
house  in  broad  daylight,  was  waiting  the  shades  of 
evening.  But  when  the  night  came  and  he  did 
not  appear,  the  Pope  became  acutely  miserable,  and, 
sending  for  various  people,  questioned  them  minutely. 
Among  them  was  a  workman,  Schiavoni  by  name, 
who  had  spent  the  night  in  a  boat  on  the  Tiber, 
guarding  some  wood  which  he  had  been  unlading. 
To  the  question  whether  he  had  seen  any  one  thrown 
into  the  river  on  the  preceding  night  he  replied  that 
he  had  noticed  two  foot-passengers  come  down  the 
street,  and  look  carefully  round  to  see  if  anybody 
was  passing.  As  nothing  stirred,  they  turned  back, 
and  soon  two  other  men  appeared.  They  looked 


THE    ARMS    OF    POPE    ALEXANDER    VI. 

Pinturiccliio  (Borgia  Apartments,  ike  Vatican) 


248] 


RECOVERY  OF  JUAN'S  BODY     249 

about  just  as  the  others  had  done,  and,  as  everything 
remained  quiet,  made  a  signal  to  their  companions. 
Thereupon  a  man  mounted  on  a  white  horse  rode 
up ;  in  front  of  him  was  a  corpse,  whose  head  and 
arms  hung  down  on  one  side  of  the  horse  and  his  feet 
on  the  other ;  it  was  supported  by  the  two  men  he 
had  just  seen,  to  prevent  its  falling  down.  As  soon 
as  they  reached  the  place  where  the  town-refuse  was 
cast  into  the  Tiber,  the  rider  and  both  the  men  seized 
the  body  by  its  hands  and  feet  and  hurled  it  into  the 
river.  The  horseman  asked  them  whether  it  lay 
right  Li  the  current,  and  they  answered,  '  Yes,  sig- 
nore.'  Thereupon  he  himself  looked  into  the  river, 
and,  perceiving  a  cloak  floating  on  the  water,  asked 
what  the  black  thing  was.  They  told  him,  and  one 
of  the  men  threw  a  stone  upon  it  and  caused  it  to 
sink.  On  being  asked  why  he  had  not  informed  the 
authorities  of  the  occurrence,  Schiavoni  answered 
that  he  had,  during  his  lifetime,  seen  over  a  hundred 
corpses  thrown  into  the  Tiber,  and  had  never  heard 
any  inquiry  made  about  them."  This  remark  was 
truly  significant  of  the  shocking  state  of  Rome  under 
Alexander  VI. 

Orders  were  given  that  the  Tiber  should  be  dragged, 
and  after  a  time  the  body  of  the  Duke  of  Gandia  was 
hauled  out.  The  Roman  wits  did  not  lose  the  oppor- 
tunity of  making  epigrams  upon  Alexander  VI.,  "  the 
true  successor  of  St.  Peter,  and  indeed  a  fisher  of  men." 
The  Duke's  throat  had  been  cut,  and  there  were 
eight  ghastly  wounds  on  other  parts  of  the  body. 
His  purse,  however,  and  his  rich  garments  had  not 
been  touched,  so  it  was  obvious  that  robbery  had  not 
been  the  motive  for  the  murder.  The  corpse  was 
taken  to  Sant'  Angelo,  where  it  was  clothed  in  ducal 
robes  and  then  carried  on  an  open  bier  to  lie  in 
Santa  Maria  del  Popolo. 

The  Pope,  who  had  loved  his  son  with  a  great  love, 
grieved  for  him  with  a  great  grief.  He  shut  himself 


250    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

in  his  room,  overcome  with  sorrow,  and  wept  bitterly, 
so  that  the  noise  of  his  weeping  was  heard  afar  off. 
From  Wednesday  evening  till  Sunday  morning  no 
food  passed  his  lips,  neither  did  he  lose  his  trouble 
in  sleep  from  Thursday  morning  till  Sunday.  When 
the  first  transports  of  grief  were  over,  remorse  seemed 
to  seize  him.  He  summoned  a  Conclave  of  the  Car- 
dinals, humbled  himself  with  tears  before  them,  and 
instituted  a  commission  for  the  amendment  of  the 
abuses  which  he  had  sanctioned  in  the  Church. 

An  interview  with  Vannozza  appears  to  have  soothed 
the  Pope's  troubled  soul.  It  is  probable  that  she 
reasoned  with  him,  and  pointed  out  the  fact  that 
the  brilliant  Caesar  was  more  fitted  to  uphold  the 
majesty  of  his  house  than  had  been  the  less  gifted 
Duke  of  Gandia.  "  The  miserable  father  rose  from 
the  earth,  dried  his  eyes,  took  food,  put  from  him 
his  remorse,  and  forgot,  together  with  his  grief  for 
Absalom,  the  reforms  which  he  had  promised  for 
the  Church."1 

Roscoe  assumes  that  Gandia  was  attacked  and 
murdered  by  a  jealous  rival,  because,  in  Schiavoni's 
account  of  the  event,  there  is  no  hint  of  Caesar's  guilt, 
and  also  because,  after  the  murder,  Caesar  was  appar- 
ently received  with  friendliness  by  both  his  father 
and  sister.  But  there  is  very  little  evidence  to 
support  this  theory.  Even  if  it  is  true  that  Caesar 
did  not  leave  his  palace  that  night,  this  is  no  proof 
of  innocence ;  he  had  no  need  to  commit  the  crime 
in  person  since  in  Don  Michelotto,  the  leader  of  his 
band,  he  had  always  a  ready  instrument  for  any  deed 
of  infamy.  That  jealousy  of  the  Duke's  love  for 
Lucrezia  was  the  motive  for  killing  him,  as  is 
imagined  by  Tomaso  Tomasi  and  Gordon,  is  most 
improbable,  but  Caesar  undoubtedly  felt  that  his 
brother  stood  in  the  way  of  his  worldly  advancement. 
He  had  adopted  an  ecclesiastical  career  very  much 

1  J.  A.  Symonds. 


MURDER  OF  PEROTTO  251 

against  his  inclination,  and  it  was  only  through  the 
Duke's  death  that  he  could  hope  one  day  to  attain 
the  position  of  an  independent  Prince,  the  summit 
of  his  ambition.  He  alone  had  anything  to  gain 
from  his  brother's  removal,  and,  as  we  have  already 
seen,  his  character  was  such  that  he  shrank  from  no 
iniquity  which  might  in  any  way  be  of  advantage  to 
him.  Alexander  and  Lucrezia  probably  realised  his 
infamy,  but  did  not  dare  to  oppose  him.  "  The  Pope 
loves  and  hugely  fears  his  son,"  says  the  Venetian 
ambassador.  Platina,  too,  tells  us  how  much  Alexander 
feared  the  power  of  his  ferocious  offspring,  and  adds 
that  Caesar,  who  had  begun  to  despise  the  Cardinal's 
Hat,  murdered  his  brother  for  no  better  reason 
than  that  he  wished  to  lead  the  papal  troops  in  his 
stead. 

The  Duke  of  Gandia's  wife,  Donna  Maria  Enriquez, 
was  in  Spam  at  the  time  of  the  murder.  Upon  hearing 
the  sad  news  from  the  Pope's  sister,  Donna  Beatrice 
Borja  y  Arenos,  she  lost  no  time  in  appearing  before 
the  tribunal  of  the  kingdom  of  Valencia  to  claim 
the  duchy  of  Gandia  and  the  Neapolitan  fiefs  of 
Suessa,  Teano,  Carinola,  and  Montefoscolo  on  behalf 
of  her  three-year-old  son,  Don  Juan.  He  was  accord- 
ingly recognised  as  the  legal  heir. 

Caesar  was  now  released  from  all  ecclesiastical  ties, 
by  the  Pope,  who  devoted  his  energies  to  building  up 
the  fortunes  of  his  fiendish  son.  As  time  went  on  this 
monster  of  iniquity  became  more  and  more  inhuman 
in  his  cruelty.  It  is  said  he  actually  stabbed  Perotto, 
the  Pope's  minion,  while  the  boy  was  taking  refuge 
in  Alexander's  arms.  On  another  occasion  "  he 
turned  some  prisoners  sentenced  to  death  into  a  court- 
yard of  the  palace,  arrayed  himself  in  fantastic  clothes, 
and  amused  the  papal  party  by  shooting  the  unlucky 
criminals.  They  ran  round  and  round  the  court, 
crouching  and  doubling  to  avoid  his  arrows.  He 

A 


252    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

showed  his  skill  by  hitting  each  where  he  thought  fit. 
.  .  .  Other  scenes,  not  of  bloodshed  but  of  grovelling 
sensuality,  though  described  by  the  dry  pen  of  Bur- 
chard,  can  hardly  be  transferred  to  these  pages " 
(Symonds). 

One  of  Caesar's  most  striking  qualities  was  the 
coolness  with  which  he  regulated  his  passions.  He 
lost  nothing  by  impatience,  but  would  calmly  await 
the  psychological  moment  in  order  that  he  might 
taste  the  exquisite  pleasure  of  revenge  and  enjoy  its 
flavour  to  the  full.  The  Pope,  who,  for  his  part, 
could  control  neither  tongue  nor  impatience,  looked 
with  admiration  and  astonishment  upon  the  trans- 
cendent genius  of  his  son,  "  le  veritable  virtuose  de 
la  famille." 


CHAPTER  XII 

Florence  aftei  the  banishment  of  the  Medici — Piero  de'  Medici  re- 
pulsed— The  Florentines  besiege  Pisa — Fate  of  Paolo  Vitelli— • 
Savonarola ;  his  execution — Death  of  Charles  VIII. — Accession 
of  Louis  of  Orleans  to  the  French  throne — His  matrimonial 
affairs — Caesar  Borgia  returns  to  a  secular  life — His  magnificent 
entry  into  Chinon — His  rejection  by  Carlotta  of  Naples — Mar- 
riage of  Lucrezia  and  Alfonso  of  Naples — Caesat  wins  the  hand 
of  Charlotte  d'Albret — Louis  XII.  prepares  for  an  Italian  cam- 
paign— His  speedy  successes — Joyful  reception  at  Milan — Joy 
of  Alexander  VI. — His  ambitious  schemes — Lucrezia  made 
Regent  of  Spoleto — Her  unenviable  position — The  Pope  ap- 
points her  governor  of  Nepi — Birth  of  Lucrezia's  son  Rodrigo — 
Caesar's  campaign  in  the  Romagna — Surrender  of  Imola — 
Caterina  Sforza's  defence  of  Forli — Death  of  Cardinal  Juan 
Borgia — The  Milanese  return  to  their  allegiance  to  Ludovico  the 
Moor — Battle  of  Novara — Ludovico  taken  prisoner  by  the 
French — Alexander's  pride  in  Caesar's  prowess — Caesar's  tri- 
umphal entry  into  Rome. 

SINCE  the  banishment  of  the  Medici,  many  changes 
had  passed  over  Florence,  and  the  reins  of  government 
were  now  in  the  hands  of  the  mob.  The  real  leader 
of  the  citizens,  however,  was  Savonarola,  who  was 
determined  upon  the  reformation  and  purification 
of  the  city.  Through  negligence  on  the  part  of  the 
magistrates  a  famine  arose,  which  proved  that  the 
government  was  by  no  means  an  ideal  one.  With 
the  co-operation  of  the  leading  inhabitants,  a  Gon- 
faloniere  was  elected  in  the  person  of  Bernardo  del 
Nero,  an  old  man  well  stricken  in  years,  while  the 
other  offices  of  State  were  filled  with  men  who  did 
not  belong  to  Savonarola's  party.  Piero  de'  Medici, 
encouraged  by  this  turn  of  affairs,  and  upheld  by 

253 


254    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

promises  of  support  from  Venice  and  the  Pope,  re- 
solved to  make  an  effort  to  reinstate  himself.  He  and 
his  brothers  collected  a  troop,  at  the  head  of  which 
they  placed  Bartolomeo  d'Alveano,  who  had  already 
distinguished  himself  in  connection  with  the  papal 
forces.  Stealthily  they  advanced  towards  Florence, 
but,  just  as  they  were  about  to  approach  the  gates, 
a  violent  rain  set  in  causing  confusion  among  the 
soldiers  and  a  delay  of  several  hours.  The  Florentines, 
meanwhile,  had  got  wind  of  the  enemy's  approach, 
and,  led  by  Paolo  Vitelli,  took  energetic  measures  to 
defend  their  town.  The  Medici  partisans  were  taken 
into  custody,  so  that  Piero  could  no  longer  expect 
any  help  from  his  friends.  His  men  had  to  abandon 
their  plan  of  attacking  the  gates,  and  withdrew  to 
the  States  of  the  Church,  where  they  occupied  them- 
selves with  plundering  the  villages.  Nardi  relates 
that,  on  this  occasion,  Piero  was  so  near  the  city  walls 
(April  28,  1497)  that  the  Florentines  could  recognise 
him,  and  that  they  congregated  in  bands  to  gaze 
upon  him  and  his  followers,  though  no  sign  of  friend- 
liness was  shown. 

Nardi  further  mentions  that  the  poet  Benivieni, 
himself  a  passionate  enthusiast,  was  sent  to  inquire 
of  Savonarola  what  would  be  the  result  of  this  dreaded 
attack  of  the  enemy.  The  Prior,  who  was  reading, 
looked  up  and  answered :  "  O  thou  of  little  faith, 
why  doubtest  thou  ?  Knowest  thou  not  that  God 
is  with  thee  ?  Go,  tell  thy  superiors  that  I  will  pray 
for  the  town,  and  that  they  must  not  be  afraid,  for 
Piero  de'  Medici  will  not  come  beyond  the  gates,  and 
having  accomplished  nothing,  will  retreat."  And  it 
happened  just  as  he  had  predicted. 

Four  of  the  most  important  adherents  of  the 
Medici  were  convicted  of  holding  communication 
with  the  enemy  and  condemned  to  death.  The  aged 
Gonfaloniere,  Nero,  was  included  in  the  same  punish- 
ment for  having  known,  yet  not  disclosed,  the  enemy's 


plans.  Great  discontent  was  aroused  in  Florence 
by  this  severity. 

Meanwhile  the  Florentines  besieged  Pisa.  The 
Duke  of  Urbino,  who  had  purchased  his  freedom  for 
30,000  ducats,  Bartolomeo  d'Alveanoj  who  had 
formerly  been  on  the  opposing  side,  Paolo  Orsini, 
Ludovico  the  Moor,  and  Venice,  which  was  then  at 
the  height  of  its  power,  took  the  part  of  the  Pisans. 
The  Florentine  troops  were  led  by  Paolo  Vitelli, 
while  the  Marquis  of  Mantua  had  command  of  the 
allies.  Both  parties  prepared  for  war.  The  Pisans 
were  returning  from  plundering  Volterra  when  they 
were  attacked  by  the  Florentines  in  the  valley  of 
San  Regolo.  A  battle  ensued,  in  which  Florence 
sustained  an  utter  defeat. 

In  their  extremity  the  Florentines  turned  to 
Ludovico  Sforza.  It  was  not  difficult  to  convince 
him  of  the  undesirability  of  any  increase  in  the 
Venetian  power,  and  he  consented  to  support  Florence  ; 
the  treaty,  however,  was  to  be  kept  secret  until  a 
suitable  opportunity  occurred  to  withdraw  his  troops 
from  the  allies. 

This  secret  alliance  with  the  Florentines  was 
much  more  harmful  to  Venice  than  an  open  breach 
would  have  been.  Ludovico  persuaded  several  leaders 
who  had  formerly  adhered  to  Pisa  to  come  over  to 
the  side  of  Florence,  and  a  large  and  powerful  army 
entered  the  field  under  the  command  of  Paolo  Vitelli. 
They  advanced  against  Pisa,  garrisoned  all  the  ap- 
proaches to  the  town,  and  directed  their  batteries 
against  Vico  Pisano,  a  fortress  in  the  neighbourhood. 
The  latter  surrendered,  and  the  enemy  proceeded 
to  the  conquest  of  Pisa. 

The  Florentines  proposed  to  settle  their  dispute 
with  Pisa  by  arbitration ;  but  Venice,  conscious  of 
her  power,  preferred  to  continue  the  war,  in  the  ex- 
pectation of  uniting  Pisa  to  the  Venetian  possessions. 

But,  as  Vitelli  continued  the  siege  with  great  vigour 


256    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

and  persistence,  the  allies  became  more  inclined  to 
listen  to  the  Florentine  proposals.  After  lengthy 
negotiations,  the  judgment  was  entrusted  to  Duke 
Ercole  of  Ferrara,  who  passed  the  following  sentence 
(1499)  :  The  Venetians  were  to  withdraw  their  troops 
from  the  dominions  of  Florence  and  Pisa ;  Florence 
was  to  pay  them  180,000  ducats  as  compensation 
for  the  expenses  of  the  war,  and  Pisa  was  again  to 
be  restored  to  Florentine  authority. 

Universal  discontent  was  aroused  by  this  decision, 
and  it  was  decided  to  return  to  the  fight. 

The  walls  of  Pisa  were  very  strong,  the  town  well 
provisioned,  and  the  garrison  numerous  and  capable ; 
but  the  Florentines  made  vigorous  efforts  to  gain  the 
victory,  especially  as  the  Venetians  withdrew  the 
greater  part  of  their  troops  under  the  pretext  of  dis- 
satisfaction with  the  behaviour  of  the  Pisans,  though 
really  in  order  to  seize  upon  part  of  their  domains. 

Vitelli  first  attacked  the  fortress  of  Stampace,  on 
which  the  Pisans  set  their  chief  hopes.  The  in- 
habitants resisted  bravely,  men,  women,  and  children 
taking  part  in  the  defence ;  but  the  garrison  was 
utterly  defeated.  Most  of  them  were  shot  down  and 
the  rest  fled  to  Pisa.  Vitelli  might  have  followed  up 
his  victory  by  forcing  an  entry  into  the  town,  but 
this,  for  some  reason  or  other,  he  neglected  to  do. 
The  Pisans  thereby  gained  time  to  recover  from  their 
consternation.  But,  although  Vitelli  may  have  let 
slip  a  favourable  opportunity,  it  must  be  admitted 
that  he  spared  no  effort  to  force  the  town  to  sur- 
render, employing  every  means  at  the  command  of  a 
skilful  general.  Luck,  however,  was  against  him. 
The  plague  broke  out  among  the  Florentine  troops, 
who  were  encamped  in  a  marshy  district.  The  putre- 
fying corpses  of  the  slain  contributed  to  aggravate 
the  evil,  and  although  fresh  reinforcements  arrived 
from  Florence,  the  death-rate  became  so  high  that 
the  siege  had  to  be  abandoned. 


HOSTILITY  OF  SAVONAROLA     257 

Vitelli  now  journeyed  to  Cascina,  where  he  was 
awaited  by  an  embassy  of  Florentines.  He  was  de- 
clared prisoner  and  conveyed  to  Florence,  where  he 
was  accused  of  meeting  with  the  Medici  at  Casen- 
tino  and  of  set  purpose  allowing  them  to  escape. 
He  was  also  severely  censured  for  his  conduct  at  the 
siege  of  Pisa.  As  he  refused  to  admit  his  guilt,  he 
was  put  to  the  torture  ;  but,  as  the  cruellest  torments 
could  wrest  from  him  no  confession,  he  was  con- 
demned to  death  and  was  beheaded  on  the  night 
after  his  trial. 

The  Florentines  had  by  this  time  begun  to  grow 
restive  under  the  domineering  influence  of  Savonarola. 
Already,  in  1496,  he  had  given  great  offence  by  the 
fiery  outspokenness  of  his  Lenten  sermons,  which 
were  quite  frankly  directed  against  the  Pope,  the 
Reman  clergy,  Ludovico  Sforza,  the  Medici,  and  the 
Florentines  themselves.  Ludovico  the  Moor  and  Piero 
de'  Medici  urged  the  Pope  to  take  active  measures 
against  this  inconvenient  reformer,  whose  position 
was  hourly  getting  more  precarious.  There  arose  a 
hostile  party  anxious  to  have  him  bound  and  cast 
into  the  Arno  as  a  heretic,  but  the  Friar  Preacher 
still  had  many  supporters,  and  they  dared  not  lay 
hands  upon  him. 

Unfortunately  for  Savonarola,  a  Seignory  hostile  to 
him  now  came  into  power.  At  one  of  their  assemblies 
a  Franciscan  accused  the  Prior  of  heresy  and  fraud, 
challenging  him  to  prove  the  truth  of  his  doctrine 
by  the  Ordeal  by  Fire.  Savonarola  refused,  but  Fra 
Domenico,  his  faithful  supporter,  took  up  the  gauntlet 
and  a  day  was  fixed  for  the  ceremony.  The  Franciscan, 
however,  now  cast  about  for  an  excuse  to  withdraw 
the  challenge,  saying  that  his  quarrel  was  with  Savona- 
rola alone,  and  that  he  would  have  nothing  to  do 
with  Fra  Domenico.  But,  in  spite  of  the  Franciscan's 
faint-heartedness,  and  the  fact  that  Savonarola  severely 
reproved  Fra  Domenico  for  his  excess  of  zeal,  the 

RB 


258    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

matter  was  not  allowed  to  rest.  "  If  Savonarola 
enters  the  fire,"  said  his  enemies,  "  he  will  be  burned  ; 
if  he  refuses  to  enter  it,  he  will  lose  all  credit  with  his 
followers ;  we  shall  have  an  opportunity  of  arousing 
a  tumult,  and  during  the  tumult  we  shall  be  able  to 
seize  on  his  person."  The  members  of  the  Seignory 
were  quite  willing  to  help  forward  this  plot,  which 
could  only  result  in  the  shedding  of  innocent  blood. 

April  7  was  the  day  finally  fixed  for  the  ordeal. 
Savonarola,  accompanied  by  his  friars,  walked  in 
procession  to  the  Piazza  singing  the  psalm,  "  Let  God 
arise,  and  let  His  enemies  be  scattered."  The  Fran- 
ciscans, who  had  made  no  demonstrations,  were 
already  there,  and  stood  silently  on  their  side  of  the 
Loggia  while  the  Dominicans  prayed  aloud.  A  vast 
multitude  of  people  had  gathered  together  to  witness 
the  sight ;  the  windows,  balconies,  and  even  the  roofs 
of  the  neighbouring  houses  were  crowded  with 
spectators.  All  was  ready  when  a  dispute  arose 
between  the  two  parties  as  to  what  each  champion 
should  be  permitted  to  take  with  him  into  the  flames. 
Fra  Domenico  was  desirous  of  taking  the  crucifix, 
but  to  this  the  Franciscans  raised  resolute  objections. 
Finally,  he  announced  his  willingness  to  take  the 
Sacred  Host  instead ;  but  this  proposal  was  emphati- 
cally opposed  by  the  throng  of  spectators  as  well  as 
by  the  Franciscans.  The  discussion  lasted  so  long 
that  the  shades  of  night  were  already  gathering  before 
the  matter  was  settled,  and,  after  waiting  a  whole 
day  for  the  ordeal  to  take  place,  the  disappointed  and 
angry  mob  dispersed  at  the  command  of  the  Seignory. 

The  conduct  of  Savonarola  and  his  followers 
aroused  universal  condemnation ;  even  the  Piagnoni 
declared  that  he  ought  to  have  entered  the  fire  alone 
if  no  one  would  go  with  him.  The  whole  of  Florence 
tingled  with  indignation  and  resentment,  and  the 
Friar's  fate  was  already  sealed  by  his  own  act. 

On  the  morning  of  Palm  Sunday,  April  8,  Savonarola, 


MARTYRDOM  OF  SAVONAROLA  259 

in  direct  opposition  to  the  command  of  the 
Seignory,  preached  a  sermon  in  St.  Mark's.  His  words 
were  few  and  melancholy ;  he  offered  his  body  as  a 
sacrifice  to  God,  and  took  a  sad  but  calm  farewell  of 
his  people.  Before  the  day  was  over  Francesco 
Valori,  the  Prior's  chief  supporter,  was  murdered  and 
the  Convent  of  San  Marco  stormed.  Savonarola, 
amid  the  jeers  of  the  populace,  was  led  before  the 
Seignory,  which  received  the  Pope's  authority  to 
institute  proceedings  against  him.  Painful  days  fol- 
lowed, in  which  strange  confessions  were  alleged  to 
have  been  forced  from  the  Prior  by  torture,  though 
statements  thus  extorted  can  hardly  be  accepted  as 
proofs  of  guilt.  The  trial,  as  all  had  foreseen, 
resulted  in  sentence  of  death  by  hanging  being  pro- 
nounced upon  Savonarola,  Fra  Domenico,  and  Fra 
Silvestro.  On  the  following  day,  May  23,  they 
went  forth  calmly  and  courageously  to  meet  their 
fate,  after  a  night  spent  in  prayer.  Before  being 
delivered  over  to  the  executioner  they  were  degraded 
from  the  priesthood  as  "  heretics,  schismatics,  and 
contemners  of  the  Holy  See."  As  Savonarola  mounted 
the  ladder  to  the  place  of  execution  he  looked  round 
upon  the  crowd  assembled  to  see  him  die,  and  cried 
aloud,  "  My  people,  what  have  I  done  to  you  that 
you  should  treat  me  thus  ?  " 

When  life  was  extinct  the  bodies  were  burned 
and  the  remains  cast  into  the  Arno.  It  is  said  that  a 
little  child  afterwards  saw  the  Friar's  heart  unhurt 
among  the  ashes,  and  for  many  years  flowers  were 
placed  upon  the  spot  where  his  body  fell,  on  every 
anniversary  of  his  death.1 

On  April  7,  the  very  day  fixed  for  the  Ordeal  by 
Fire,  Charles  VIII.  came  to  his  end.  The  cause  of 
his  death  is  uncertain,  but  it  is  generally  attributed 

1  St.  Philip  Neri  regarded  Savonarola  as  a  saint,  and  always  wore 
his  medal.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  the  excommunicated  Dominican 
may,  like  Joan  of  Arc,  be  raised  to  the  altars  of  the  church. 


260    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

to  apoplexy  following  a  blow  on  the  head.  It  is 
related  that  he  and  his  Queen  were  entering  a  gallery 
in  the  Castle  at  Amboise,  in  order  that  they  might 
watch  the  courtiers  playing  at  tennis,  when  the  King 
struck  his  head  against  the  top  of  the  low  doorway. 
Not  taking  much  notice  of  the  blow,  he  entered  into 
conversation  with  the  people  around  him,  saying  to 
one  of  them  that  he  hoped  never  to  commit  another 
wilful  sin  as  long  as  he  lived.  While  thus  speaking 
he  fell  down  unconscious,  and,  in  spite  of  the  minis- 
trations of  several  doctors,  passed  away  in  a  few  hours. 

Charles,  though  remarkably  faulty  in  character, 
appears  to  have  won  the  affection  of  his  subjects, 
who  mourned  long  and  loud  for  him.  Comines 
arrived  at  Amboise  three  days  after  his  death  and 
prayed  by  the  coffin  of  the  dead  King.  Never  was 
such  grief  seen,  he  says,  for  Charles  had  always  shown 
himself  gentle,  kind,  and  generous,  never  giving  cause 
of  offence  to  any  one. 

As  he  left  no  legitimate  children  he  was  succeeded 
by  his  distant  cousin,  the  already  mentioned  Louis, 
Duke  of  Orleans,  who  as  Louis  XII.  ascended  the 
throne  without  any  opposition.  Europe  was  not 
long  left  in  suspense  as  to  the  new  King's  projects ; 
he  had  set  his  heart  not  only  upon  overthrowing  the 
House  of  Sforza,  but  also  upon  conquering  the  king- 
dom of  Naples.  Under  his  rule  began  an  Italian 
war  which  continued  after  his  death,  bringing  name- 
less miseries  in  its  train. 

When  quite  a  youth,  Louis  had  married  the  Prin- 
cess Jeanne,  third  daughter  of  Louis  XI.  She  was 
a  woman  of  blameless  life,  but  sickly  and  unattractive 
in  appearance  and  her  husband  now  sought  a  divorce 
upon  the  grounds  of  her  having  given  him  no  heirs 
and  also  of  her  near  relationship  to  him.  At  first 
the  slighted  wife  resisted  the  attempt  to  dethrone 
her,  but  finally,  rather  than  submit  to  further  in- 
dignities, she  gave  in. 


CAESAR  BORGIA  SECULARISED    261 

The  true  cause  of  Louis's  repudiation  of  Jeanne  lay 
in  the  passion  which  he  had  long  ago  conceived  for 
Anne  of  Brittany  before  she  became  the  wife  of 
Charles  VIII.  He  was  also  much  attracted  by  the 
idea  of  uniting  the  crowns  of  Brittany  and  France. 
The  papal  consent  ought  to  have  been  obtained 
before  the  new  marriage  was  concluded,  but  Louis, 
in  his  hurry,  took  upon  himself  to  dispense  with  it. 
Alexander  VI.,  anxious  to  keep  on  good  terms  with 
him,  overlooked  this  offence,  and  sent  his  son  Caesar 
to  France  to  deliver  the  dispensation. 

But,  before  this,  the  Pope  had  summoned  a  Con- 
sistory for  the  purpose  of  releasing  Caesar  from  his 
ecclesiastical  ties.  Caesar  himself  explained  that  he 
had  only  adopted  this  estate  in  order  to  please  his 
father,  that  it  was  distasteful  to  him,  and  that  he 
had  a  desire  to  marry.  The  Cardinals  replied  that 
they  were  not  opposed  to  his  wishes,  but  that  they 
would  leave  the  whole  affair  in  the  hands  of  the  Pope. 
The  latter,  though  he  had  at  first  been  averse  from 
the  idea,  thereupon  gave  his  consent  to  the  change. 

Caesar  immediately  resigned  his  red  hat  and  donned 
secular  garments  of  French  fashion,  August  17,  1498. 
On  the  same  day  Louis  de  Villeneuve,  the  French 
ambassador,  arrived  in  Rome  for  the  purpose  of 
accompanying  Caesar  to  France.  The  preparations 
for  the  journey  were,  however,  so  extensive  that  they 
did  not  start  until  the  beginning  of  October.  Before 
this  the  Pope  sent  an  autograph  letter  to  Louis  XII. 
commending  Caesar  to  his  kindness  as  one  who  was 
more  precious  to  him  than  anything  else  on  earth. 
He  is  mentioned  as  Duke  of  Valentinois,  so  that  the 
principality  must  have  already  been  conferred  on 
him,  though  the  formal  investiture  had  not  yet  taken 
place.  With  the  dukedom  was  included  an  income 
of  20,000  francs,  to  which  the  French  King  added  the 
appointment  of  Captain  of  one  hundred  lances,  an 
appointment  also  worth  20,000  francs  a  year. 


262    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

The  Pope,  who  was  always  overshadowed  by  the 
fear  of  being  called  to  account  for  his  abuses  of  church 
property,  thought  to  safeguard  himself  by  a  friend- 
ship with  the  King  of  France.  Ferdinand  and  Isabella 
were  much  perturbed  at  this  alliance,  which  could 
only  be  prejudicial  to  them.  They  sent  envoys  to 
the  Pope  deploring  the  fact  of  Csesar's  mission  to 
France,  an  alliance  with  which  would  run  counter  to 
the  interests  of  the  other  States.  Alexander  sought 
to  assuage  their  agitation,  but  they  soon  saw  through 
his  intentions  and  turned  from  complaints  to  accusa- 
tions. Bitter  words  were  said,  and  the  Pope  ended 
by  declaring  all  who  contradicted  him  to  be  "  bastards 
of  the  Church."  One  of  the  envoys  pertly  replied 
that  there  were  in  Rome  plenty  of  bastards  whom  one 
would  be  reluctant  to  harbour  in  the  Church.  This 
remark  so  angered  the  Pope  that  he  averred  that  all 
that  he  had  done  had  been  rightly  done,  and  that 
he  would  do  the  same  again,  in  defiance  of  those  who 
had  had  the  hardihood  to  contradict  him.  There- 
upon he  turned  an  angry  back  upon  them  and  shut 
himself  in  his  room. 

But  the  envoys  were  likewise  filled  with  wrath 
and  indignation,  and  declared  that  they  would  not 
budge  before  drawing  up  a  legal  protest.  They  so 
far  forgot  themselves,  indeed,  as  to  stamp  their  feet 
in  resentment,  until  the  Pope,  more  enraged  than 
ever,  emerged  from  his  room  and  showed  them  the 
door. 

Meanwhile  Caesar  had  arrived  in  France,  where, 
by  Louis's  command,  he  was  given  a  magnificent  recep- 
tion. They  surrounded  him  with  a  guard  of  honour, 
and  the  people  thronged  to  see  him  in  such  multitudes 
that  one  of  his  suite  wrote  home  from  Chinon  saying 
that  he  had  seen  neither  trees,  walls,  nor  villages  in 
France,  but  only  men,  women,  and  the  rays  of  the 
sun.  Even  Caesar,  who  had  no  modest  opinion  of 
himself  was  astonished  at  the  sensation  he  was  causing. 


C^SAR  ENTERS  THE  ROYAL  CAMP    263 

On  December  19,  1498,  Csesar  entered  the  royal 
camp  at  Chinon  with  a  splendour  never  before  wit- 
nessed in  France.  Accompanied  by  a  gorgeous  pro- 
cession of  men  and  mules,  the  Duke  himself  appeared 
riding  on  a  richly  saddled  and  bridled  battle-horse. 
He  wore  a  garment  of  red  silk  and  gold  stuff  elaborately 
decorated  with  embroidery  and  precious  stones. 
His  cap  was  adorned  with  rive  or  six  rubies  "  as  big  as 
beans,"  which  shone  like  fire.  Upon  his  gloves  were 
a  quantity  of  precious  stones,  and  his  boots  were 
covered  with  pearl  embroidery  and  gold  laces.  Round 
his  neck  alone  he  wore  jewels  to  the  valufc»*f  30,000 
ducats,  and  his  horse  was  decorated  in  the  most 
extravagant  manner  with  pearls  and  precious  stones. 

The  French  King  watched  the  procession  from 
a  window,  making  mock  of  this  extravagant  display. 
As  he  remarked  to  his  courtiers,  it  was  "  too  much 
for  the  petty  Duke  of  Valentinois." 

Apart  from  the  delivery  of  the  papal  dispensation, 
the  main  object  of  Caesar's  journey  was  to  win  the 
hand  of  Carlotta,  daughter  of  the  King  of  Naples, 
who  had  been  brought  up  at  the  French  Court.  To 
his  no  small  chagrin,  however,  not  only  did  Federigo 
refuse  to  sanction  the  match,  but  the  lady  herself 
stoutly  refused  to  have  anything  to  do  with  him. 

The  Pope,  however,  was  determined  to  marry  one 
of  his  children  into  the  royal  House  of  Naples,  and 
prevailed  upon  King  Federigo  to  consent  to  a  marriage 
between  Lucrezia  and  Don  Alfonso,  younger  brother 
of  Donna  Sancia  and  illegitimate  son  of  Alfonso  I., 
a  young  Prince  only  seventeen  years  old.  According 
to  the  contract,  Alfonso  was  to  remain  in  Rome  for 
a  year,  and  Lucrezia  was  not  bound,  during  the 
Pope's  lifetime,  to  follow  him  to  Naples.  It  was 
only  out  of  fear  that  the  King  had  acquiesced  in 
this  alliance,  and  he  remained  firm  in  denying  Caesar 
the  hand  of  his  daughter.  Lucrezia,  apparently, 
had  conceived  a  genuine  affection  for  her  new  consort, 


264    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

"  the  handsomest  young  man  ever  seen  in  the  Im- 
perial city,"  and  she  suffered  keenly  when,  shortly 
after  their  marriage,  he  was  torn  from  her  by  a  violent 
death. 

When  Caesar  saw  how  frail  was  his  prospect  of 
obtaining  Carlotta's  hand,  he  decided  not  to  give 
up  the  Pope's  dispensation  until  King  Louis  had  lent 
him  his  support.  Although  every  one  knew  that  he 
had  received  it,  he,  in  the  most  barefaced  way,  denied 
his  possession  of  it.  But  Louis  summoned  an  assembly 
of  theologians,  and  put  before  them  the  question 
whether  his  first  marriage  had  not  been  legally  dis- 
solved and  his  marriage  with  Anne  legally  concluded, 
especially  as  there  was  no  doubt  that  the  Pope  had 
already  conferred  the  dispensation.  With  one  voice 
the  theologians  declared  him  to  be  in  the  right,  and 
Caesar  could  do  no  less  than  hand  over  the  dis- 
pensation. He,  however,  vented  his  rage  upon  the 
papal  legate,  who  had  betrayed  the  fact  of  its  des- 
patch, and  "  gave  him  a  dose  of  the  poison  which  he 
always  kept  in  readiness  for  those  who  offended  him." 
That  luckless  legate  died  a  few  days  later  in  great 
wretchedness. 

At  the  French  Court  Caesar  met  two  men  who 
were  destined  later  to  have  considerable  influence  on 
his  career.  They  were  Georges  d'Amboise,  for  whom 
he  had  brought  a  Cardinal's  Hat,  and  Giuliano  della 
Rovere,  who  had  hitherto  been  the  Pope's  bitterest 
foe,  but  who  was  now  won  over  to  the  Borgia  cause 
through  the  mediation  of  Louis  XII. 

A  new  alliance  was  projected  between  Caesar  and 
the  charming  Charlotte  d'Albret,  sister  of  the  King 
of  Navarre.  She,  less  scrupulous  than  Carlotta  of 
Naples,  accepted  the  hand  of  Caesar,  who  thus  gained 
an  entry  into  the  royal  house  of  France. l 

Caesar  started  with  renewed  energy  on  his  downward 
career.  The  Pope  and  Lucrezia  quailed  before  his 

1  See  Duchess  Derelict,  by  E.  L.  Miron. 


LOUIS'S  ITALIAN  CAMPAIGN      265 

domineering  spirit,  for  no  one  was  safe  from  his 
poisonous  powders  or  from  the  depredations  and 
murderous  assaults  of  his  bandits,  who  remorselessly 
removed  any  one  who  stood  in  the  way  of  his  insatiable 
ambition. 

Now  that  King  Louis  was  assured  of  the  Borgia 
support,  he  concluded  an  alliance  with  the  Venetians 
by  which  he  was  to  deliver  over  to  them  Cremona 
and  Ghiaradadda  as  soon  as  his  conquest  of  Milan 
should  be  completed. 

Louis  had  now  quite  made  up  his  mind  to  undertake 
an  Italian  campaign,  in  spite  of  the  dissuasions  of 
some  of  his  courtiers  on  the  ground  of  inadequate 
means.  The  King,  however,  stood  firm,  and  des- 
patched a  large  force  of  cavalry  towards  Piedmont. 
The  troops  destined  for  the  conquest  of  Milan  were 
commanded  by  Trivulzio,  de  Ligny,  and  the  Count 
d'Aubigny.  Louis  himself  went  only  as  far  as  Lyons, 
leaving  the  administration  of  the  campaign  to  his 
generals  and  to  luck.  With  him  were  Caesar  Borgia 
and  Cardinal  della  Rovere. 

The  army,  which  consisted  of  about  14,600  men, 
met  with  remarkable  success.  Louis's  progress  was 
as  speedy  and  bloodless  as  that  of  his  predecessor ; 
all  the  Lombard  towns  opened  their  gates,  and 
Milan  rose  in  rebellion  against  Ludovico.  The 
latter  had  hoped  for  help  from  the  German  Emperor 
and  Federigo  of  Naples,  but  Maximilian  was  engaged 
in  warring  against  the  Swiss,  and,  upon  hearing  that 
Alessandria  had  succumbed  to  the  French,  Federigo 
abandoned  his  original  idea  of  opposing  the  Pope. 
Ludovico  therefore  sought  refuge  in  the  Tyrol,  deeply 
depressed  that  so  many  of  his  former  friends  had 
become  his  foes.  The  Milanese  sent  envoys  to  the 
French  camp  announcing  their  readiness  to  yield 
Milan  as  soon  as  King  Louis  arrived.  This  example 
was  followed  by  the  other  towns  of  the  duchy,  who 
all  surrendered.  Even  Bernardino  da  Corte,  to 


266     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

whom  Ludovico  had  entrusted  the  citadel  of  Milan, 
yielded  to  bribery,  and  delivered  it  over  to  the  enemy. 
But  his  treachery  was  so  much  despised  by  Italians 
and  French  alike,  that  he  was  utterly  boycotted, 
and,  shunned  by  his  fellows  and  tormented  by  con- 
science, he  shortly  afterwards  died  from  pain  and 
shame. 

Louis  XII.,  who  was  now  at  Lyons,  received  news 
of  the  brilliant  success  of  his  troops,  and  hastened  to 
Milan,  where,  on  October  6,  1499,  he  was  welcomed 
by  the  populace  with  indescribable  joy.  He  was  ac- 
companied by  Caesar  Borgia,  the  Cardinals  d'Amboise 
and  Giuliano  della  Rovere,  the  Duchess  of  Ferrara 
and  Savoy,  and  many  other  people  of  note. 

The  Milanese  satisfaction  was  not,  however,  of 
long  duration.  It  is  true  that  Louis  reduced  their 
taxes,  but  they  wished  to  be  entirely  freed  from 
them,  and  much  secret  murmuring  and  discontent 
arose.  Trivulzio,  himself  an  Italian,  was  made  gover- 
nor of  the  city,  and  Louis  received  homage  from 
the  States  of  Milan  and  Genoa.  The  young  heir, 
son  of  the  unfortunate  Galeazzo,  was  despatched  to 
a  cloister  in  France,  while  his  mother  Isabella  re- 
tired to  Naples,  where  she  had  the  unhappiness  of 
beholding  the  downfall  of  the  House  of  Aragon. 

Alexander  VI.  was  unable  to  conceal  his  delight 
at  the  French  success,  for  he  saw  in  it  a  promising 
prospect  for  the  aggrandisement  of  his  children. 
On  August  24,  1499,  two  Portuguese  envoys  were 
sent  to  remonstrate  with  him  on  his  nepotism, 
on  Caesar's  resignation  of  the  Cardinalate,  and  on  the 
French  alliance,  which  was  injurious  to  the  peace 
of  Europe.  Alexander,  though  disquieted  at  their 
attitude,  did  not  change  his  conduct,  and  shortly 
made  arrangements  for  Caesar  to  conquer  the  Romagna. 

The  Pope,  after  holding  a  Consistory,  sent  his 
major-domo,  Giacopo,  to  Caesar,  at  Lyons,  with 
despatches  containing  the  whole  scheme  that  the 


LUCREZIA  APPOINTED  REGENT  267 

Borgias  should  found  an  independent  dominion  through 
the  downfall  of  the  noblest  princely  house  in  Italy, 
and  though  Alexander  carried  on  these  proceedings 
with  the  greatest  secrecy,  Ludovico  became  aware 
of  Giacopo's  journey.  As  soon,  therefore,  as  the 
latter  reached  Milanese  territory,  he  was  arrested 
and  his  despatches  seized.  When  the  Pope  heard 
this  he  was  furiously  angry ;  he  had  all  the  gates  of 
Rome  shut,  and  gave  orders  to  arrest  the  Milanese 
envoy.  But  the  latter  had  already  taken  flight, 
fearing  the  Pope's  vengeance.  The  Sforza  party 
were  greatly  alarmed  at  this,  and  placed  themselves 
under  the  protection  of  the  Colonna.  This  precaution 
proved  not  to  be  unneeded,  for  Alexander  wished 
to  wreak  his  revenge  on  Sforza's  adherents.  He 
sent  a  message  to  Cardinal  Colonna  demanding  the 
surrender  of  the  fugitives.  This  the  Cardinal  was 
disinclined  to  grant,  but,  as  the  Pope  threatened  to 
employ  force,  he  saw  that  he  must  either  deliver  up 
his  friends  or  draw  down  the  papal  anger  upon  himself 
and  his  family.  Nevertheless,  he  resolved  to  try 
flight,  and  sought  refuge  with  his  friends  at  Nettuna, 
one  of  the  Colonna  possessions. 

The  Pope  gave  orders  that  the  palace  of  the  Milanese 
envoy  should  be  searched,  but  nothing  was  found 
save  empty  walls.  It  having  transpired  that  the  envoy 
had  hidden  all  his  furniture  and  treasure  in  a  cloister, 
Alexander  sent  messengers  to  seize  upon  them,  with 
strict  commands  to  bring  him  the  twelve  valuable 
silver  statues  representing  the  Apostles. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  the  Pope  appointed 
Lucrezia  regent  of  the  dukedom  of  Spoleto,  with 
the  life-long  enjoyment  of  its  privileges  and  revenues. 
At  their  father's  command,  Lucrezia  and  her  brother 
Jofre  made  a  brilliant  and  pompous  entry  into  the 
town  (August  1499).  The  magnificence  of  their 
display  almost  rivalled  that  of  Caesar's  visit  to  Chinon. 
They  were  welcomed  with  great  honour  and  respect. 


268    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

On  August  15  Lucrezia  received  the  priors  of  the  city, 
who  swore  allegiance  to  her,  and  later  on  the  Com- 
mune gave  a  state  banquet  in  her  honour.  Her  stay  in 
Spoleto  was  short,  for  her  regency  was  only  a  token  that 
she  had  actually  taken  possession  of  the  territory. 

Lucrezia  was  at  this  time  in  an  extremely  trying 
position.  Her  husband,  Don  Alfonso,  after  having 
lived  with  her  at  Rome  for  a  year,  had  disappeared 
on  August  2.  The  reason  of  his  flight  is  not  quite 
clear,  but  it  was  probably  encouraged  by  the  advice 
of  Ascanio  Sforza,  who  knew  the  plans  of  Alexander 
and  Caesar,  and  realised  that  Louis  XII.  was  aiming 
not  only  at  the  conquest  of  Milan,  but  also  at  the  fall 
of  the  House  of  Naples.  Whether  Lucrezia  knew  of 
her  husband's  intended  flight  is  uncertain.  A  letter 
written  from  Rome  by  a  Venetian  on  August  4  simply 
says :  "  The  Duke  of  Bisceglia,  Madonna  Lucrezia's 
husband,  has  secretly  fled  and  gone  to  the  Colonna 
in  Genazzano  ;  he  deserted  his  wife,  who  has  been  with 
child  for  six  months,  and  she  is  constantly  in  tears." 
(Diary  of  Marino  Sanuto,  quoted  by  Gregorovius.) 

Lucrezia  was  now  utterly  in  the  power  of  the  Pope, 
who,  enraged  at  her  husband's  flight,  banished  his 
sister,  Donna  Sancia,  to  Naples.  Alfonso,  for  whom 
his  wife  seems  to  have  had  a  sincere  affection,  sent  a 
pressing  message  urging  her  to  follow  him  to  Genaz- 
zano ;  but  the  letter  fell  into  Alexander's  hands,  and 
he  compelled  her  to  write  to  her  husband  demanding 
his  return.  It  was  perhaps  to  avoid  the  sight  of 
Lucrezia's  sadness  that  the  Pope  sent  her  from  Rome 
and  entrusted  her  with  the  government  of  Spoleto. 

Alfonso  decided  to  obey  the  papal  command 
and  return  to  his  wife.  Alexander  desired  him  to 
go  to  Spoleto  and  then  come  with  Lucrezia  to  meet 
him  at  Nepi.  Nepi,  although  always  under  ecclesias- 
tical government,  had  several  times  changed  masters. 
Alexander  himself  had  been  appointed  governor  by 
his  uncle  Calixtus,  but  when  he  became  Pope  he 


BIRTH  OF  LUCREZIA'S  SON      269 

conferred  the  position  on  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza. 
At  the  beginning  of  1499,  however,  Alexander  again 
took  upon  himself  the  control  of  the  city,  and  he  now 
delivered  it,  together  with  the  castle  and  domain  of 
Nepi,  into  the  hands  of  Lucrezia.  On  September  4, 
1499,  Francesco  Borgia,  the  Pope's  treasurer,  took 
possession  of  it  in  her  name. 

On  October  10  the  Pope  despatched  a  brief  to 
the  city  of  Nepi  commanding  the  municipality 
thenceforth  to  render  obedience  to  Lucrezia,  Duchess 
of  Bisceglia,  as  their  true  sovereign.  Two  days  later 
he  invested  his  daughter  with  the  power  to  remit 
some  of  the  taxes  to  which  the  inhabitants  had  been 
subject.  On  October  14  Lucrezia  returned  to  Rome, 
and  on  November  I  she  gave  birth  to  a  son,  who  was 
named  Rodrigo,  out  of  compliment  to  the  Pope. 
He  was  baptized  with  great  ceremony  on  November  n, 
in  the  presence  of  ambassadors  from  England,  Venice, 
Naples,  Savoy,  Siena,  and  Florence,  as  well  as  many 
other  dignitaries. 

Caesar  Borgia,  who  was  now  in  high  favour  with 
Louis  XII.,  had,  with  the  papal  troops  and  some 
French  reinforcements,  set  out  on  his  campaign 
against  the  Tyrants  of  the  Romagna.  His  intention 
was  to  attack  the  Sforzas  of  Pesaro,  the  Malatesta  of 
Rimini,  the  Manfredi  of  Faenza,  the  Riarii  of  Imola 
and  Forli,  the  Varana  of  Camerino,  and  the  Monte- 
feltri  of  Urbino.  When  Alexander  returned  from 
Nepi  to  Rome,  rendered  confident  by  Caesar's  alliance 
with  France,  he  had  Giacopo  Caetani,  Protonotary  of 
the  Roman  Chair,  arrested  on  an  unjust  pretext,  in 
order  that  he  might  seize  his  possessions.  Caetani 
soon  died  in  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo,  whereupon  his 
son,  Niccolo,  heir  to  the  property  of  Sermoneta,  was 
seized  and  strangled,  by  the  Pope's  command.  Hardly 
was  the  victim  dead  when  Alexander  announced  that 
the  town  of  Sermoneta  and  the  other  possessions  of 
the  Caetani  had  fallen  to  the  Papal  See. 


270    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Pope  was  at  this 
time  completely  under  the  malignant  influence  of 
Caesar,  who  was  the  moving  spirit  in  many  deeds  of 
infamy  which  his  father  would  hardly  have  conceived 
unaided. 

The  troops  which  Louis  of  France  had  promised  to 
the  Borgias  consisted  of  300  lances  under  the  com- 
mand of  d'Allegre,  and  4,000  Swiss,  who,  neverthe- 
less, were  to  be  paid  by  the  Pope.  After  forcing  Imola 
to  surrender,  Caesar  proceeded  to  besiege  Forli,  whose 
citadel  was  bravely  defended  by  the  spirited  and 
beautiful  Caterina  Sforza.  She  was  a  woman  of 
extraordinary  courage  and  skill,  yet  with  the  few 
resources  at  her  command  she  was  in  no  position  to 
hold  out  for  any  length  of  time.  If,  however,  the 
plot  of  one  of  her  faithful  servants  had  succeeded 
not  only  Caterina,  but  also  the  whole  of  Italy,  would 
have  been  freed  from  the  tyrannical  yoke  of  the 
Borgias.  Tomasino,  one  of  the  Pope's  musicians,  a 
native  of  Forli,  went  to  Rome  with  forged  letters  from 
the  citizens,  begging  the  Pope  to  make  peace.  These 
letters,  it  is  said,  "  were  charged  with  so  virulent  a 
poison  that  the  death  of  the  person  who  opened  them 
was  assured."  They  were  rolled  up  inside  a  hollow  reed, 
and  Tomasino  confided  the  secret  to  one  of  Alexander's 
servants,  who  promised  his  support.  But  the  plot,  in 
spite  of  every  precaution,  reached  the  Pope's  ears  and 
both  the  conspirators  were  arrested.  From  Burchard 
we  learn  that,  in  answer  to  the  Judge's  question  how 
he  could  expect  to  escape  when  he  had  been  contem- 
plating so  dreadful  a  crime,  Tomasino  said  that  his 
only  thought  had  been  for  Caterina,  that  Imola  and 
Forli  would  have  thereby  been  freed  from  Caesar's 
tyranny,  and,  moreover,  that  death  for  such  a  cause 
was  to  him  of  little  moment. 

The  fate  of  the  two  culprits  is  unknown,  but  judging 
from  the  temper  of  the  Borgias,  their  punishment 
could  have  been  no  light  one. 


POISONING  OF  CARDINAL  BORGIA    271 

On  January  12, 1500,  the  citadel  of  Forli  capitulated, 
overcome  by  the  violent  attacks  of  the  enemy  and  the 
cowardice  of  some  of  the  officers  of  the  garrison. 
Caterina  herself  fell  into  the  hands  of  Caesar.  Accord- 
ing to  the  reports  of  the  time,  he  led  her  in  golden 
chains  to  Rome,  where  the  Pope  assigned  her  rooms 
in  the  Belvedere,  and  where  she  remained  in  terror 
of  Caesar's  poison.  After  a  futile  attempt  at  flight 
she  was  taken  to  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo  ;  but  some 
French  gentlemen,  in  particular  Ivo  d'All£gre,  per- 
suaded the  Pope  to  set  her  free  and  to  allow  her  to 
retire  to  Florence,  after  having  spent  a  year  and  a  half 
in  captivity.  She  spent  her  last  days  in  a  convent 
and  died  there  in  1509,  leaving  behind  a  son  of  the 
same  bold  spirit  as  herself — Giovanni  Medici.  He 
was  the  last  of  the  great  condottieri,  and  became 
famous  as  the  leader  of  the  Black  Bands. » 

During  the  siege  of  Forli  Caesar  committed  a  crime 
of  which  only  a  mind  in  the  last  stages  of  depravity 
could  have  been  guilty.  Juan  Borgia  had  been 
chosen  by  the  Pope  as  legate  a  later e,  and  journeyed  to 
Forli  to  parley  with  Caesar,  who,  though  he  hated 
him  on  account  of  his  predilection  for  the  Duke  of 
Gandia,  received  him  graciously.  Caesar  invited  him 
to  a  banquet  and  had  poison  mixed  with  his  food. 
The  unhappy  Cardinal  had  hardly  tasted  it  when 
he  began  to  feel  unwell ;  nevertheless,  he  continued 
his  journey  to  Rome.  At  Urbino,  however,  he  was 
seized  with  such  violent  sickness  that  he  nearly 
died.  While  he  was  fighting  against  death  he  heard 
of  the  capture  of  Forli,  and,  notwithstanding  his 
condition,  he  decided  to  go  and  congratulate  Caesar 
on  his  success.  He  had  hardly  reached  Fossombrone 
when  he  succumbed  to  the  effects  of  the  poison. 
Some  maintain  that  he  did  not  suspect  Caesar's 
treachery  until  a  few  minutes  before  his  death,  and 

1  Catherine  Sforza,  by  Count  Pasolini.  French  version  by  Marc 
Helys  (Paris,  1912). 


272    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

that  with  his  dying  breath  he  gasped :  "  I  see  now 
only  too  clearly  that  Caesar  wishes  us  all  to  go  the  same 
way  as  the  Duke  of  Gandia."1 

At  the  same  time  Cerviglione,  Captain  of  the 
papal  troop,  was  murdered  by  command  of  Caesar, 
whom  he  justly  suspected  of  carrying  on  an  amorous 
intrigue  with  his  wife.  The  Pope  seemed  little 
concerned  at  his  son's  iniquities.  Indeed,  Rome  and 
the  whole  States  of  the  Church  were  just  then  over- 
run with  assassins,  so  that  one  crime  more  or  less 
was  a  mere  trifle.  The  Borgias,  secure  in  their 
alliance  with  France,  openly  robbed  some  by  force 
of  arms,  while  they  had  others  secretly  murdered 
in  order  to  prey  upon  their  riches.  Thus  Agnelli, 
Archbishop  of  Cosenza,  was  poisoned  at  his  own 
table  by  one  of  the  Borgias'  hired  assassins.  The 
Archbishop,  who  with  his  relations  and  friends  had 
enjoyed  a  merry  meal,  was  the  next  morning  found 
dead  in  bed  with  every  symptom  of  poisoning.  "  His 
face  was  so  much  disfigured  that  it  was  terrible  to 
look  upon." 

Alexander  immediately  seized  upon  the  dead  man's 
riches  and  sent  them  to  Caesar.  The  Archbishopric 
he  bestowed  upon  Francesco  Borgia,  son  of  Calixtus 
III.,  while  his  post  as  Secretary  of  the  Apostolic 
Chamber  he  bartered  for  5,600  ducats  to  a  Genoese 
merchant  named  Ventura  Benessai. 

It  was  the  Pope's  pleasant  custom  to  claim  for  his 
own  all  the  possessions  left  by  deceased  clerics,  regard- 
less of  any  last  will  and  testament  left  by  them. 
The  benefices  were  sold  in  so  shameless  a  manner  that 
Cardinal  Bembo  remarked  that  the  only  way  of 
remedying  so  great  an  evil  would  be  for  the  secular 
princes  to  forbid  their  subjects  to  purchase  them 
under  pain  of  life-long  banishment  and  confiscation 
of  their  goods. 

1  Pastor  considers  the  story  of  Caesar's  having  poisoned  his  nephew 
to  be  groundless.  See  History  of  the  Popes,  vol.  vi.  p.  73. 


FALL  OF  LUDOVICO  SFORZA     273 

Hardly  five  months  had  passed  since  the  entry  of 
Louis  XII.  into  Milan  when  the  Milanese,  exasperated 
by  the  cruelty  and  infamy  of  the  French,  turned 
again  to  Ludovico  Sforza,  whose  harsh  rule  seemed 
mild  in  comparison  with  that  of  France.  Sforza,  who 
had  appealed  in  vain  to  Maximilian  for  help,  now 
took  8,000  Swiss  into  his  pay  and  united  his  forces 
and  those  of  Ascanio,  who  came  over  the  mountains 
into  Italy  and  seized  Como.  On  February  5,  1500, 
the  gates  of  Milan  opened  to  receive  Ludovico,  who 
was  now  apparently  re-established  as  Lord  of  Milan. 

But  the  King  of  France  was  not  inclined  to  submit 
tamely  to  this  snatching  away  of  his  conquest,  and 
sent  an  army  under  la  Tremouille  to  expel  Ludovico. 
A  battle  was  fought  at  Novara,  whose  citadel  was 
still  occupied  by  the  French,  although  they  had  been 
driven  from  the  town.  The  Swiss  refused  to  fight 
against  their  kinsmen  in  the  French  army,  and 
remained  obdurate  when  Sforza,  with  promises  and 
tears,  begged  them  at  least  to  convey  him  to  a  place 
of  safety.  On  April  10,  1500,  he  was  taken  prisoner, 
probably  through  the  treachery  of  some  of  his  Swiss 
soldiers,  who  were  tempted  by  the  high  price  which 
la  Tremouille  set  upon  his  capture. 

Ludovico  was  taken  to  Lyons,  where,  upon  his 
arrival,  a  huge  crowd  collected  eager  to  witness  the 
downfall  of  so  mighty  a  Prince.  After  staying  two 
days  there  without  being  allowed  to  address  the 
King,  he  was  taken  to  the  terrible  state  prison  in 
the  Castle  of  Loches,  where  he  languished  for  ten 
years,  at  first  in  a  subterranean  dungeon  and  afterwards 
in  an  upper  chamber.  Such  was  the  pitiful  end  of 
the  false  and  passionate  Ludovico  Sforza,  whose 
vaulting  ambition  had  thus  o'erleapt  itself. 

Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza,  who  had  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  the  Venetians  and  been  delivered  over  to 
the  French,  was  treated  with  greater  humanity.  He 

SB 


274    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

was  taken  to  Bourges  and  kept  in  honourable  captivity 
where  King  Louis  himself  had  been  imprisoned  a  few, 
years  before. 

The  news  of  Ludovico's  fall  reached  Rome  on 
the  evening  of  April  14,  1500.  The  Pope  is  said  to 
have  rewarded  the  messenger  with  100  ducats,  and 
the  Orsini  gave  expression  to  their  joy  by  means  of 
bonfires. 

The  rising  in  Milan  forced  Trivulzio  to  beg  troops 
from  the  Venetians.  At  the  same  time  he  withdrew 
the  French  soldiers  who  were  with  d'Allegre  in  the 
Romagna,  thus  leaving  him  with  his  forces  so  much 
weakened  that  he  was  unable  to  continue  the  war. 
He  retired  with  his  troops  to  Rome  (February  26, 
1500),  where  a  brilliant  reception  awaited  him.  The 
Pope  could  hardly  control  his  impatience  for  his  son's 
arrival ;  he  was  feverish  and  agitated,  "  weeping  and 
laughing  at  the  same  time."  His  heart  was  filled 
with  pride  at  Caesar's  wonderful  abilities,  for  he  had 
displayed  extraordinary  powers  of  organisation  during 
the  campaign.  All  the  Cardinals  were  commanded 
to  send  their  retinues  to  meet  the  conqueror,  and 
all  the  magistrates,  ambassadors,  and  other  dignitaries 
were  requested  to  join  in  the  procession.  Cardinals 
Orsini,  Farnese,  and  Giovanni  Borgia  went  as  far  as 
Civita  Castellana  to  welcome  him.  Having  been 
greeted  by  the  Cardinals,  he  continued  his  way 
through  the  Corso  to  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo.  First 
came  a  number  of  carriages,  followed  by  fifty  noble- 
men richly  clothed ;  then  a  troop  of  trumpeters  and 
minstrels,  who,  however,  were  forbidden  to  play, 
three  heralds — Alfonso,  Duke  of  Bisceglia,  Lucrezia's 
ill-fated  husband,  and  Jofre,  Duke  of  Squillace, 
Caesar's  younger  brother.  Finally  came  Caesar  himself, 
riding  between  two  Cardinals.  He  was  clad  in  black 
velvet,  with  a  finely  wrought  chain  of  gold  round 
his  neck.  After  him  marched  a  hundred  servants  on 
foot,  each  one  clothed  in  black  velvet  and  bearing  a 


INAUGURATION  OF  JUBILEE  YEAR   275 

stick  in  his  hand.  Lastly  came  the  foreign 
ambassadors,  each  of  whom  had  an  Archbishop  or 
Bishop  on  his  right. 

The  proceedings  were  unpleasantly  disturbed  by  a 
dispute  between  the  English  and  Neapolitan  envoys 
and  the  two  representatives  of  the  King  of  Navarre 
as  to  their  order  of  precedence.  The  question  could 
not  be  satisfactorily  settled,  and  the  Navarrese  left  the 
procession  in  a  state  of  high  dudgeon. 

As  Caesar  rode  past  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo  he  was 
honoured  as  no  one  had  been  before  him.  The  whole 
garrison  stood  on  the  walls  and  ramparts,  under  arms, 
with  unfurled  banners  bearing  allusions  to  the  Duke's 
exploits,  while  a  triple  salute  was  fired  by  the  artillery. 

The  Pope,  meanwhile,  viewed  the  proceedings  from 
a  balcony,  in  company  with  the  Cardinals  Monreale 
and  Cesarini.  As  soon  as  his  son  reached  the  portico 
of  the  Vatican,  Alexander  rushed  into  the  Papagallo 
room  to  welcome  him.  The  throne,  steps,  and  floor 
were  decked  with  gold  brocade.  Csesar  advanced 
gravely  to  the  threshold,  inclining  himself  ceremo- 
niously. Burchard,  who  was  present  in  his  official 
capacity,  heard  him  thank  his  father,  in  Spanish,  for 
all  the  favours  which  he  had  showered  upon  him. 
As  he  bent  down  to  kiss  the  Pope's  foot,  Alexander 
could  no  longer  restrain  himself,  and,  with  a  passionate 
gesture,  caught  hold  of  his  son  and  pressed  him  to  his 
heart.  Caesar's  triumph  seemed  indeed  to  be  com- 
plete. The  Duke  of  Gandia's  murder  was  apparently 
forgotten,  and  Valentinois,  "  biondo  e  bello,"  was  the 
admired  of  all  beholders  on  that  festive  day. 

Although  the  Jubilee  year  (1500)  had  hardly  begun, 
the  Pope  inaugurated  a  masked  fete  in  order  to  give 
his  son  a  chance  of  displaying  his  unbridled  luxury. 
It  was  at  this  time  that  Csesar,  taking  the  Roman 
Emperor  for  his  model,  adopted  the  device,  Aut 
Ccesar,  aut  nihil.  On  the  Piazza  Navona  was  pro- 
duced a  representation  of  the  Triumph  of  Julius 


276  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Caesar.  The  procession  opened  with  twelve  triumphal 
chariots,  in  the  last  of  which  sat  Caesar  himself, 
magnificently  attired,  and  accompanied  by  a  numerous 
suite.  It  moved  slowly  towards  the  Vatican,  that 
the  Pope  might  behold  the  wondrous  spectacle. 

Alexander  was  clearly  overwhelmed  with  a  sense 
of  his  son's  marvellous  abilities.  Not  long  after 
this  he  summoned  a  Consistory,  and  with  the  Car- 
dinals' consent  made  him  Gonfaloniere  and  General- 
issimo of  the  Church,  at  the  same  time  presenting 
him  with  the  Golden  Rose. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

The  Jubilee  Year,  1500 — Florence  renews  her  efforts  for  the  over- 
throw of  Pisa — Narrow  escape  of  Alexander  VI. — Murder  of 
Alfonso  of  Bisceglia — Lucrezia  sent  to  Nepi  to  indulge  her  grief — 
Raising  of  money  for  Caesar's  campaign — His  entry  into  Pesaro 
described  by  Pandolfo  Collenuccio — Surrender  of  Rimini  and 
Faenza — Astorre  Manfredi — The  wife  of  Caracciolo,  the  Venetian 
General,  falls  into  Caesar's  power — Louis  XII.  pursues  his  plan 
of  attacking  Naples — Caesar  turns  his  attention  to  Florence — 
Reign  of  Federigo  of  Naples — Claims  of  France  and  Spain  to  his 
kingdom — The  Pope  attacks  the  Colonna — Alexander's  rapa- 
city— Double-dealing  of  Gonsalvo  da  Cordova — Siege  of  Capua 
— Ill-treatment  of  the  inhabitants  by  the  French  and  Caesar 
Borgia — Fate  of  King  Federigo — Piombino  surrenders  to  Caesar 
— A  third  husband  found  for  Lucrezia — Great  celebrations  in 
Rome— Lucrezia  sets  out  for  her  new  home  in  Ferrara. 

THE  year  1500  was  the  year  of  Jubilee.  Preparations 
for  its  celebration  were  begun  as  early  as  1498,  for 
Alexander  VI.  was  a  Pope  who  revelled  in  ceremonies 
and  public  displays.  Pilgrims  thronged  to  visit  the 
tombs  of  the  Apostles  that  they  might  gain  the 
indulgences  granted  for  such  expeditions.  The  dis- 
turbed state  of  northern  Italy  and  the  badness  of 
the  roads  doubtless  prevented  many  from  leaving 
their  homes,  but  the  numbers  who  assembled  in 
Rome  bore  witness  to  the  influence  which  religion 
still  held  over  men's  minds,  as  well  as  to  the  respect 
still  maintained  for  the  Holy  See.  On  the  Thursday 
of  Holy  Week  the  number  gathered  together  to  receive 
the  papal  benediction  was  estimated  at  100,000. 
"  I  rejoice,"  wrote  Peter  Delphinus,  "  that  the 
Christian  religion  does  not  lack  the  testimony  of 

277 


278    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

pious  minds,  especially  in  these  times  of  failing  faith 
and  depravity  of  morals." 

The  conditions  prevailing  in  Rome  at  that  time 
could  not  have  contributed  much  to  the  edification 
of  these  pious  pilgrims.  Many  scandalous  tales  about 
the  Pope  and  his  family  were  flying  about  the  city, 
which  was  frequently  the  scene  of  brawling  and  blood- 
shed. It  is  said  that,  one  day  in  May,  no  less  than 
eighteen  corpses  were  hung  up  on  the  Bridge  of 
Sant'  Angelo.  One  of  the  most  prominent  evildoers 
of  the  time  was  a  doctor  of  the  Hospital  of  San  Gio- 
vanni in  Laterano,  who  used  to  go  out  in  the  early 
morning  to  shoot  the  passers-by,  and  then  plunder  their 
dead  bodies.  He  was  associated  in  crime  with  the 
confessor  of  the  hospital,  who  encouraged  him  to  poison 
the  wealthy  among  their  patients,  that  they  might 
share  the  spoils  between  them. 

Spectacles  of  worldly  splendour  also  greeted  the 
pilgrims'  eyes.  One  day  a  Frenchman  and  a  Bur- 
gundian  fought  a  duel  on  Monte  Testaccio.  One  of 
the  combatants  was  backed  by  Caesar  Borgia,  and  the 
other  by  the  Princess  of  Squillace.  On  another 
occasion  Caesar  gave  a  Spanish  display  in  the  Piazza. 
of  St.  Peter's.  Mounted  on  horseback,  he  slew 
five  bulls  with  a  lance,  and  beheaded  a  sixth  with  one 
stroke  of  the  sword. 

The  Florentines  were  meanwhile  making  fresh 
preparations  for  the  overthrow  of  the  Pisans.  Since 
they  had  concluded  an  alliance  with  the  French 
King  and  sent  a  considerable  force  to  his  aid,  they 
thought  that  they  might  reasonably  count  upon 
help  from  France.  Cardinal  de  Rohan,  governor  of 
Milan,  was  at  last  induced  to  send  them  600  cavalry, 
8,000  Swiss,  and  a  train  of  heavy  artillery  and  other 
implements  of  war.  The  Florentines  also  enlisted 
the  help  of  Italian  warriors  in  order  to  besiege  the 
unfortunate  town  still  more  effectively.  The  Pisans, 
not  relying  entirely  upon  their  valour  and  the  strong 


NARROW  ESCAPE  OF  ALEXANDER    279 

fortifications  of  their  town,  entered  into  negotiations 
with  Beaumont,  the  leader  of  the  French  troops, 
offering  to  surrender  to  the  King  of  France.  But 
Beaumont  continued  the  siege,  and  destroyed  part 
of  the  walls.  When,  however,  a  riotous  band  of 
soldiers  was  about  to  rush  upon  the  town,  they  found 
their  progress  interrupted  by  a  deep  trench,  which 
was  fortified  by  a  rampart  just  erected  by  the  Pisans. 
The  French,  unable  to  proceed,  were  greatly  em- 
barrassed, and  Beaumont  now  felt  inclined  to  consider 
the  proposed  offer.  A  mutual  agreement  was  arrived 
at,  and  the  French  were  received  with  open  arms. 
Great  confusion  prevailed  among  the  besieging  troops, 
who  broke  all  the  bonds  of  discipline.  The  Pisans, 
thereupon,  made  a  bold  sortie,  advanced  upon  Libra- 
fetta  and  took  possession  of  the  place,  which  was  of 
great  importance  as  the  approach  to  Lucca. 

Louis  XII.  was  deeply  indignant  at  this  affront 
to  his  army.  The  Florentines  sent  ambassadors — 
among  them  Machiavelli — in  the  hope  of  soothing 
him,  but  not  until  they  had  promised  him  fresh 
subsidies  did  the  King  look  upon  them  with  favour. 
He  even  proffered  renewed  assistance,  but  the  Floren- 
tines, who  either  harboured  suspicions  or  were  not 
in  a  position  to  continue  the  war,  declined  his  support. 

Csesar  stayed  in  Rome  several  months  in  order 
to  raise  money  for  his  enterprises  in  the  Romagna. 
His  high-flown  plans  were,  however,  soon  frustrated. 
On  the  day  before  the  Feast  of  St.  Peter  and  St. 
Paul  the  Pope  had  a  very  narrow  escape  from  death 
through  the  fall  of  a  piece  of  iron  in  the  Basilica. 
The  next  day,  as  he  was  sitting  in  his  room  with  the 
Cardinal  of  Capua  and  Monsignore  Peto,  his  private 
secretary,  a  sudden  and  alarming  hurricane  arose 
and  tore  off  the  roof  of  the  upper  part  of  the  Sala 
de'  Papi.  A  quantity  of  masonry  crashed  into  the 
room,  but  the  Pope  was  protected  by  the  balcony 
from  injury.  His  two  companions  snouted  to  the 


280    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

watchman  that  his  Holiness  was  killed,  and  the 
news  immediately  spread  all  over  Rome.  But  when 
the  clouds  of  dust  had  settled  they  were  able  to  make 
their  way  to  the  place  where  he  lay  stunned  and 
wounded.  Three  nobles,  who  had  been  precipitated 
from  the  upper  story,  were  lying  near,  in  an  un- 
conscious and  dying  condition.  The  Pope  was  carried 
into  the  adjoining  hall,  where  he  soon  recovered 
consciousness.  His  injuries,  it  was  found,  were 
not  serious.  There  was  a  slight  wound  on  the  head, 
and  one  of  the  right-hand  fingers,  on  which  he  wore 
the  papal  ring,  was  badly  crushed.  The  first  night 
his  temperature  was  high,  but  he  soon  began  to  mend. 
"  If  nothing  unforeseen  occurs,"  writes  the  Mantuan 
envoy  on  July  2,  "  he  will  recover." 

Caesar  and  Jofre"  hastened  to  express  their  joy  at 
their  father's  rescue.  The  Pope,  however,  seems  to 
have  turned  in  his  weakness  to  Lucrezia,  than  whom 
he  would  have  no  other  nurse.  When  the  Venetian 
ambassador  visited  him  on  July  3  he  found  with 
him  Madonna  Lucrezia,  Sancia  and  Jofre',  and  one 
of  Lucrezia' s  maids  of  honour,  who  stood  high  in  the 
favour  of  the  seventy-year-old  Pope. 

"  Any  other  man  would  have  been  led  to  look 
into  himself  and  consider  his  ways  by  such  a  series 
of  narrow  escapes  ;  but  Alexander  was  a  true  Borgia  ; 
he  thanked  God  and  the  Blessed  Virgin  and  SS. 
Peter  and  Paul  for  his  preservation,  and  lived  on  as 
before."  Writing  of  Alexander  in  September  1500, 
Paolo  Capello  says  :  "  The  Pope  is  now  seventy  years 
of  age.  He  grows  younger  every  day.  His  cares  never 
last  the  night  through.  He  is  always  merry,  and  never 
does  anything  that  he  does  not  like.  The  advancement 
of  his  children  is  his  only  care ;  nothing  else  troubles 
him."' 

A  considerable  sum  of  money  was  necessary  for 
the  execution  of  Caesar's  plans.  Alexander  entered 

1  Pastor 


DUKE  OF  BISCEGLIA  MURDERED   281 

heart  and  soul  into  the  raising  of  supplies  for  him. 
People  who  paid  one-third  of  the  cost  of  a  pilgrimage 
to  Rome  were  entitled  to  the  privileges  conferred 
by  the  actual  journey.  From  Venice  alone  were 
received  799,000  livres  in  gold.  As  a  pretext  for 
this  unusual  accumulation  of  money,  it  was  given  out 
that  the  Pope  wished  to  equip  a  fleet  to  support 
the  Venetians  against  the  Turks.  But  this  help  was 
of  a  less  substantial  kind,  and  consisted  merely  in  the 
command  that  all  the  faithful  should  say  an  Ave 
Maria  or  the  Angelus  at  the  sound  of  morning,  midday, 
and  evening  bells. 

Caesar  had  long  cherished  an  intense  hatred  of 
Lucrezia's  husband,  Alfonso  of  Bisceglia,  whom  he 
regarded  as  a  hindrance  in  the  way  of  providing  him- 
self with  a  more  profitable  brother-in-law.  He  there- 
fore resolved  to  get  rid  of  him. 

On  July  15,  1500,  the  news  of  a  terrible  deed  spread 
through  the  city  of  Rome.  Late  at  night  Alfonso, 
who  was  on  his  way  from  the  Vatican  to  visit  Lucrezia, 
had  been  struck  down  on  the  steps  of  St.  Peter's 
by  a  band  of  masked  men  who  attacked  him  with 
daggers  and  left  him  for  dead.  The  Duke,  however, 
revived  and  managed  to  drag  himself  as  far  as  the 
Pope's  apartments,  where  Lucrezia,  at  the  sight  of 
her  husband  covered  with  blood,  fell  on  the  ground 
in  a  faint.  Alfonso  was  carried  to  another  room  in 
the  Vatican,  where  a  Cardinal  immediately  adminis- 
tered Extreme  Unction.  In  spite  of  his  severe  wounds, 
however,  he  began  to  recover.  The  Pope  placed 
sixteen  sentinels  at  the  door  of  his  room,  and,  in  order 
to  avoid  the  risk  of  poisoning,  all  his  food  was  cooked 
by  his  sister  Donna  Sancia  and  his  wife  Lucrezia, 
though  the  latter  was  still  suffering  severely  from  the 
effects  of  the  shock. 

All  Rome  was  prating  about  the  attempted  murder. 
On  July  19  the  Venetian  ambassador  wrote  to  his 
Seignory  :  "  It  is  not  known  who  wounded  the  Duke, 


282    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

but  it  is  said  to  be  the  same  person  who  murdered  the 
Duke  of  Gandia  and  threw  him  into  the  Tiber.  Mon- 
signore  of  Valentinois  has  issued  an  edict  that  no  one 
shall  be  found  with  arms  between  the  Castle  of  Sant' 
Angelo  and  St.  Peter's,  on  pain  of  death." 

To  the  same  ambassador  Caesar  remarked :  "I 
did  not  wound  the  Duke ;  but,  if  I  had  done  so,  he 
would  well  have  deserved  it."  To  the  great  surprise 
of  every  one,  he  even  paid  a  visit  to  the  wounded  man, 
though  it  was  said  that,  as  he  left  the  sick-room,  he  was 
heard  to  mutter  these  pregnant  words  :  "  What  is  not 
accomplished  at  midday,  may  be  done  at  night." 

When  the  prospect  of  Alfonso's  recovery  was 
established  beyond  a  doubt,  Borgia  lost  patience. 
On  August  18,  at  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening,  he  paid 
another  visit  to  his  brother-in-law,  who  was  by  this 
time  allowed  to  sit  up.  Forcibly  ejecting  Lucrezia 
and  Sancia  from  the  room,  Caesar  summoned  his 
fiendish  friend  Michelotto,  who,  throwing  the  young 
Duke  across  his  bed,  strangled  him  without  more 
ado.  This  gruesome  deed  done,  they  bore  the  dead 
man  to  St.  Peter's,  without  priest  and  without  prayers, 
amid  the  silence  of  the  night. 

Caesar  now  threw  off  his  mask  of  hypocrisy  and 
declared  openly  that  he  had  committed  the  murder 
in  self-defence,  as  Alfonso  had  on  one  occasion  tried 
to  take  his  life.  He  had,  he  said,  once  been  walking 
in  the  Vatican  gardens,  when  one  of  the  archers  of 
the  Duke  of  Bisceglia  had  directed  an  arrow  at  his  ear. 

The  way  in  which  the  Pope  regarded  this  crime 
shows  clearly  what  a  terrible  power  Caesar  wielded 
over  his  father.  The  Venetian  envoy  leads  us  to 
suppose  that  Alexander  had  even  made  some  feeble 
attempt  to  protect  Alfonso's  life ;  but  as  soon  as  the 
murder  was  committed  he  glossed  the  matter  over, 
partly  from  fear  of  his  formidable  son,  and  partly 
because  the  Duke's  removal  would  afford  him  oppor- 
tunities which  he  desired. 


DEPARTURE  OF  LUCREZIA       283 

"  Never,"  says  Gregorovius,  "  was  bloody  deed  so 
soon  forgotten.  The  murder  of  a  prince  of  the  royal 
House  of  Naples  made  no  more  impression  than  the 
death  of  a  Vatican  stable-boy  would  have  done.  No 
one  avoided  Caesar ;  none  of  the  priests  refused  him 
admission  to  the  Church,  and  all  the  Cardinals  con- 
tinued to  show  him  the  deepest  reverence  and  respect. 
Prelates  vied  with  each  other  to  receive  the  red 
hat  from  the  hand  of  the  all-powerful  murderer,  who 
offered  the  dignity  to  the  highest  bidders." 

The  unhappy  Lucrezia,  who  had  really  loved 
Alfonso,  was  in  a  pitiable  position.  That  she  was 
incapable  of  any  very  great  depth  of  feeling  is  possible, 
but  that  the  conduct  of  her  father  and  brother  did 
not  fill  her  with  impotent  rebellion  is  hardly  credible. 
On  August  30  she  turned  her  back  on  Rome,  so  full 
of  hideous  memories,  and,  accompanied  by  a  retinue 
of  six  hundred  riders,  set  out  for  Nepi,  where  she 
might  indulge  her  grief  unobserved.  Her  father  and 
brother  were  probably  relieved  to  be  rid  of  her  tearful 
presence.  Paolo  Capello,  the  Venetian  ambassador, 
who  left  Rome  on  September  16,  1500,  in  his  report 
to  his  Government,  says :  "  Madonna  Lucrezia,  who 
is  gracious  and  generous,  formerly  stood  high  in  the 
Pope's  favour,  but  now  she  is  so  no  longer." 

How  long  Lucrezia  stayed  at  Nepi  we  do  not  know. 
Her  father  probably  recalled  her  to  Rome  in  September 
or  October,  when  a  reconciliation  took  place  between 
them.  Lucrezia's  buoyancy  of  spirit  soon  reasserted 
itself,  and  her  mind  became  filled  with  visions  of  a 
brilliant  future  in  face  of  which  the  sadness  of  her 
widowhood  faded  into  nothingness.  That  Lucrezia 
was  a  strong  or  noble  character  will  hardly  be  main- 
tained even  by  the  most  daring  of  her  apologists,  but 
that  she  was  gentle  and  sweet,  as  well  as  affectionate, 
cannot  be  denied.  Far  from  being  the  vindictive, 
passionate  heroine  of  romance,  this  unfortunate 
woman  was  little  more  than  a  passive  agent  in  the 


284    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

hands  of  her  father  and  her  brother,  whose  strong 
and  vigorous  personalities  easily  dominated  her 
colourless  and  plastic  nature.  She  was  essentially 
a  child  of  circumstance,  more  sinned  against  than 
sinning. 

The  expenses  of  Caesar's  campaign  were  still  very 
heavy,  and  all  Alexander's  extortions  did  not  suffice 
to  pay  them.  The  Pope  was,  therefore,  obliged  to 
borrow  considerable  sums  from  merchants  and  others, 
in  particular  from  a  certain  Agostino  Chigi,  a  brother 
of  Lorenzo  Chigi,  one  of  the  nobles  who  met  his  end 
in  the  accident  to  the  Vatican  apartment.  He  was 
one  of  the  wealthiest  men  in  Rome,  and  not  only  lent 
Alexander  many  thousand  ducats,  but  also  gave  him 
his  plate,  which  the  Pope  immediately  had  melted. 

The  year  1500  was  for  Caesar  a  year  of  good  fortune. 
The  Venetians,  who  were  in  close  alliance  with  the 
King  of  France  and  the  Pope,  sent  him  a  patent  by 
which  he  became  a  Venetian  noble.  This  mark  of 
favour  greatly  encouraged  him  in  his  ambitious  plans. 
Towards  the  end  of  September  Caesar  advanced 
against  the  town  of  Pesaro,  which  received  him  without 
resistance,  and  he  entered  with  public  honours  the 
Sforza  Palace,  where,  hardly  four  years  before,  Lucrezia 
had  lived  with  her  husband,  Giovanni  Sforza,  the 
hereditary  Lord  of  Pesaro.  A  witness  of  Caesar's  entry 
was  Pandolfo  Collenuccio,  who,  having  once  been 
banished  by  Sforza,  had  found  an  asylum  at  Ferrara. 
He  was  now  despatched  by  Duke  Ercole  to  congratulate 
Caesar  on  his  capture  of  Pesaro.  On  October  29, 
1500,  Collenuccio  wrote  to  the  Duke  the  following 
letter,  quoted  by  Gregorovius  in  his  Lucrezia  Borgia  : 

"  MY  ILLUSTRIOUS  MASTER, 

"  Having  left  your  Excellency,  I  reached  Pesaro 
two  and  a  half  days  ago,  arriving  there  on  Thursday 
at  the  twenty-fourth  hour.  At  exactly  the  same 
time  the  Duke  of  Valentino  (Caesar)  made  his  entry. 


LETTER  FROM  COLLENUCCIO    285 

The  whole  population  was  gathered  about  the  city 
gate,  and  he  was  received  in  the  midst  of  a  heavy 
storm  of  rain  and  presented  with  the  keys  of  the  city. 
He  took  up  his  abode  hi  the  palace,  in  the  room 
formerly  occupied  by  Signer  Giovanni.  His  entry, 
from  what  my  people  tell  me,  was  very  impressive. 
It  was  orderly,  and  he  was  accompanied  by  many 
horses  and  foot-soldiers.  The  same  evening  I  notified 
him  of  my  arrival,  and  requested  an  audience  as  soon 
as  it  might  suit  his  Majesty's  convenience.  About 
2  o'clock  at  night  [eight  o'clock  in  the  evening]  he 
sent  Signer  Ramiro  and  his  major-domo  to  call 
upon  me  and  to  ask  me  in  the  most  courteous  manner 
whether  I  was  comfortably  lodged  and  whether, 
owing  to  the  great  crowd  of  people  in  the  city,  I 
lacked  anything.  He  also  bade  them  tell  me  to  rest 
myself  thoroughly,  and  that  he  would  receive  me  on 
the  following  day.  Early  on  Wednesday  he  sent  a 
courier  to  me  with  a  sack  of  barley,  a  cask  of  wine,  a 
wether,  eight  pairs  of  capons  and  hens,  two  large 
torches,  two  bundles  of  wax  candles,  and  two  boxes 
of  sweetmeats.  He,  however,  appointed  no  time  for 
an  audience,  but  he  sent  his  apologies  and  begged 
me  not  to  think  it  strange.  The  reason  was  that 
he  had  risen  at  the  twentieth  hour  [two  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon]  and  had  dined,  then  had  gone  to  the 
castle  and  spent  the  night,  returning  greatly  exhausted 
in  consequence  of  a  sore  in  the  groin. 

"  To-day,  after  he  had  dined,  about  the  twenty- 
second  hour  [four  in  the  afternoon],  he  sent  Signer 
Ramiro  to  fetch  me  to  him.  With  great  frankness  and 
amiability  his  Majesty  first  apologised  for  not  having 
granted  me  an  audience  on  the  preceding  day,  owing 
to  his  having  so  much  to  do  in  the  castle,  and  also 
on  account  of  the  pain  caused  by  his  ulcer.  After 
these  preliminaries,  and  when  I  had  announced 
that  the  sole  object  of  my  mission  was  to  wait  upon 
his  Majesty,  to  congratulate  and  thank  him,  and  to 


286    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

offer  your  services,  he  answered  me  in  very  carefully 
chosen  and  fluent  words,  covering  each  point.  The 
gist  of  it  was  that,  knowing  your  Excellency's  ability 
and  goodness,  he  had  always  loved  you  and  hoped 
to  enjoy  personal  relations  with  you.  He  had  looked 
forward  to  this  when  you  were  in  Milan,  but  circum- 
stances then  prevented  it.  But  now  that  he  had 
come  to  this  country,  he — determined  to  fulfil  his 
wish — had  written  the  letter  announcing  his  success, 
of  his  own  free  will  and  as  proof  of  his  love,  feeling 
sure  that  your  Majesty  would  have  pleasure  in  it. 
He  says  that  he  will  continue  to  keep  you  informed 
of  his  doings,  as  he  desires  to  establish  a  firm  friendship 
with  your  Majesty,  and  he  offers  to  do  everything 
in  his  power  to  help  you  in  case  of  need.  He  desires, 
indeed,  to  look  upon  you  as  a  father.  .  .  . 

"  When  I  take  both  the  actual  facts  and  his  words 
into  consideration,  I  understand  why  he  wishes  to 
establish  some  sort  of  friendly  alliance  with  your 
Majesty.  I  believe  in  his  professions,  and  can  see 
nothing  but  good  in  them.  He  was  much  pleased 
by  your  Majesty's  sending  a  special  messenger  to 
him,  and  I  heard  that  he  had  informed  the  Pope  of 
it ;  to  his  people  here  he  mentioned  it  in  a  way 
which  showed  that  he  considered  it  of  the  greatest 
importance.  .  .  .  We  came  to  the  subject  of 
Faenza.  His  Majesty  said  to  me, '  I  do  not  know  what 
Faenza  wants  to  do  ;  she  can  give  us  no  more  trouble 
than  did  the  others  ;  still  she  may  delay  matters.'  I 
replied  that  I  believed  she  would  do  as  the  others  had 
done ;  but,  if  she  did  not,  it  could  only  redound  to 
his  Majesty's  glory,  for  it  would  give  him  another 
opportunity  to  display  his  skill  and  valour  in  capturing 
the  place.  This  seemed  to  please  him,  and  he  replied 
that  he  would  assuredly  crush  it.  Bologna  was  not 
mentioned.  He  was  pleased  with  the  messages  from 
your  people,  from  Don  Alfonso  and  the  Cardinal,  of 
whom  he  spoke  long  and  affectionately. 


"  Thereupon,  having  been  together  a  full  half-hour, 
I  took  my  departure,  and  his  Majesty  rode  forth  on 
horseback.  This  evening  he  is  going  to  Gradara ; 
to-morrow  to  Rimini,  and  then  farther.  .  .  . 

"  In  this  place  there  are  more  than  two  thousand 
men  quartered,  but  they  have  done  no  appreciable 
damage.  The  surrounding  country  is  swarming  with 
soldiers,  but  how  much  harm  they  have  done  we  do 
not  know.  He  has  granted  to  the  city  no  privileges 
or  exemptions,  and  a  certain  doctor  of  Forli  has  been 
established  as  his  deputy.  He  took  seventy  pieces  of 
artillery  from  the  castle,  and  the  guard  that  he  has 
left  there  is  very  small. 

"  I  will  tell  your  Excellency  something  which  I  have 
heard  from  several  sources ;  it  was,  however,  related 
to  me  in  detail  by  a  Portuguese  cavalier,  a  soldier 
in  the  army  of  the  Duke  of  Valentino,  ...  an 
upright  man  who  was  a  friend  of  our  Lord  Don 
Ferrantino  when  he  was  with  King  Charles.  He 
told  me  that  the  Pope  intended  to  give  the  town  as  a 
dowry  to  Madonna  Lucrezia,  and  that  he  had  found 
a  husband  for  her — an  Italian,  who  would  always 
remain  on  friendly  terms  with  Valentino.  Whether 
this  is  true,  I  know  not,  but  it  is  commonly  believed. 

"  As  to  Fano,  the  Duke  did  not  retain  it.  He  was 
there  five  days.  He  did  not  want  it,  but  the  citizens 
presented  it  to  him  and  it  will  be  his  when  he  desires 
it.  They  say  that  the  Pope  commanded  him  not 
to  take  Fano,  unless  the  burghers  themselves  requested 
it.  Therefore  it  remained  in  statu  quo. 

"  Postscript. — The  daily  life  of  the  Duke  is  as  follows  : 
he  goes  to  bed  at  eight,  nine,  or  ten  o'clock  at  night 
[three  to  five  o'clock  in  the  morning].  Consequently 
the  eighteenth  hour  is  his  dawn,  the  nineteenth  his 
sunrise,  and  the  twentieth  his  time  for  rising.  Im- 
mediately on  getting  up  he  sits  down  to  the  table, 
and  while  there  and  afterwards  attends  to  his  business 
affairs.  He  is  considered  brave,  strong,  and  generous, 


288     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

and  is  reputed  to  lay  great  store  by  straightforward 
men.  He  is  terrible  in  revenge — so  many  tell  me. 
A  man  of  great  good  sense,  and  eager  for  greatness 
and  renown,  he  seems  more  anxious  to  conquer  States 
than  to  keep  and  administer  them. 

"  Your  illustrious  ducal  Majesty's  servant, 

"  PANDULPHUS. 

"  PESARO, 

"  Thursday,  October  29,  six  o'clock  at  night,  1500."* 

Caesar  took  possession  of  Rimini,  which  was  governed 
by  the  fierce  and  gifted  Pandolfo  Malatesta,  just 
as  easily  as  he  had  taken  Pesaro.  The  conquest 
of  Faenza  presented  greater  difficulties ;  its  ruler, 
Astorre  Manfredi,  an  attractive  youth  of  seventeen 
or  eighteen,  was  much  beloved  by  his  subjects,  who 
valiantly  repulsed  the  assaults  of  Caesar's  Generals 
Vitellozzo  and  Orsini,  and,  as  winter  approached,  the 
siege  had  to  be  raised  ;  but,  with  the  return  of  spring, 
Caesar  resumed  the  attack,  and  on  April  25,  1501,  the 
town  surrendered  under  condition  that  Astorre's 
liberty  should  not  be  interfered  with.  His  conquerors 
at  first  treated  him  as  a  distinguished  guest,  but 
before  long  he  was  carried  off  to  the  Castle  of  Sant' 
Angelo,  where,  in  January  1502,  he  and  his  younger 
brother  were  put  to  death,  being  strangled  by  Caesar's 
command.  On  June  9,  1502,  the  young  Lord  of 
Faenza  was  found  drowned  in  the  Tiber  with  a  stone 
fastened  round  his  neck.  He  was,  says  Burchard,  of 
such  fine  stature  and  so  charming  of  face  that  his  like 
could  scarcely  have  been  found  among  a  thousand 
youths  of  the  same  age. 

A  maid  of  honour  of  Elizabeth  Gonzaga's,  the 
wife  of  the  Venetian  General,  Giovanni  Caracciolo, 
had  the  misfortune  to  attract  Caesar's  attention  on 
her  journey  to  Venice.  She  was  one  of  the  most 
beautiful  women  in  Italy,  and  the  Duke  immediately 

1  Quoted  by  Gregorovius. 


ABDUCTION  OF  CARACCIOLO'S  WIFE  289 

cast  lustful  eyes  upon  her.  Well  knowing  that  he 
could  not  hope  to  win  her  either  by  entreaties  or 
by  presents,  he  decided  to  use  force,  and  sent  a  troop 
of  soldiers  to  arrest  her  at  Cesena.  But  her  suite 
was  determined  to  defend  her  at  any  risk.  A  fearful 
fight  ensued,  and  not  until  most  of  her  escort  were  slain 
did  the  small  remainder  take  flight.  The  lady 
fell  into  Caesar's  hands,  and  thereupon  her  fate  was 
sealed. 

Caracciolo,  on  hearing  the  terrible  news,  was  almost 
beside  himself  with  rage  and  grief.  Determined  not 
to  submit  to  this  shameful  treatment,  he  appealed  to 
the  Council  of  Ten,  at  that  tune  presided  over  by 
the  Doge  Barbarigo.  They  immediately  despatched 
Aloysius  Manentino  to  Caesar  demanding  that  the 
lady  should  be  restored  to  her  husband.  The  French 
envoy  was  also  informed  of  the  occurrence,  and 
complaints  were  lodged  against  Caesar,  who,  under  the 
King's  auspices,  had  led  the  war  into  the  Romagna. 
The  envoy  at  once  set  out  for  Imola  to  express  his 
displeasure  at  the  Duke's  behaviour  and  to  assure 
him  that  Louis  XII.  would  be  greatly  annoyed.  The 
Senate  also  wrote  to  the  Pope  demanding  satisfaction 
for  the  insult  offered  to  the  Republic  of  Venice.  But 
both  Alexander  and  Caesar  remained  quite  unmoved 
by  these  representations.  Caesar,  who  was  a  liar  of 
the  first  magnitude,  denied  his  guilt,  and  promised 
to  investigate  the  matter,  adding  that  there  was 
no  lack  of  beautiful  maidens  whose  favours  he  could 
enjoy  without  having  recourse  to  forcible  means. 
Tomaso  Tomasi,  however,  relates  that  when  the 
bodies  of  Astorre  and  his  brother  were  discovered  in 
the  Tiber,  near  them  was  the  corpse  of  a  woman 
who  proved  to  be  none  other  than  the  unhappy  wife 
of  Caracciolo.  To  Caesar  no  human  life  was  sacred, 
and  all  who  stood  in  his  way  or  afforded  him  any 
inconvenience  were  speedily  doomed  to  die. 

The  capture  of  Faenza  was  the  occasion  of  great 

TB 


290    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

joy  at  the  Vatican,  and  Caesar  immediately  adopted 
the  title  of  Duke  of  the  Romagna,  a  dignity  which 
was  recognised  by  other  Powers,  such  as  Hungary, 
Venice,  and  even  Castile  and  Portugal. 

Puffed  up  with  pride,  Caesar  now  journeyed  to 
Bologna  with  the  intention  of  attacking  it.  But 
on  his  approach,  he  received  commands  from  the 
King  of  France  not  to  molest  the  town,  as  he  had 
pledged  himself  to  protect  it.  His  obligation,  to  be 
sure,  contained  the  restriction  that  the  rights  of  the 
Church  should  not  be  interfered  with,  but  the  King 
thought  it  well  to  maintain  that  the  Pope  had  no 
rights  over  the  district  of  Bologna.  Caesar  was  there- 
fore obliged  to  acquiesce,  but  Alexander,  through  the 
medium  of  Paolo  Orsini,  made  an  agreement  with 
Bentivoglio,  the  Governor,  that  Bologna  should  be 
left  unmolested  on  condition  that  Caesar  should  have 
a  free  passage  and  provisions  for  his  troops,  and  that 
Bentivoglio  should  pay  an  annual  tribute  of  9,000 
ducats,  provide  a  certain  number  of  soldiers,  and 
surrender  the  castle  to  the  Orsini.  This  treaty  was 
concluded  in  1501,  but  Bentivoglio,  on  account  of  a 
rumour  spread  by  Caesar  that  he  had  been  invited 
to  come  to  Bologna  by  the  family  Marescotti,  had 
all  the  members  of  the  family  at  that  time  in  the 
town  put  to  death. 

The  French  army  had  now  to  proceed  to  carry  out 
King  Louis's  plan  of  attacking  the  kingdom  of  Naples. 
A  thousand  lances  and  ten  thousand  infantry  were 
despatched  to  Naples  under  the  command  of  d' Aubigny. 
Caesar,  on  the  other  hand,  with  two  hundred  lances, 
and  two  thousand  foot  soldiers,  sent  to  his  help  by 
Bentivoglio,  turned  in  the  direction  of  Florence. 
Not  waiting  for  a  response  to  his  request  to  the  Floren- 
tines for  a  free  passage  and  provisions,  he  crossed  over 
the  Apennines. 

Arrived  at  Barberino,  he  threw  off  his  mask,  and 
desired  Florence  to  conclude  an  alliance  with  him, 


and  that  the  present  government  should  be  replaced 
by  another  in  which  he  could  place  more  confidence. 
Caesar  made  this  demand,  not  so  much  because  he 
had  the  power  to  insist  upon  it  (for  his  army  was 
neither  large  nor  suitably  equipped,  but  because 
Florence  was  just  then  in  a  defenceless  condition, 
with  no  soldiers  but  the  inhabitants.  The  Flor- 
entines, too,  were  unhappy  and  suspicious  because 
in  Caesar's  camp  were  the  Orsini,  Vitellozzo,  the 
brother  of  their  ill-fated  General,  and  Piero  de'  Medici, 
who  thought  it  a  favourable  opportunity  to  profit 
by  their  interests.  But  Caesar  had  not  the  slightest 
intention  of  advancing  Piero's  reinstatement,  for 
he  was  by  no  means  anxious  to  promote  the  fortunes  of 
the  Orsini  and  Vitellozzo  families,  with  whom  the 
Medici  would  undoubtedly  have  closely  allied  them- 
selves in  the  event  of  their  restoration  in  Florence. 
He  also  nursed  a  private  grievance  against  Piero,  for, 
while  Caesar  was  still  a  student  at  Pisa,  he  had  journeyed 
to  Florence  in  the  hope  of  enlisting  Piero's  interest  on 
behalf  of  a  friend  who  was  involved  in  a  criminal 
law-suit.  Piero,  however,  kept  him  waiting  in  his 
audience-chamber  so  long  that  Caesar,  no  little  offended, 
left  the  city  without  having  spoken  to  him.  Neverthe- 
less, in  order  to  curry  favour  with  the  Orsini  and  the 
Vitellozzi,  and  also  to  increase  the  alarm  of  the 
Florentines,  he  pretended  to  fall  in  with  their  wishes, 
always  hoping  that  he  would  get  an  opportunity  of 
seizing  for  himself  part  of  the  Tuscan  domain. 

Borgia  meanwhile  fixed  the  conditions  under  which 
alone  he  would  depart.  The  most  important  were 
that  Florence  should  appoint  him  administrator-in- 
chief,  with  a  considerable  salary,  and  not  interfere 
if  he  wished  to  attack  the  other  States  of  Italy,  in 
particular  the  dominion  of  Piombino,  which  at  that 
time  stood  under  Florentine's  protection.  Further, 
that  six  of  the  foremost  citizens,  chosen  by  Vitellozzo, 
should  be  delivered  up  to  him,  and  that  Piero  de' 


292     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Medici  should  be  reinstated  in  his  former  position. 
When  these  plans  became  public  so  much  bitter 
feeling  was  aroused  in  Florence  that  the  magistrates 
fell  into  extremely  bad  odour  with  the  people. 

Before  matters  were  fully  settled  Caesar  received 
orders  from  Louis,  who  was  not  at  all  pleased  that 
he  should  thus  arbitrarily  interfere  with  the  method 
of  government  in  Florence,  to  leave  Florentine 
domains.  In  the  event  of  his  disobedience,  d'Aubigny 
was  commissioned  to  drive  him  out  by  force. 

With  great  unwillingness,  Caesar  obeyed,  and  with- 
drew his  troops.  But  first  of  all  he  was  appointed 
administrator-in-chief  of  Florence,  with  a  salary  of 
36,000  ducats,  and  exemption  from  personal  service. 
He  then  journeyed  slowly  towards  Piombino,  carrying 
great  havoc  in  his  train.  In  places  where  he  found 
nothing  to  plunder  he  had  all  the  inhabitants 
slaughtered.  As  he  possessed  no  artillery,  he  des- 
patched Vitellozzo  to  Pisa  to  obtain  some. 

Once  in  the  domain  of  Piombino,  Caesar  took 
Sughereto,  Scarlino,  the  island  of  Elba,  and  Pianosa. 
He  then  besieged  the  town  of  Piombino,  where  Appiano, 
lord  of  the  princedom,  had  collected  an  army  ;  but  he 
was  soon  obliged  to  join  the  troops  of  Louis  XII., 
who  was  preparing  to  war  against  Naples.  He,  how- 
ever, left  garrisons  and  troops  behind  him  in  the 
province  of  Piombino. 

Federigo,  King  of  Naples,  was  extremely  popular 
among  his  subjects,  for  he  had  both  the  power  and 
the  will  to  promote  their  happiness.  Even  those 
who  had  revolted  and  taken  to  flight  under  the  rule 
of  Ferrante  I.  and  Alfonso  II.  now  returned  to  their 
native  town,  and  the  Princes  of  Salerno  and  Bisignano 
had  been  among  the  first  to  do  homage  to  their  new 
sovereign.  The  goods  of  those  barons  who  had  been 
on  the  French  side  were  restored,  and  it  seemed  as 
if  at  last  a  time  of  peace  and  happiness  had  begun 
for  Naples.  But  Federigo's  reign  was  destined  to  be 


D'AUBIGNY'S  MARCH  ON  NAPLES   293 

a  short  one.  The  Kings  of  France  and  Spain  wished 
to  divide  the  kingdom  of  Naples  between  themselves, 
and  devised  a  disgraceful  means  of  attaining  their 
object.  As  the  representative  of  the  House  of  Anjou, 
Louis  XII.  was  to  assert  his  claim  to  Naples,  thus 
forcing  Federigo  to  seek  help  from  Ferdinand  the 
Catholic.  The  latter,  under  pretext  of  driving  away 
the  French,  was  to  send  a  considerable  force  which 
would  unite  with  the  French  soldiers  and  expel  the 
House  of  Aragon.  Naples  would  thus  be  divided 
between  France  and  Spain.  The  French  King  was 
to  receive  the  town  of  Naples,  the  provinces  of  Terra 
di  Lavoro  and  Abruzzo,  as  well  as  half  the  revenue  of 
the  meadow-lands  of  Apulia,  and  to  bear  titles  as 
Duke  of  Milan  and  King  of  Naples.  On  the  other 
hand,  Calabria  and  Apulia,  together  with  at  least  half 
of  the  revenue  of  the  pasture-lands,  were  to  fall 
to  the  share  of  Spain.  This  compact,  signed  on 
November  n,  1500,  is  still  extant,  and  gives  strong 
evidence  of  the  faithless  character  of  both  Kings 
concerned. 

Louis  gave  the  conduct  of  the  war  into  the  hands 
of  his  trusty  General,  d'Aubigny,  who  was  to  march 
into  the  dominion  of  Naples  with  an  army  of  one 
thousand  lances  and  ten  thousand  infantry.  When 
Federigo  heard  of  this  he  asked  help  from  Gonsalvo 
da  Cordova,  who,  with  his  troops,  was  in  Sicily. 
Gonsalvo  immediately  hastened  to  seize  upon  all  the 
fortified  places  in  Calabria.  Federigo  had  meanwhile 
collected  a  considerable  army,  which  was  joined  by 
the  Colonna  and  their  troops. 

A  gory  fight  was  expected,  but  before  the  French 
had  entered  Naples  the  French  and  Spanish  envoys 
arrived  in  Rome  and  disclosed  to  the  Pope  and  the 
College  of  Cardinals  the  contents  of  the  treaty  con- 
cluded by  their  masters  and  declared  the  partition 
of  Naples  to  be  inevitable.  The  defence  of  Naples 
against  the  Turks  and  the  spread  of  the  Christian 


294    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

faith  among  the  infidels,  for  which  the  situation  of 
this  kingdom  was  particularly  favourable,  served  as 
pretext  under  which  the  Most  Christian  and  Catholic 
Kings  sought  to  cloak  their  rapacity. 

The  Pope  did  not  oppose  this  obvious  injustice, 
for  he  was  glad  of  the  opportunity  for  indulging  his 
hatred  of  Federigo.  For  Caesar,  too,  the  prospect 
of  being  able  more  freely  to  pursue  his  passion  for 
conquest  in  the  States  of  the  Church  was  attractive. 
On  July  15,  1501,  a  bull  was  published  by  which 
Federigo  was  deposed  and  his  kingdom  divided  between 
the  two  monarchs.  To  Alexander  it  seemed  a  suitable 
time  for  seizing  upon  the  goods  of  the  Colonna,  who 
clung  to  the  cause  of  the  Aragons.  It  became  increas- 
ingly clear  that  no  Prince  without  considerable 
resources  of  his  own  could  dispense  with  the  favour 
of  the  Borgias.  The  Colonna  also  realised  that  the  only 
way  of  retaining  their  possessions,  was  to  place 
themselves  under  the  protection  of  the  College  of 
Cardinals.  But  the  Pope  declared  that  no  favour 
could  be  shown  them  unless  they  surrendered  to 
him  the  keys  of  their  town.  At  the  same  time  he 
forbade  the  Cardinals  to  interfere  in  the  quarrel 
with  the  Colonna,  whose  goods  he  had  made  up  his 
mind  to  seize,  threatening  with  imprisonment  and 
death  all  who  opposed  him.  On  June  22  Francesco 
Borgia  was  despatched  to  take  possession,  in  the 
Pope's  name,  of  Rocca  di  Papa  and  the  other  castles 
belonging  to  the  Colonna,  who,  fearing  the  Borgia 
rage,  thought  it  well  to  submit.  On  the  day  following 
some  twenty  vassals  of  the  family  came  to  Rome 
and  took  an  oath  of  homage  to  the  Papacy.  Each 
of  them  was  presented  with  a  gold  ducat  and  a  pair 
of  stockings. 

At  the  same  time  it  was  decided  that  San  Marino, 
which  had  always  served  as  a  citadel  for  the  Colonna, 
should  be  entirely  demolished,  a  sentence  which  Caesar 
and  the  French  troops  proceeded  to  carry  out. 


CARDINAL  OF  CAPUA  POISONED  295 

The  Savelli,  who  also  adhered  to  the  House  of 
Aragon,  knew  that  their  turn  would  soon  come,  and 
sought  refuge  in  flight  from  the  danger  which  threatened 
their  lives. 

The  death  of  Cardinal  Domenico  della  Rovere 
gave  Alexander  an  excellent  opportunity  for  enriching 
his  treasury.  He  sent  the  Cardinal  of  Capua  to  his 
palace  at  midnight  for  the  express  purpose  of  seizing 
upon  the  property  of  the  deceased,  especially  the 
gold,  silver,  and  precious  stones,  which  he  had  strict 
injunctions  to  bring  to  the  Vatican.  The  poor  Cardinal 
of  Capua,  although  himself  concerned  in  the  inheritance, 
was  obliged  to  obey.  A  few  days  later  he  died  from 
the  effects  of  poison,  and  then  the  grasping  Pope 
was  able  to  prey  upon  the  property  of  both  Cardinals. 

About  the  same  time  occurred  the  death  of  Cardinal 
Zeno  of  Santa  Maria  in  Porticu.  Alexander's  prede- 
cessors had  given  him  liberty  to  dispose  of  his  property 
as  he  chose,  with  the  result  that  he  left  25,000  ducats 
to  various  pious  objects,  and  100,000  ducats  to  Venice 
in  order  to  carry  on  the  Turkish  crusade.  But  the 
Pope,  who  could  not  endure  to  lose  sight  of  so  large 
a  sum  of  money,  informed  the  Venetian  Republic 
that  he  had  revoked  the  power  granted  to  the  Cardinal 
by  former  Popes,  and  declared  the  will  invalid.  He 
thereupon,  in  his  capacity  of  Spiritual  Lord,  claimed 
all  the  property  for  himself.  Although  Venice  took 
no  heed  of  the  Pope's  action,  he  did  not  altogether 
fail  in  his  object.  The  Cardinal  had  left,  in  a  cloister 
of  Ancona,  two  caskets  containing  20,000  gold  ducats 
as  well  as  other  valuables,  with  directions  that  they 
should  be  given  to  a  youth  who  had  once  done  him 
great  service.  This  young  man,  however,  died  before 
the  Cardinal,  who  made  no  mention  of  the  caskets 
in  his  will.  Alexander,  upon  hearing  of  this,  sent  to 
Ancona  and  seized  upon  the  treasure. 

A  like  fate  overtook  the  Cardinal  of  Lisbon,  who 
was  seized  with  an  apoplectic  stroke  while  dining 


296    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

with  a  friend  at  the  Vatican.  He  recovered  sufficiently 
to  be  able  to  be  taken  to  his  own  palace,  but  the  Pope 
refused  to  allow  him  to  make  his  will,  hoping  to  be 
able  to  take  possession  of  the  inheritance  himself. 
The  Cardinal,  deeply  incensed,  swore  that  the  Borgias 
should  have  none  of  his  money.  He  sent  secretly 
for  some  of  his  friends,  to  whom  he  entrusted  some 
50,000  ducats  for  the  promotion  of  good  works ; 
among  other  friends  and  relations  he  divided  consider- 
able sums,  as  well  as  furniture  and  silver  plate,  com- 
manding them  to  leave  the  States  of  the  Church 
secretly.  To  the  astonishment  of  all  concerned, 
however,  the  Cardinal  recovered,  when  he  found 
himself  without  enough  means  to  keep  up  the  dignity 
of  his  position.  But  the  thougLl  that  he  had  deprived 
the  Borgias  of  his  inheritance  contributed  much  to 
cheer  him  in  his  misfortune. 

This  custom  of  appropriating  the  goods  of  the 
deceased  rich  was  constantly  exercised  by  the  Pope's 
children,  who  not  infrequently  disputed  the  division 
of  the  treasure. 

Meanwhile,  d'Aubigny  had  marched  into  Rome 
at  the  head  of  his  troops.  He  and  his  generals, 
Gajazzo,  d'Allegre,  and  others,  were  richly  enter- 
tained in  the  palace  of  Cardinal  Sforza.  Their 
soldiers,  too,  were  treated  with  every  consideration. 
On  the  Feast  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul  the  whole  of 
the  Roman  clergy  went  in  procession  to  the  Basilica 
of  St.  Peter.  First  of  all  the  Pope  received  d'Aubigny 
and  the  French  Generals,  and  afterwards  the  terms 
of  the  already-mentioned  treaty  between  Alexander 
VI.  and  the  Kings  of  France  and  Spain.  But  care 
was  taken  to  represent  the  alliance  only  as  a  union  for 
the  defence  of  Christendom  against  the  Turks.  In 
five  or  six  days  the  French  took  their  departure  from 
Rome,  and  Alexander  greatly  rejoiced  when  he  saw 
them  disappear  in  the  direction  of  Naples. 


Federigo  of  Naples  was  terrified  at  the  news  that 
France  and  Spain  had  united  against  him,  and,  without 
beating  about  the  bush,  he  appealed  to  Gonsalvo  to 
know  whether  this  alliance  was  a  fact.  Gonsalvo 
denied  it  most  emphatically,  and  even  promised 
Naples  his  support.  But  Federigo,  whose  suspicions 
were  not  quite  allayed,  withdrew  in  the  direction  of 
San  Germano,  in  order  to  await  the  troops  recruited 
by  the  Orsini.  As  soon  as  the  French  had  arrived, 
Gonsalvo  ceased  to  dissimulate,  and  sent  six  galleys 
to  Naples  to  fetch  the  two  widowed  Queens,  one 
of  whom  was  a  sister,  the  other  a  niece,  of  the  King 
of  Spain.  Prospero  Colonna  advised  Federigo  to 
seize  the  opportunity  and  capture  the  galleys  before 
all  the  troops  had  united.  But  the  King  lacked  the 
necessary  decision  to  follow  this  advice,  and  thought 
it  more  prudent  to  use  his  troops  in  defending  his 
towns,  though  San  Germano  was  already  hi  a  state  of 
insurrection.  He  chose  Capua  as  their  citadel,  and, 
leaving  Prospero  Colonna  behind  in  Naples,  he  himself 
went  with  the  rest  of  the  army  to  Aversa. 

D'Aubigny  lost  no  time  in  laying  siege  to  Capua, 
which  his  troops  attacked  with  great  violence.  The 
garrison,  however,  defended  itself  so  bravely  that 
the  French  had  perforce  to  retire  with  considerable 
losses.  But  the  Capuans,  at  last  realising  that  they 
could  not  hold  out  indefinitely,  agreed  to  an  interview 
with  Fabricius  Colonna.  Relying  upon  overtures 
of  peace,  the  defence  was  neglected,  the  sentry  relieved, 
and  the  town  left  in  disorder.  This  did  not  escape 
the  notice  of  the  enemy,  who  hastened  to  break 
open  the  gates,  slaughter  the  inhabitants,  and  plunder 
the  town.  Even  the  cloisters  were  not  spared, 
and  many  women  were  sent  to  Rome  and  sold  in 
the  market.  Many  of  them,  preferring  honour  to  life 
itself,  threw  themselves  into  the  wells  or  drowned 
themselves  in  the  river. 

Caesar  Borgia,  who  had  also  been  engaged  in  the 


298     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

invasion  of  Capua,  learned  that  some  women  had  taken 
refuge  in  a  tower  of  the  castle.  Guicciardini  relates 
that  Caesar,  hastening  thither  with  some  of  his  suite, 
examined  his  victims  carefully,  and,  choosing  forty 
of  the  most  beautiful  for  himself,  abandoned  the 
rest  to  the  mercies  of  his  men.  Fabricius  Colonna, 
Don  Ugo  di  Cardone,  and  the  other  Captains  were 
taken  captive ;  among  them  was  the  famous  con- 
dottiere,  Rinuccio  da  Marciano,  who  was  severely 
wounded  and  only  survived  his  capture  a  few  days. 
If  we  are  to  believe  the  historian  Paulus  Jovius,  his  end 
was  accelerated  by  poison  administered  by  Vitellozzo 
in  revenge  because  Rinuccio's  faction  in  Florence  had 
condemned  his  brother  to  death. 

After  the  fall  of  Capua  Federigo  gave  up  all  hope 
of  being  able  to  defend  his  kingdom,  especially  as 
Gaeta  had  also  yielded.  Naples  therefore  entered 
into  negotiations  with  the  enemy,  and  bought  itself 
off  for  60,000  ducats  of  the  plunder.  The  King 
had  to  retire  to  Castelnuovo,  though  he  was  com- 
pelled to  surrender  this  fortress  as  well  as  his  other 
towns  and  fortified  places,  with  the  exception  of 
Ischia,  to  the  French.  Cast  down  from  his  high 
estate,  he  found  himself  and  his  numerous  family 
reduced  to  great  misery ;  his  treasure  had  been 
snatched  away  from  him,  and  his  eldest  son  was 
imprisoned  in  Tarento  without  hope  of  release. 
Among  his  companions  in  misfortune  were  his  sister 
Isabella  d'Este,  who  had  been  cruelly  repudiated  by 
her  husband  Ladislaus  of  Hungary,  and  Isabella, 
Duchess  of  Milan,  whose  husband  and  eldest  son  had 
been  poisoned  by  Ludovico  the  Moor,  and  who  now 
had  to  look  on  helplessly  at  the  degradation  of  her 
House  of  Aragon. 

In  describing  the  events  of  this  period,  Guicciardini 
recounts  a  remarkable  example  of  filial  love.  When 
the  French  entered  Naples  the  son  of  the  Prince 
of  Montpensier  went  to  visit  his  father's  tomb  at 


GONSALVO  INVADES  CALABRIA    299 

Pozzuoli.  Throwing  himself  down  by  the  tomb, 
he  was  overcome  by  a  passion  of  grief  so  intense  that 
he  died  from  its  effects. 

Federigo,  whose  position  had  become  untenable, 
now  resolved  to  throw  himself  upon  the  mercy  of 
Louis  of  France  rather  than  entrust  himself  to  his 
other  enemy,  the  false  Ferdinand  of  Spain.  The 
French  King  willingly  granted  him  a  safe  escort 
to  France,  whither  he  embarked  after  sending  his 
son  in  Tarento  as  much  help  as  possible.  Louis 
received  him  graciously,  and  conferred  on  him  the 
dukedom  of  Aragon,  with  a  pension  of  30,000  ducats. 
Thereupon  Federigo  commanded  that  Ischia  should 
be  ceded  to  the  French. 

The  "  Great  Captain,"  Gonsalvo,  meanwhile 
marched  into  Calabria,  where  the  towns,  with  the 
exception  of  Manfredonia  and  Tarento,  yielded  without 
much  resistance.  After  an  obstinate  defence,  Tarento 
had  finally  to  give  in.  When  the  Count  of  Potenza 
and  Leonardo,  Knight  of  Rhodes  and  Governor  of 
Tarento,  who  had  the  guardianship  of  the  young 
Duke  of  Calabria,  saw  that  they  could  no  longer 
hold  out,  they  bound  themselves  to  surrender  the 
town  in  four  months,  provided  no  help  arrived  mean- 
while. On  the  other  hand  Gonsalvo  had  to  swear 
that  the  young  Duke  should  be  free  to  choose  his  own 
place  of  withdrawal.  The  latter  had  received  orders 
to  join  his  father  in  France,  but  Gonsalvo,  notwith- 
standing his  solemn  oath,  refused  to  let  him  go, 
but  sent  him  under  escort  as  a  prisoner  to  Spain. 

Caesar,  whose  assistance  was  no  longer  necessary, 
now  sent  Giovanni  Baglioni  and  Vitellozo  with  troops 
to  Piombino.  Appiano,  who  was  in  no  condition  to 
defend  himself,  hastened  to  France  to  demand  help 
from  Louis  XII.  on  the  ground  of  a  former  treaty. 
But  the  King  explained  that  he  could  not  oppose 
Caesar's  conquests  on  account  of  a  reconciliation  which 


300    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

he  had  concluded  with  the  Pope.  Piombino  therefore 
was  obliged  to  surrender. 

Already  in  1501  rumours  were  afloat  in  Rome 
concerning  a  projected  alliance  between  Lucrezia 
and  Alfonso  d'Este,  the  hereditary  Prince  of  Ferrara. 
It  was  Alexander  himself  who  had  devised  this  plan, 
for  he  hoped  by  it  to  secure  the  possession  of  the 
Romagna  for  Caesar,  and  at  the  same  time  to  open  a 
prospect  of  annexing  Bologna  and  Florence.  That 
Lucrezia  might  still  harbour  regrets  for  the  other 
Alfonso  did  not  affect  the  Pope's  schemes.  He 
commissioned  Giambattista  Ferrari  of  Modena,  one 
of  his  staunchiest  adherents  to  lay  the  proposal  before 
Duke  Ercole  of  Ferrara,  "  on  account  of  the  great 
advantage  which  would  accrue  to  his  State  from  it." 
The  Duke  was  greatly  embarrassed  at  the  offer.  His 
son  Alfonso  raised  decided  objections,  and  his  daughter, 
the  virtuous  Isabella,  Margravine  of  Mantua,  and 
her  sister-in-law  Elisabetta  of  Urbino,  were  horrified 
at  the  idea  of  admitting  a  Borgia  into  their  family. 
Thus  influenced,  Duke  Ercole  returned  a  decided 
refusal,  but  Alexander,  undismayed,  succeeded  in 
overcoming  the  opposition  of  Louis  XII.  and  winning 
him  over  to  his  side.  Louis  was  most  anxious  to 
conciliate  the  Pope,  for  it  was  just  at  the  time  of 
his  expedition  to  Naples,  for  which  he  needed  the 
papal  authority.  At  the  same  time  he  only  gave  a 
half-hearted  consent  to  the  furtherance  of  the  match, 
and  advised  Duke  Ercole  not  to  be  in  a  hurry,  and 
even  assured  him  that  he  would  continue  to  favour 
the  alliance  between  Alfonso  and  Louise  of  An- 
goule'me.  The  Duke,  therefore,  made  no  haste  to 
conclude  matters,  and  when  Alexander  and  Caesar 
tried  to  urge  him  forward  he  insisted  that  the  stipu- 
lated conditions  should  be  carried  out. 

On  July  27,  1501,  the  Pope,  accompanied  by  a 
troop  of  soldiers,  went  to  Sermoneta,  leaving  Lucrezia 
as  his  representative  in  the  Vatican — a  bold  and 


extrordinary  step  to  take.  "  Before  his  Holiness,  our 
Master,  left  the  city,  he  turned  over  the  palace  and 
all  business  affairs  to  his  daughter  Lucrezia,  authoris- 
ing her  to  open  all  letters  which  should  come 
addressed  to  him.  In  all  important  matters  she  was 
to  ask  advice  of  the  Cardinal  of  Lisbon  "  (Burchard's 
Diary).  Alexander  had  just  received  news  of  Alfonso's 
consent  to  the  union,  and  it  was  probably  as  a  recogni- 
tion of  Lucrezia's  political  importance  as  the  prospec- 
tive Duchess  of  Ferrara  that  he  placed  her  in  so 
prominent  a  position. 

Duke  Ercole  had  experienced  no  little  difficulty 
in  overcoming  his  son's  repugnance  to  an  alliance 
with  a  woman  of  Lucrezia's  ill  repute,  for  the  mali- 
cious rumours  spread  at  the  time  of  her  divorce  had 
sullied  her  fair  fame  so  greatly  that  most  honourable 
men  and  women  looked  at  her  askance. 

But  when  Ercole  threatened  that  he  would  marry 
her  himself,  Alfonso  gave  way.  The  marriage  was 
regarded  merely  as  a  profitable  piece  of  statecraft, 
and  the  honour  of  the  house  of  Milan  was  bartered 
for  the  highest  price  obtainable.  The  Pope's  agents 
in  Ferrara,  alarmed  at  the  Duke's  exorbitant  demands, 
sent  Raimondi  Romolini  to  Rome  to  submit  them  to 
Alexander.  The  Duke's  conditions  have  already  been 
mentioned.  The  dowry  which  he  demanded  was 
an  extravagant  one,  but  so  great  was  the  Pope's  desire 
to  secure  the  throne  of  Ferrara  for  his  daughter  that, 
after  some  altercation,  he  finally  consented  to  pay 
it.  The  Duke  also  insisted  upon  the  remission  of  the 
annual  tribute  paid  by  the  fief  of  Ferrara  to  the 
Church,  as  well  as  the  cession  of  Cento  and  Pieve, 
which  belonged  to  the  Bishopric  of  Bologna.  Csesar 
and  Lucrezia  both  urged  their  father  to  submit  to 
whatever  the  Duke  demanded.  Lucrezia,  we  are 
told,  was  radiant  at  the  prospect  of  this,  her  third 
marriage.  With  characteristic  volatility,  she  forgot 
the  sorrows  of  her  widowhood  in  the  anticipation  of 


302     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

a  brilliant  future.  Doubtless,  too,  she  looked  forward 
to  her  position  in  Ferrara  as  a  release  from  the  un- 
congenial atmosphere  of  Rome,  where  her  life  was 
darkened  by  the  tyranny  of  Caesar  and  the  black 
shadow  of  the  Borgia  reputation. 

The  marriage  contract  was  executed  on  August  26, 
1501,  and  the  nuptials  were  concluded  on  September  I. 

When  the  news  arrived  that  the  nuptial  contract 
had  been  signed  in  Ferrara,  the  Pope,  in  his  jubilation, 
had  the  Vatican  illuminated  and  the  glad  tidings  pro- 
claimed by  the  cannon  of  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo. 
On  September  5  Lucrezia,  accompanied  by  four 
bishops  and  three  hundred  knights,  passed  through 
the  streets  of  Rome  on  her  way  to  a  thanksgiving 
service  at  Santa  Maria  del  Popolo.  In  accordance  with 
a  strange  custom  of  the  time,  she  presented  the  costly 
robe  in  which  she  had  attended  the  ceremony,  to  one 
of  her  court  fools,  who  ran  gaily  up  and  down  the 
city,  yelling  out,  "  Long  live  the  illustrious  Duchess 
of  Ferrara  !  Long  live  Pope  Alexander  !  " 

The  Vatican  now  became  the  scene  of  feasting  and 
merriment.  Dancing  and  music  enlivened  every 
evening,  for  it  was  one  of  the  Pope's  greatest  delights 
to  watch  beautiful  women  at  the  dance,  and  he  often 
so  far  forgot  his  sacred  office  as  to  be  present  at 
voluptuous  displays  such  as  had  aroused  the  dis- 
pleasure of  Pius  II.  Lucrezia,  fond  as  she  was  of 
gaiety,  became  worn  out  with  all  this  dissipation,  and 
it  was  a  relief  when  her  father  left  Rome  in  order  to 
visit  Civita  Castellana  and  Nepi.  On  September  25 
the  ambassadors  wrote  to  Ferrara :  "  The  illustrious 
lady  continues  somewhat  ailing  and  is  greatly  fatigued. 
.  .  .  The  rest  which  she  will  have  while  his  Holiness 
is  away  will  do  her  good ;  for  whenever  she  is  at  the 
Pope's  palace  the  entire  night,  until  two  or  three 
o'clock,  is  spent  in  dancing  and  at  play,  which  tires 
her  greatly." 

The  bride's  outfit  was  of  the  most  luxurious  kind ; 


LUCREZIA'S  MARRIAGE  803 

her  father  told  the  Ferrarese  ambassadors  that  he 
intended  her  to  have  "  more  beautiful  pearls  than  any 
other  Italian  princess." 

On  December  23  the  bridal  escort,  consisting  of 
Alfonso's  brothers,  Sigismondi,  Ferrante,  and  the 
Cardinal  Ippolito  d'Este,  with  a  retinue  of  five 
hundred  persons,  arrived  in  Rome.  On  the  same  day 
the  Ferrarese  envoy,  in  a  letter  to  his  lord,  expresses 
the  following  favourable  opinion  of  Lucrezia :  "  She 
is  singularly  graceful  in  everything  she  does,  and  her 
manners  are  modest,  gentle,  and  decorous.  She  is 
also  a  good  Christian,  and  more,  she  is  going  to  con- 
fession and  to  Communion  on  Christmas  Day.  As 
regards  good  looks  she  has  quite  sufficient,  but  her 
pleasing  expression  and  gracious  ways  make  her  seem 
even  more  beautiful  than  she  is.  In  short,  she  seems 
to  me  to  be  such  that  there  is  nothing  to  fear,  but 
rather  the  very  best  to  be  hoped,  in  every  way,  from 
her." 

On  December  28  the  marriage  was  celebrated  by 
procuration  in  the  Vatican  amid  gorgeous  festivities. 
The  bride's  dress  was  of  "  gold  brocade  and  crimson 
velvet  trimmed  with  ermine.  ...  A  black  band 
confined  her  golden  hair,  and  she  wore  on  her  head 
a  light  coif  of  gold  and  silk.  Her  necklace  was  a  string 
of  pearls  with  a  locket  consisting  of  an  emerald,  a 
ruby,  and  one  large  pearl."  Until  her  departure  on 
January  6,  1502,  Rome  gave  itself  up  to  one  long 
round  of  festivities,  and  for  days  only  masked  faces 
were  to  be  seen  out  of  doors.  Dances,  comedies, 
banquets,  games,  and  bull-fights  followed  in  quick 
succession,  all  paid  for  out  of  the  funds  of  the  reluctant 
city. 

The  Pope  was  determined  that  Lucrezia's  departure 
should  be  attended  by  great  pomp  and  magnificence, 
and  that  her  progress  through  Italy  should  be  truly 
regal.  He  said  farewell  to  his  daughter  in  the  Chamber 
of  the  Parrots,  where  they  spent  some  time  alone. 


304    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

As  she  left  him,  he  called  after  her  in  a  loud  voice 
bidding  her  be  of  good  cheer  and  to  write  to  him 
whenever  she  wanted  anything,  adding  that  he 
would  do  more  for  her  in  the  future  than  he  had  ever 
done  for  her  while  she  was  in  Rome.  He  then  wan- 
dered from  place  to  place,  watching  her  until  she  and 
her  retinue  were  lost  to  view. 

It  was  about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  when 
Lucrezia  set  out  for  her  new  home.  The  Romans 
heaved  a  sigh  of  relief  at  her  departure,  for  they  had 
been  sorely  taxed  by  the  expenses  of  her  marriage 
festivities.  The  papal  Court,  the  Cardinals,  ambas- 
sadors, and  magistrates  accompanied  her  to  the  Porta 
del  Popolo.  Francesco  Borgia,  Archbishop  of  Cosenza, 
a  most  devoted  retainer,  had  been  chosen  as  legate 
to  escort  her  through  the  States  of  the  Church.  The 
bride's  own  suite  consisted  of  one  hundred  and  eighty 
persons ;  in  a  list  which  is  still  preserved  may  be 
seen  the  names  of  many  of  her  maids  of  honour ;  her 
first  lady-in-waiting  was  the  beautiful  and  charming 
Angela  Borgia.  Lucrezia,  herself,  was  mounted  on  a 
white  jennet  caparisoned  with  gold,  and  she  wore  a 
riding  habit  of  red  silk  and  ermine  and  a  hat  trimmed 
with  feathers.  Her  brother  Caesar  accompanied  her 
for  a  short  distance  and  then  returned  to  the  Vatican. 

The  Pope  had  made  detailed  arrangements  for  the 
journey  and  had  carefully  noted  all  the  places  at  which 
they  were  to  stop.  Their  route  was  to  comprise 
Castelnuovo,  Civita  Castellana,  Narni,  Terni,  Spoleto, 
Foligno,  Pesaro,  Rimini,  Cesena,  Forli,  Faenza,  Imola, 
and  Bologna.  From  the  following  letter  to  the 
Priors  of  Nepi  we  may  see  to  what  extortions  the 
people  were  subjected : 

"  DEAR  SONS, 

"  Greeting  and  the  Apostolic  Blessing.  As  our 
dearly  beloved  daughter  in  Christ,  the  noble  lady  and 
Duchess  Lucrezia  de  Borgia,  who  is  to  leave  here 


304] 


THE    TRIUMPH    OF   VENUS. 

FRESCOES    FROM    THE    SCHIFFANOIA    PALACE,    RESIDENCE    OF    LUCREZIA 
BORGIA    AT    FERRARA. 


POPE'S  LETTER  TO  PRIORS  OF  NEPI  305 

next  Monday  to  join  her  husband  Alfonso,  the  beloved 
son  and  first-born  of  the  Duke  of  Ferrara,  with  a 
large  escort  of  nobles,  and  two  hundred  horsemen  will 
pass  through  your  district,  therefore  we  wish  and 
command  you,  if  you  value  our  favour  and  desire  to 
avoid  our  displeasure,  to  provide  for  the  company 
mentioned  above  for  a  day  and  two  nights,  the  time 
they  will  spend  with  you.  By  so  doing  you  will 
receive  from  us  all  due  approbation.  Given  in  Rome, 
under  the  Apostolic  seal,  December  28,  1501,  in  the 
tenth  year  of  our  Pontificate."1 

1  Gregorovius. 


Us 


CHAPTER  XIV 

Progress  of  Lucrezia  and  her  retinue  —  Unexpected  appearance  of 
her  bridegroom  at  Bentivoglio  —  Reception  at  Ferrara  —  Wed- 
ding festivities  —  Fortunes  of  the  Borgias  —  Letter  to  Savelli  — 
Alexander  and  Caesar  visit  Piombino  —  The  Pope's  composure 
during  a  storm  at  sea  —  Disturbances  in  Tuscany  —  Caesar  attacks 
Urbino  —  Capture  of  Camerino  —  Caesar's  alliance  with  Louis 
XII.  —  Suspicions  of  his  generals  —  Crusade  against  the  Borgia 
tyranny  —  Success  of  the  allies  —  Peace  made  with  Caesar  — 
Caesar  at  Sinigaglia  —  His  treatment  of  the  Duke  of  Gravina, 
Vitellozzo  Vitelli  and  Oliverotto  da  Fermo  —  Cardinal  Orsini's 
imprisonment  and  death  —  Advance  of  Caesar  —  Attack  on  the 
of  Gian  Giordano  Orsini. 


IN  every  city  where  Lucrezia  and  her  convoy  halted, 
they  were,  at  the  Pope's  command,  feted  and  honoured 
at  the  expense  of  the  commune.  At  Spoleto  she  was 
met  by  Duke  Guidobaldi  of  Urbino,  who  escorted 
her  to  his  city.  Sumptuous  quarters  were  allotted 
to  her  in  the  beautiful  palace  of  Federigo,  which  the 
Duke  and  Duchess  had  vacated  for  the  occasion.  The 
famous  Duchess  Elisabetta  also  showed  the  bride  great 
kindness  and  accompanied  her  to  her  journey's 
end. 

Pesaro,  which  Lucrezia  must  have  entered  with 
much  emotion,  now  belonged  to  Caesar,  who  had 
commanded  that  a  royal  reception  should  be  accorded 
to  his  sister.  Her  former  subjects  appeared  delighted 
to  welcome  her,  but,  notwithstanding  their  demon- 
strations of  joy,  she  took  no  share  in  the  festivities. 
Pozzi,  in  writing  to  the  Duke,  says  that  she  spent  the 
whole  time  in  her  chamber  "  for  the  purpose  of 

306 


PROGRESS  OF  LUCREZIA         807 

washing  her  head,  and  because  she  was  naturally 
inclined  to  solitude."  Even  the  buoyancy  of  Lu- 
crezia's  disposition,  it  seems,  was  weighed  down  by 
sorrowful  memories  of  the  past. 

This  washing  of  the  head  was  probably  connected 
in  some  way  with  the  hair-dressing,  for  it  appears 
to -have  been  a  frequent  interruption  to  the  progress 
of  the  cavalcade.  Don  Ferrante  wrote  from  Imola 
that  Lucrezia  would  stay  there  a  day  in  order  to 
wash  her  head,  which,  she  said,  had  not  been  done 
for  eight  days,  and  she  was  therefore  afflicted  with 
headache. 

At  Bologna  the  bridal  retinue  was  splendidly  re- 
ceived by  the  Bentivoglio  family,  who,  though  in 
their  hearts  they  must  have  loathed  the  Borgias, 
spared  no  pains  to  do  Lucrezia  honour. 

On  the  evening  of  January  31  they  reached  the 
Castle  of  Bentivoglio,  about  twenty  miles  from  Ferrara. 
Here  Lucrezia  was  greatly  surprised  by  the  unex- 
pected appearance  of  her  bridegroom,  Alfonso,  who  had 
hitherto  displayed  a  morose  and  apathetic  attitude 
towards  the  bride  who  had  been  thrust  upon  him. 
During  their  short  interview  Lucrezia,  by  the  silent 
commendation  of  her  beautiful  face,  contrived  to 
cast  her  spell  upon  him,  and  he  left  for  Ferrara  at 
the  end  of  two  hours,  with  his  heart  relieved  and  his 
misgivings  much  allayed. 

The  Pope  was  delighted  to  hear  of  this  meeting, 
for  he  had  experienced  many  qualms  as  to  Lucrezia's 
reception  by  the  House  of  Este,  and  had  frequently 
begged  Cardinal  Ferrari  to  warn  Duke  Ercole  to 
treat  his  daughter-in-law  kindly. 

On  February  i  Lucrezia  continued  her  journey 
to  Ferrara  by  the  canal.  Near  Malalbergo  she  found 
Isabella  Gonzaga  waiting  to  meet  her.  At  the 
urgent  request  of  her  father  the  marchioness,  much 
against  her  will,  had  come  to  do  the  honours  during 
the  festivities  in  his  palace.  "  In  violent  anger,"  so 


308    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

she  wrote  to  her  husband,  who  remained  at  home, 
she  greeted  and  embraced  her  sister-in-law. 

The  Duke,  with  Don  Alfonso  and  his  Court,  awaited 
Lucrezia  at  Torre  della  Fossa.  When  she  left  the 
boat  the  Duke  saluted  her  on  the  cheek,  she  having 
first  respectfully  kissed  his  hand. 

Thereupon,  all  mounted  a  magnificently  decorated 
dais,  to  which  the  foreign  ambassadors  and  numerous 
cavaliers  came  to  kiss  the  bride's  hand.  To  the 
strains  of  music  and  the  thunder  of  cannon,  the 
cavalcade  proceeded  to  the  Borgo  San  Luca,  where 
they  all  dismounted.  Lucrezia  took  up  her  residence 
in  the  palace  of  Alberto  d'Este.1 

Ferrara  was  already  filled  with  thousands  of  strangers, 
of  whom  part  had  come  out  of  curiosity  and  part 
at  the  invitation  of  the  Duke.  The  Princes  of  Urbino 
and  Mantua  were  represented  by  the  ladies  of  their 
families,  and  the  House  of  Bentivoglio  by  Annibale. 
France,  Rome,  Venice,  Florence,  Lucca,  and  Siena 
had  all  sent  envoys.  Caesar  himself  was  still  in  Rome, 
but  he  was  represented  by  a  cavalier.  The  Pope  had 
desired  that  Caesar's  wife,  Charlotte  d'Albret,  should  go 
to  Ferrara  for  the  festivities,  but  she  did  not  appear. 

Lucrezia's  entry  into  the  city  on  February  2,  1502, 
was  one  of  the  most  splendid  pageants  of  the  age. 
At  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  Duke  Ercole  and  all 
the  ambassadors  repaired  to  Alberto's  palace  to  fetch 
the  bride.  On  the  way  back  Alfonso  headed  the 
procession,  the  bride  came  towards  the  middle, 
and  the  Duke  last.  This  arrangement  was  intended 
to  show  that  Lucrezia  was  the  most  important  per- 
sonage of  the  parade.  "  Just  behind  Alfonso  came 
her  escort,  pages,  and  court  officials,  among  whom 
were  several  Spanish  cavaliers ;  then  five  bishops, 
followed  by  the  ambassadors  according  to  rank ; 
the  four  deputies  of  Rome,  mounted  upon  beautiful 
horses  and  wearing  long  brocade  cloaks  and  black 

1  Gregorovius. 


LUCREZIA'S  HORSE  THROWS  HER  309 

birettas,  coming  next.  These  were  followed  by  six 
tambourines  and  two  of  Lucrezia's  favourite  clowns. 

"  Then  came  the  bride  herself,  radiantly  beautiful 
and  happy,  mounted  upon  a  white  jennet  with 
scarlet  trappings,  and  followed  by  her  master  of  horse. 
Lucrezia  was  dressed  in  a  loose-sleeved  camorra  of 
black  velvet  with  a  narrow  gold  border,  and  a  cape 
of  gold  brocade  trimmed  with  ermine.  On  her 
head  she  wore  a  sort  of  net  glittering  with  diamonds 
and  gold — a  present  from  her  father-in-law.  .  .  . 
About  her  neck  she  had  a  chain  of  pearls  and  rubies 
which  had  once  belonged  to  the  Duchess  of  Ferrara — 
as  Isabella  noticed,  with  tears  in  her  eyes.  Her 
beautiful  hair  fell  down  unconfined  on  her  shoulders. 
She  rode  beneath  a  purple  baldachin,  which  the 
doctors  of  Ferrara,  i.e.  the  members  of  the  faculties 
of  law,  medicine,  and  mathematics,  supported  in  turn. 

"  Behind  Lucrezia  came  the  Duke,  in  black  velvet, 
on  a  dark  horse  with  trappings  of  the  same  material. 
On  his  right  was  the  Duchess  of  Urbino,  clad  in  a 
dark  velvet  gown.  Then  followed  nobles,  pages, 
and  other  personages  of  the  house  of  Este,  each  of 
whom  was  accompanied  by  one  of  Lucrezia's  ladies. 
.  .  .  Afterwards  came  fourteen  vehicles  upon  which 
were  seated  a  number  of  the  noble  women  of  Ferrara, 
beautifully  dressed,  including  the  twelve  damsels 
who  had  been  allotted  to  Lucrezia  as  maids  of  honour. 
Then  followed  two  white  mules  and  two  white  horses 
decked  with  velvet  and  silk  and  costly  gold  trappings. 
Eighty-six  mules  accompanied  the  train,  bearing  the 
bride's  trousseau  and  jewels." 

At  the  gate  near  Castle  Tedaldo  Lucrezia's  horse 
was  frightened  by  the  discharge  of  a  cannon,  and  she 
was  thrown.  She  rose  without  assistance,  and  the 
Duke  placed  her  upon  another  horse,  whereupon  the 
cortege  started  again.  "  In  honour  of  Lucrezia  there 
were  everywhere  triumphal  arches,  tribunes,  orations, 
and  mythological  scenes.  .  .  .  When  the  cavalcade 


310    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

reached  the  Piazza  before  the  church,  two  rope- 
walkers  descended  from  the  towers  and  addressed 
compliments  to  the  bride — thus  was  the  ludicrous 
introduced  into  public  festivities  at  that  tune.  .  .  . 
At  the  moment  when  the  procession  reached  the  palace 
of  the  Duke,  all  prisoners  were  given  their  liberty."1 

At  the  ducal  palace  the  bride  was  received  by  the 
Marchioness  Gonzaga  and  other  distinguished  ladies, 
many  of  them  bastard  daughters  of  the  House  of 
Este.  To  the  sound  of  music  the  bridal  pair  were 
conducted  to  the  reception  hall  and  seated  upon  a 
throne.  Then  followed  the  presentation  of  the 
court  officials,  and  an  orator  delivered  himself  of  an 
epithalamium.  Afterwards  the  Duke  accompanied 
Lucrezia  to  the  rooms  which  had  been  prepared  for 
her.  She  must  have  been  pleased  with  her  reception 
by  the  House  of  Este,  for  her  charming  appearance 
made  a  favourable  impression  on  every  one,  and  all 
the  poets  of  the  day,  not  excluding  Ariosto,  wrote 
effusively  in  her  honour.  The  chronicler  Bernardino 
Zambotto  describes  her  in  the  following  words : 
"  She  has  a  beautiful  countenance,  sparkling  and 
animated  eyes,  and  a  slender  figure ;  she  is  keen 
and  intellectual,  joyous  and  human,  and  possessed 
of  good  reasoning  powers.  She  pleased  the  people 
so  greatly  that  they  are  perfectly  satisfied  with  her, 
and  they  look  to  her  Majesty  for  protection  and 
good  government.  They  are  truly  delighted,  for 
they  think  that  the  city  will  greatly  profit  through 
her,  especially  as  the  Pope  will  refuse  her  nothing, 
as  is  shown  by  the  portion  he  gave  her,  and  by  pre- 
senting Don  Alfonso  with  certain  cities." 

Cagnolo  of  Parma  also  speaks  of  her  approvingly : 
"  She  is  of  medium  height  and  slender  figure.  Her 
face  is  long,  the  nose  well-defined  and  beautiful ; 
her  hair  a  bright  gold,  and  her  eyes  blue ;  her  mouth 
is  somewhat  large,  the  teeth  dazzlingly  white ;  her 

1  Gregorovius  and  Garner. 


WEDDING  FESTIVITIES          811 

neck  white  and  slender,  but  well  rounded.  She  is 
always  cheerful  and  good-humoured." 

The  wedding  festivities  were  continued  for  six 
days,  their  attractions  being  greatly  increased  by  the 
presence  of  the  three  most  beautiful  women  of  the 
day — Lucrezia,  Isabella,  and  the  Duchess  of  Urbino. 
On  the  last  day  of  these  celebrations,  so  minutely 
described  by  Gregorovius,  the  departing  ambassadors 
presented  the  bride  with  valuable  gifts  of  beautiful 
stuffs  and  silver  ware.  The  Venetian  envoys  had 
been  clad  in  most  magnificent  garments  of  crimson 
velvet  trimmed  with  fur,  which  excited  the  astonish- 
ment of  the  multitude.  One  of  them,  it  is  said, 
contained  twenty-eight,  and  the  other  thirty-two, 
yards  of  velvet.  Following  the  instructions  of  the 
Seignory  of  Venice,  these  festive  robes  were  bestowed 
on  Lucrezia  as  a  bridal  gift.  The  manner  of  presenta- 
tion was  quaint.  The  envoys,  having  addressed 
discourses  in  Latin  and  Italian  to  Lucrezia,  retired 
to  an  adjoining  room,  where  they  divested  themselves 
of  their  splendid  garments  and  sent  them  in  to  the 
bride.  This  performance  excited  great  merriment 
at  the  Court  of  Ferrara. 

In  spite  of  the  trouble  and  expense  to  which  the 
Duke  had  gone,  Isabella  seems  to  have  found  the 
entertainments  dull  and  slow.  She  was  longing 
to  get  back  to  Mantua,  where  she  would  not  be 
constantly  irritated  by  the  unwelcome  presence  of 
her  new  sister-in-law.  There  is,  however,  good 
reason  to  believe  that  her  antipathy  died  away  in 
the  course  of  tune,  to  be  replaced  by  a  genuine  friend- 
ship for  Lucrezia. 

On  September  15,  1501,  long  before  his  sister's 
marriage,  Caesar  had  returned  to  Rome,  where  he 
learned  that  his  troops  had  captured  Piombino. 
The  Borgia  star  was  now  in  the  ascendant.  Lucrezia 
was  about  to  enter  upon  an  honourable  alliance 


312    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Alexander  had  established  two  dukedoms1  out  of 
the  property  which  he  had  seized  from  the  Colonna ; 
Caesar  was  master  of  nearly  the  whole  of  the  Romagna, 
as  he  was  virtually  master  of  Rome.  The  Pope 
himself  quailed  before  the  iron  will  of  this  odious 
tyrant,  by  whom  no  human  life  was  held  sacred. 

Burchard,  in  his  Diarium,  describes  a  scene  of  the 
most  horrible  debauchery  at  a  feast  given  by  Caesar 
on  October  31,  1501,  at  which  both  the  Pope  and 
Lucrezia  are  said  to  have  been  present.1  This,  however, 
is  the  only  occasion  on  which  Burchard  represents 
Lucrezia  in  an  unfavourable  light.  He  makes  not 
the  remotest  reference  to  the  criminal  intimacy 
with  her  father  and  brothers  of  which  she  has  been 
accused — a  fact  which  he  is  not  likely  to  have  con- 
cealed if  he  had  entertained  any  suspicions  of  its 
probability. 

At  the  end  of  the  year  1501  a  bitter  and  malignant 
letter  attacking  the  Borgias  in  no  measured  terms 
was  sent  to  Silvio  Savelli,  one  of  the  exiled  Roman 
barons.  "  You  are  mistaken,  my  dear  friend,"  it 

1  Nepi  and  Sennoneta. 

•  "Buchard  tells  us  how,  for  the  amusement  of  Cesare,  of  the  Pope, 
and  of  Lucrezia,  .  .  .  fifty  courtesans  were  set  to  dance  after  supper, 
with  the  servants  and  some  others  who  were  present,  dressed  at 
first  and  afterwards  not  so.  He  draws  for  us  a  picture  of  those  fifty 
women  on  all  fours  .  .  .  striving  for  the  chestnuts  flung  to  them 
in  that  chamber  of  the  Apostolic  Palace  " — by  the  Pope  and  his 
two  children.  "  There  is  much  worse  to  follow."  (The  Life  of 
Cesare  Borgia,  by  Rafael  Sabatini,  p.  305.  See  also  The  Diary  of 
John  Burchard,  Bishop  of  Orta,  vol.  iii.,  entries  under  October  27 
and  November  n,  1501.)  Mr.  Sabatini  discredits  these  stories, 
but,  since  Burchard  resided  in  the  Vatican,  he  had  every  opportunity 
of  knowing  whether  or  no  they  were  true,  and  he  could  have  had 
no  conceivable  object  in  recording,  in  his  private  diary  and  note- 
book, not  for  publication  but  merely  for  his  own  information,  events 
of  which  he  had  not  ascertained  the  full  and  accurate  details.  Entries 
of  the  kind  are  rare  in  the  Diary,  but  when  they  occur  they  indicate 
no  surprise  on  the  part  of  Burchard. 


LETTER  TO  SILVIO  SAVELLI      313 

ran,  "  if  you  think  that  you  ought  to  attempt  to 
come  to  terms  with  this  monster.  .  .  .  Lay  before  the 
Emperor  and  the  other  Princes  of  the  Empire  all 
the  evil  that  has  proceeded  from  this  cursed  beast 
for  the  perdition  of  Christendom ;  narrate  the 
abominable  crimes  by  which  God  is  set  at  naught, 
and  the  heart  of  religion  pierced  through."  It  goes 
on  to  accuse  the  Pope,  Caesar,  and  Lucrezia  of  every 
conceivable  crime.  "  There  is  no  sort  of  outrage 
or  vice,"  it  says,  "  that  is  not  openly  practised  in 
the  Palace  of  the  Pope.  The  perfidy  of  the  Scythians 
and  Carthaginians,  the  bestiality  and  savagery  of 
Nero  and  Caligula,  are  surpassed.  Rodrigo  Borgia 
is  an  abyss  of  vice,  a  subverter  of  all  justice,  human 
or  divine." 

Although  the  Pope  had  this  libel  read  to  him,  he 
made  no  effort  to  check  the  circulation  of  the 
pamphlet  or  to  prosecute  its  author.  Caesar,  how- 
ever, did  not  take  things  so  calmly.  At  the  end  of 
November  a  masked  man  who  had  inveighed  against 
the  Duke  in  the  Borgo  was  seized  by  his  command 
and  suffered  the  loss  of  one  hand  and  the  tip  of  his 
tongue.  A  Venetian  who  had  translated  some 
scandalous  document  from  the  Greek  and  sent  it 
to  Venice,  was  put  to  death.  The  Pope,  in  speaking 
of  his  son  to  the  Ferrarese  envoy,  said :  "  the  Duke 
is  good-hearted,  but  he  cannot  bear  injuries.  I 
have  often  told  him  that  Rome  is  a  free  country, 
where  a  man  may  say  or  write  what  he  will ;  that 
much  is  said  against  me,  but  that  I  do  not  interfere. 
He  answered :  '  If  Rome  is  accustomed  to  write 
and  speak  slanders,  well  and  good ;  but  I  will  teach 
them  to  repent.'  For  my  own  part,  I  have  always 
been  forgiving — witness  the  Cardinals  who  plotted 
against  me  when  Charles  VIII.  invaded  Italy.  I 
might  have  rid  myself  many  times  of  Ascanio  Sforza 
and  Giuliano  della  Rovere ;  but  I  have  not  done  so." 

Five  weeks  after  Lucrezia's  departure  Alexander 


314    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

and  Caesar  set  out  for  Piombino,  which  had  surrendered 
in  September,  1501.  The  aim  of  this  expedition  was 
to  inspect  the  fortifications  which  were  in  construction, 
apparently  under  the  supervision  of  Leonardo  da 
Vinci.  They  were  accompanied  by  the  Cardinals 
Pallavicino,  Orsini,  Cosenza,  d'Este,  and  Borgia,  as 
well  as  by  a  number  of  prelates  and  servants.  They 
afterwards  visited  the  island  of  Elba,  and  also  spent 
some  time  in  the  outlying  districts  of  Piombino. 
Their  own  enjoyment  was  not  neglected,  and  the 
most  beautiful  maidens  of  the  neighbourhood  per- 
formed their  national  dances  in  the  market-place. 
The  time  was  Lent,  but  the  papal  Court  made  no 
pretence  of  fasting.  In  order  to  win  the  favour 
of  the  country  people  and  impress  them  with  the 
Borgia  munificence,  feasts  were  organised  and  an 
astonishing  amount  of  money  lavished  on  them. 

The  return  journey  was  begun  on  March  I,  but, 
owing  to  the  bad  weather,  their  progress  was  slow, 
and  they  did  not  reach  Ercole  until  the  fourth. 
They  continued  as  far  as  Corneto,  but  upon  their 
arrival  the  storm  was  so  violent  that  it  was  impossible 
to  land,  and  they  seemed  in  imminent  danger  of 
shipwreck.  The  crew  were  beside  themselves  with 
terror,  and  fell  on  their  faces  and  wept.  The  Pope 
alone  appeared  calm  and  unaffrighted.  He  remained 
on  deck,  crossed  himself  from  time  to  time,  and 
called  upon  the  Name  of  Jesus.  The  alarming 
situation  did  not  affect  his  appetite,  and  he  asked 
for  dinner ;  but  the  winds  and  waves  were  too  rough 
to  allow  the  kindling  of  a  fire  at  the  time,  though 
later  on,  during  a  lull  in  the  storm,  they  were  able 
to  cook  a  few  fish.  Finally,  with  great  difficulty, 
they  effected  a  landing  near  Porto  Ercole,  where  horses 
were  sent  for  the  Pope  and  his  suite  from  Corneto. 

Meanwhile  disturbances  had  broken  out  in  Tuscany, 
originated  by  Vitellozzo,  Giampagnolo,  Baglione,  and 
the  Orsini,  who,  with  the  help  of  Pandolfo  Petrucci 


were  anxious  to  reinstate  Piero  de'  Medici  in  Florence. 
But  Guglielmo  de'  Pazzi,  the  Florentine  plenipo- 
tentiary in  Arezzo,  learned  that  some  of  the  citizens 
were  in  treacherous  communication  with  Vitellozzo, 
and  were  meditating  a  revolution.  He  thereupon 
had  two  of  the  leaders  arrested ;  but  this  measure 
only  served  to  bring  the  rebellion  to  a  head.  The 
citizens  of  Arezzo  rose  up  and  openly  renounced 
their  allegiance  to  Florence.  They  liberated  both 
prisoners,  and  imprisoned  Pazzi  and  the  other  magis- 
trates in  their  stead.  The  people  ran  up  and  down 
with  cries  of  "  Freedom  !  Freedom !  "  and  all  that 
remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Florentines  was  the 
citadel  in  which  the  Bishop  of  Arezzo,  the  governor's 
son,  had  taken  refuge. 

The  rebels  sent  to  ask  help  of  Vitellozzo,  who  was 
anything  but  pleased  at  this  rash  outbreak  of  revolution 
before  adequate  preparations  had  been  made.  Never- 
theless, he  hastened  with  troops  to  the  support  of 
the  citizens.  A  few  days  later  he  returned  to  Citta 
di  Castello,  leaving  his  forces  behind  at  Arezzo,  and 
promising  to  return  shortly  with  considerable  rein- 
forcements. 

The  Florentines  apparently  did  not  recognise  the 
importance  of  this  rebellion,  and  were  in  no  hurry 
to  suppress  it,  thinking  that  peace  could  be  restored 
by  a  handful  of  soldiers  from  the  surrounding  districts. 
Vitellozzo,  quick  to  notice  their  remissness,  immediately 
returned  to  Arezzo  with  fresh  forces.  Baglione, 
Cardinal  Paolo  Orsini,  and  Piero  de'  Medici  came  to 
his  aid,  and  the  besieged,  realising  that  the  Florentine 
troop  under  Bentivoglio  was  not  strong  enough  to 
resist  Vitellozzo,  surrendered  in  a  few  days.  The 
besiegers,  however,  detained  the  Bishop,  in  order 
that  they  might  exchange  him  for  a  few  prisoners 
taken  by  the  Florentines.  Afterwards  the  citizens 
razed  the  citadel  to  the  ground.  The  Florentines, 
who  now  saw  that  their  cause  was  hopeless,  withdrew 


316    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

to  Monte  Varchi,  whereupon  Vitellozzo  made  himself 
master  of  the  surrounding  district. 

The  Borgias  took  no  part  in  this  rebellion ;  the 
reinstatement  of  the  Medici  could  only  have  been 
to  their  advantage,  since  the  unrest  which  prevailed 
among  the  Florentine  citizens  would  have  been 
favourable  to  their  plans  against  Tuscany.  Caesar, 
not  wishing  to  let  the  present  opportunity  slip, 
directed  his  attention  to  Urbino,  within  whose 
province  lay  four  towns  and  thirty  fortified  castles. 
Duke  Guidobaldi  of  Montefeltro  had,  however, 
given  no  cause  of  offence ;  on  the  contrary,  he  had 
often  taken  up  arms  on  behalf  of  the  Church.  His 
courage  was  undoubted,  and,  by  his  amiable  qualities, 
he  had  earned  the  affection  of  his  subjects.  Caesar, 
who,  since  the  troops  of  Vitellozzo  and  Baglione  were 
otherwise  engaged,  was  not  in  a  position  to  attack 
Urbino,  took  refuge  in  cunning.  Both  he  and  Alex- 
ander displayed  the  greatest  friendliness  towards 
the  Duke,  and  the  Pope  undertook  to  settle  the 
difference  which  had  arisen  between  Guidobaldi 
and  the  Apostolic  See  concerning  his  enfeofrment. 
His  nephew,  Francesco  Maria,  was  appointed  Prefect 
of  Rome,  and  the  Pope  planned  for  him  a  marriage 
with  his  niece,  Angela  Borgia. 

No  sooner  did  Caesar  feel  secure  of  the  Duke's 
favour  than  he  despatched  part  of  his  troops  for 
the  purpose  of  besieging  Camerino.  He  sent  two 
ambassadors  to  Guidobaldi,  requesting  the  loan  of 
his  heavy  artillery  as  well  as  a  free  escort  for  fifteen 
hundred  of  his  men.  The  Duke  was  most  obliging, 
and  immediately  sent  one  of  his  nobles  to  Caesar  at 
Spoleto  with  assurances  of  his  support.  Caesar, 
not  to  be  outdone  in  amiability,  received  the  envoy 
graciously,  asserting  that  he  well  knew  how  to  prize 
the  service  and  favour  of  the  Duke  of  Urbino,  adding 
that  he  could  wish  no  other  brother  in  Italy. 

Directly  the  envoy  had  returned  to  Urbino,  Caesar 


CAESAR  TAKES  URBINO          317 

sent  two  thousand  men  to  the  province,  under  pretext 
of  conveying  the  artillery  and  the  provisions.  At 
the  same  time  he  commanded  the  rest  of  his  troops 
to  press  forward,  garrison  all  the  routes,  and  hold 
themselves  in  readiness  to  occupy  the  States  of  the 
Duke.  Caesar  himself  lost  no  time  in  betaking 
himself  and  his  cavalry  to  Nocera,  which  lay  on  the 
way  to  Camerino,  and  thence  rushed  with  so  much 
violence  upon  the  domain  of  Urbino  that  no  place 
escaped  pillage.  Leaving  behind  him  destruction  and 
desolation,  he  announced  his  intention  of  now  pro- 
ceeding against  the  town  of  Urbino. 

Duke  Guidobaldo  was  immediately  informed  of 
this  unexpected  hostility  on  the  part  of  his  supposed 
friend,  and  being  unable  to  defend  himself,  was 
obliged  to  seek  safety  in  flight,  clad  as  a  peasant. 
In  spite  of  Caesar's  vigilance  and  craftiness,  he  managed 
to  escape  to  Mantua. 

Caesar  took  possession  of  Urbino  without  meeting 
any  resistance,  though  he  felt  that  his  dominion  over 
it  could  never  be  secure  until  he  had  succeeded  in 
annihilating  the  family  of  Montefeltro.  Knowing 
Cardinal  della  Rovere,  who  was  at  that  time  in 
Savona,  to  be  their  most  devoted  friend,  the  Pope 
and  Caesar  cast  about  for  some  way  of  capturing  him. 
Their  plan,  which  was  to  beguile  him  on  to  some 
galleys  under  a  false  pretence,  and  then  to  seize  him, 
fell  through,  owing  to  the  Cardinal's  sturdy  principle 
of  completely  ignoring  the  Borgia  authority. 

For  some  time  longer  Caesar  remained  at  Urbino, 
unable  to  decide  whether  to  continue  the  siege  of 
Camerino  or  to  unite  his  troops  with  those  of 
Vitellozzo,  who  had  gained  important  advantages 
in  Tuscany.  Although  he  dreaded  the  displeasure 
of  France,  who  had  taken  Tuscany  under  her  pro- 
tection, Caesar  could  not  resist  throwing  in  his  lot 
with  Vitellozzo,  whose  successes  aroused  his  most 
sanguine  expectations.  The  Medici  brothers  and 


318    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

the  Orsini  united  with  him,  and  it  seemed  certain 
that  Florence  would  soon  have  to  yield.  In  this 
crisis  the  citizens  assembled  to  consider  how  they 
could  avert  the  danger  which  threatened  them. 
Soderini  declared  that  the  only  way  of  saving  the 
situation  was  to  turn  to  Louis  of  France,  who,  in 
the  Treaty  of  Blois,  November  1501,  had  promised 
the  Republic  his  protection.  The  result  of  Soderi- 
ni's  representations  was  that  King  Louis  sent  hasty 
messengers  to  the  Borgias,  admonishing  them  to 
give  up  their  designs  on  Florence.  In  the  event  of 
their  disobedience,  a  French  force  was  ordered  to 
be  in  readiness  to  expel  Vitellozzo  from  Tuscany 
and  to  deprive  Caesar  of  the  conquered  towns.  The 
latter  was  therefore  obliged,  with  great  reluctance 
to  withdraw  his  forces  from  Florence. 

Caesar,  who  was  zealously  continuing  the  siege  of 
Camerino,  after  pretending  to  negotiate  with  Giulio 
Cesare  da  Varano,  the  ruler,  seized  upon  the  town. 
As  he  never  considered  himself  secure  of  a  con- 
quest as  long  as  the  legal  owner  still  lived,  he 
had  Varano  and  two  of  his  sons  immediately 
strangled. 

When  the  Pope  heard  of  the  capture  of  Camerino 
he  was  "  almost  beside  himself  with  joy,"  writes 
the  Venetian  ambassador.  Caesar  was  already  be- 
ginning to  think  of  turning  his  attention  to  Bologna 
when  Louis  XII.,  who  was  beset  by  complaints  of 
the  conduct  of  the  Duke  of  Romagna,  gave  him  to 
understand  that  his  ambition  was  leading  him  too 
far.  Caesar,  who  counted  much  on  the  French 
King's  favour,  hastened  to  Asti  to  try  to  make  peace, 
throwing  the  blame  of  the  Florentine  undertaking 
upon  Vitellozzo,  the  Orsini,  and  the  Medici.  Louis 
was  appeased  by  the  plausibility  of  his  representations, 
especially  as  strife  had  broken  out  between  France 
and  Spain,  and  he  was  anxious  to  be  on  good  terms 
with  the  Pope.  He  not  only  received  Caesar 


PUNISHMENT  OF  THE  ORSINI    819 

graciously,  but  concluded  an  alliance  with  him  and 
promised  him  support  in  his  enterprises. 

But  the  suspicions  of  Caesar's  generals  were  aroused, 
and  they  summoned  an  assembly  at  Perugia,  justly 
fearing  that,  sooner  or  later,  the  Borgia  craft  or 
force  would  deprive  them  of  all  their  possessions. 
A  compact  was  made  to  protect  themselves  against 
Caesar  and  to  support  the  Duke  of  Urbino.  At  the 
same  time  they  commissioned  Cardinal  Orsini  to  go 
to  the  King  of  France  in  order  to  justify  themselves 
for  the  capture  of  Arezzo,  and  to  lodge  complaints 
against  Caesar. 

The  Cardinal  begged  Alexander,  under  pretext 
of  private  business,  for  permission  to  absent  himself 
from  Rome ;  but  the  Pope  refused,  saying  that  he 
had  need  of  him.  Orsini  therefore  took  French 
leave,  which  so  enraged  the  Pope  that  he  visited  his 
displeasure  on  the  other  members  of  the  Orsini  family 
by  depriving  them  of  their  lives  and  property. 

Among  those  who  united  in  the  crusade  against 
the  Borgia  tyranny  were  the  Dukes  of  Ferrara  and 
Urbino,  the  Marquis  of  Mantua,  Cardinal  della 
Rovere,  the  Bentivogli,  the  Venetians,  and  the 
Florentines,  who  were  "  afraid  that  the  dragon 
was  preparing  to  swallow  them  up  one  by  one." 
They  painted  in  vivid  colours  the  treachery  and 
disloyalty  of  Caesar,  and  conjured  the  King  to 
punish  this  most  perfidious  monster  who  revelled 
in  the  shedding  of  innocent  blood. 

But  the  King  was  more  disposed  to  listen  to  the 
representations  of  the  Borgia  ambassadors,  especially 
as  they  promised  him  the  help  of  Alexander  and 
Caesar  in  the  war  which  had  broken  out  in  Naples 
between  France  and  Spain.  The  complaints  of  the 
allies  fell  on  deaf  ears,  for  Louis  not  only  distrusted 
the  Venetians,  but  he  considered  the  Pope's  friendship 
necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  his  power  in  Italy. 

Public  festivities  were  held  in  Rome  in  honour  of 


820    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

the  taking  of  Camerino,  and  the  Pope,  assured  of 
Louis'  favour,  took  measures  for  frustrating  the 
intentions  of  the  malcontents.  Caesar,  to  plant 
himself  still  more  firmly  in  the  King's  favour,  went 
to  visit  him  at  Milan,  accompanied  only  by  Cardinal 
Borgia  and  Trocci,  the  ever-facile  tool  of  the  Pope. 
He  stayed  at  Ferrara  and  took  his  brother-in-law, 
Alfonso  d'Este,  with  him  to  Milan,  where  he  arrived 
safe  and  sound.  The  rebels  were  greatly  astonished 
at  this  move,  for  the  King's  attitude  had  not  yet 
been  made  public.  When  they  saw  how  cordially 
Caesar  was  received  they  realised  that  they  had 
nothing  more  to  hope  for  from  the  French. 

Caesar,  with  glib  and  oily  tongue,  represented  to 
the  King  that  all  the  disturbances  in  Italy  proceeded 
from  the  malcontents,  and  promised  that  both  he 
and  the  Pope  would  lend  him  powerful  aid  in  his 
fight  against  Spain.  Louis  was  captivated  by  his 
eloquence  and  winning  manners,  not  realising  the 
depths  of  infamy  that  lay  beneath  his  charming 
exterior.  "  No  cat,  purring  by  the  winter  fireside," 
says  Dean  Kitchin,  "  could  be  softer  or  gentler, 
or  seem  to  think  less  of  her  claws  and  the  mice. 
Machiavelli  saw  in  him  the  strong  man  destined  to 
pluck  Italy  out  of  the  hand  of  the  foreigner.  To 
such  a  man,  he  thought,  all  things  could  be  forgiven." 

When  the  French  King  left  Milan  Caesar  repaired 
to  Imola  with  the  intention  of  assembling  his  whole 
army  there.  All  the  Princes  of  Italy  were  terribly 
concerned  at  the  Borgia  good  fortune,  especially 
when  they  heard  of  Louis'  promise  to  support  him 
in  his  attack  upon  Bologna.  The  Venetians,  therefore, 
addressed  a  letter  to  the  King,  pointing  out  the 
undesirability  of  encouraging  the  Duke  of  Valentino 
(Caesar),  and  how  little  it  would  redound  to  the 
credit  of  the  House  of  France  and  the  honour  of 
the  Most  Christian  King  to  support  a  tyrant  of  so 
barbarous  and  bloodthirsty  a  kind  that  he  gave  the 


whole  universe  a  hideous  example  of  inhumanity 
and  faithlessness. 

King  Louis,  however,  remained  unmoved  by  this 
communication,  refusing  to  injure  his  position  by 
breaking  faith  with  the  Borgias.  After  his  departure 
from  Milan,  Caesar's  opponents  thought  it  a  favourable 
opportunity  to  provide  for  their  safety.  For  although 
the  Orsini,  Baglioni,  and  Oliverotto  da  Fermo  were 
in  the  Duke's  service,  and  had  received  money  from 
him  in  order  to  enlist  troops  against  Bologna,  they 
nevertheless  deemed  it  prudent  to  unite  their  forces 
in  order  to  protect  themselves  against  him.  At 
the  same  time  a  certain  Ludovico  Paltroni,  who  was 
in  secret  communication  with  the  troops  occupying 
the  castle  of  S.  Leo  at  Urbino,  incited  the  whole 
town  to  make  an  effort  for  the  restoration  of  their 
beloved  Duke. 

The  allies  assembled  at  Magione,  near  Perugia. 
After  mature  deliberation  they  decided  to  defend 
the  cause  of  the  Duke  of  Urbino,  and  to  place  seven 
hundred  lances  and  nine  thousand  infantry  in  the 
field,  if  Bentivoglio  would  begin  the  war  in  Imola, 
and  the  Malatesta  and  Sforza  take  the  necessary 
measures  for  the  reconquest  of  Rimini  and  Pesaro. 
In  order,  however,  to  avoid  offending  the  King, 
they  declared  themselves  ready  to  support  him  in 
his  enterprises  and  to  sacrifice  their  lives  and  property 
in  the  honour  of  his  service. 

The  allies  would  have  given  much  to  induce  the 
Venetians  and  Florentines  to  join  them.  But 
although  both  these  Powers  were  deeply  annoyed  by 
Caesar's  usurpations,  they  wished  to  see  what  line  the 
French  King  would  pursue  before  taking  any  decisive 
step. 

Caesar  was  at  Imola,  preparing  to  surprise  Bologna, 
when  the  news  of  this  alliance  reached  him.  Although 
greatly  discomposed,  he  did  not  lose  courage,  hoping 
to  give  the  world  a  convincing  proof  of  his  genius 

WB 


322     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

for  overcoming  obstacles.  First  of  all  he  sent  couriers 
to  Louis  XII.  begging  him  to  despatch  troops  without 
delay,  and  then  he  entered  into  negotiations  with 
the  allies,  thus  gaining  time,  and  preventing  any 
hasty  move  on  their  part. 

Bentivoglio  had  in  the  meantime  seized  and 
plundered  the  Castle  of  San  Pietro  da  Coccia,  near 
Imola.  At  the  same  time  the  Duke  of  Gravina  and 
Paolo  Orsini  had  proceeded  with  their  troops  to  the 
domain  of  Urbino,  where  they  encountered  Caesar's 
generals,  Michelotto  and  Ugo  da  Cardone,  at  Cagli. 
Michelotto,  whose  skill  lay  rather  in  assassination 
than  in  generalship,  had  the  unhappy  Giulio  Cesare 
Varano  murdered,  and  took  possession  of  Fossombrone,. 
But  the  allies  attacked  him  so  vigorously  that  his 
troops  were  utterly  routed.  Cardone  was  among 
the  captured,  but  Michelotto  escaped  to  Fano. 
Caesar  commanded  him  to  go  to  Pesaro  to  repress 
the  inhabitants,  who  were  showing  signs  of  restiveness 
and  ill-will.  Camerino,  too,  had  risen  up  and 
summoned  Giovanni  Maria,  the  eldest  son  of  their 
late  Duke,  from  Venice  in  order  to  undertake  the 
government. 

Universal  joy  was  excited  by  the  success  of  the 
allies,  who,  if  they  had  only  taken  advantage  of  the 
favourable  moment,  would  undoubtedly  have  suc- 
ceeded in  wresting  all  Caesar's  conquests  from  him. 
They  allowed  themselves,  however,  to  be  misled  by 
his  false  representations  of  a  union,  and  thus  missed 
their  chance.  To  their  great  consternation^  Caesar 
raised  a  large  army,  including  reinforcements  from 
the  King  of  France.  Although  he  was  now  in  a 
position  to  crush  the  allies,  he  preferred  to  dally 
with  negotiations  for  a  while  longer.  The  Pope 
also  entered  into  transactions  with  Bentivoglio  and 
the  Orsini.  The  latter  were  speedily  won  by  fair 
words  and  promises,  though  it  seems  hardly  credible 
that  such  crafty  and  experienced  generals  could  be 


CARDINAL  ORSINI'S  CONFIDENCE  323 

duped  by  a  man  whose  falseness  and  barbarity  were 
so  well  known  to  them. 

Baglione  and  Vitellozzo  showed  great  repugnance 
to  the  idea  of  a  reconciliation  with  Caesar.  Vitellozzo, 
especially,  mistrusted  him,  and,  in  order  to  incite 
the  other  allies  to  war,  he  sent  his  troops  to  Fossom- 
brone  to  help  the  Duke  of  Urbino  to  reconquer  his 
territory.  The  latter  did  all  in  his  power  to  prevent 
the  league  from  coming  to  terms  with  Caesar,  but,  as 
Orsini  and  others  had  been  won  over  to  his  side, 
the  rest  were  obliged  to  follow  suit.  It  was  agreed 
that  the  past  should  be  forgotten,  that  Caesar  should 
take  back  his  former  generals,  that  they  should  help 
him  to  reconquer  Urbino  and  Camerino,  though 
they  did  not  bind  themselves  to  take  any  personal 
part  in  this  enterprise.  A  separate  peace  was  con- 
cluded with  Bentivoglio,  by  which  Bologna  bound 
itself  to  provide  Caesar  for  eight  years  with  one 
hundred  lances  as  well  as  an  annual  tribute  of  twelve 
thousand  ducats.  Bentivoglio's  son  also  undertook 
to  place  at  Caesar's  disposal,  though  only  for  a  year, 
a  hundred  lances  and  a  hundred  mounted  archers. 
France  and  Florence  were  to  be  sureties  for  this 
contract,  and,  to  confirm  the  alliance,  the  son  of 
Annibale  Bentivoglio  was  to  espouse  a  "  niece  "  of  the 
Pope,  the  reputed  sister  of  the  Bishop  of  Enna. 

As  soon  as  this  agreement  was  concluded  the 
Duke  of  Urbino,  who  seems  to  have  had  no  great 
confidence  in  the  promises  of  his  people  to  defend 
him  at  the  risks  of  their  lives,  returned  to  Venice. 
Before  starting  he  had  all  the  fortifications  torn  down, 
so  that  the  enemy  could  not  garrison  them  and  keep 
the  people  in  slavery. 

The  blind  confidence  which  Cardinal  Orsini  placed 
in  the  Borgias,  who  had  won  him  through  cajolery 
and  flattery,  is  very  remarkable.  He  gave  no  heed 
to  the  repeated  warnings  which  assailed  him,  especially 
as  he  continued  in  favour  with  the  Pope. 


824     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Caesar  had  taken  Camerino  and  Urbino  without 
any  resistance,  since  the  allies  had  not  only  abandoned 
these  towns,  but  had  even  threatened  to  turn  their 
weapons  against  them.  He  thereupon  gave  his 
generals  orders  to  attack  Sinigaglia,  which  was  then 
under  the  regency  of  Giovanni  da  Montefeltro,  for 
his  son  Francesco  Maria  della  Rovere.  The  town 
soon  surrendered,  and  Giovanni,  abandoned  by  all, 
fled  from  the  vengeance  of  the  Borgias,  leaving  the 
citadel  in  charge  of  Andrea  Doria ;  but  the  latter, 
on  hearing  that  Caesar  himself  was  bearing  down 
upon  them,  took  flight  to  Venice.  The  citadel 
refused  to  surrender  to  any  one  but  Caesar. 

Although  Vitellozzo  found  it  hard  to  place  any 
confidence  in  the  villainous  Duke  who  had  slain  his 
brother,  he  allowed  himself  to  be  persuaded  by 
Paolo  Orsini,  who  had  succumbed  to  Caesar's  fawn- 
ing flattery,  to  await  the  Duke  with  the  others  in 
Sinigaglia. 

Caesar,  who  had  decided  to  leave  Fano  on  De- 
cember 30,  1502,  communicated  his  intentions  to 
eight  of  his  confidants,  including  Michelotto  and 
the  Bishop  of  Enna.  When  he  arrived  at  Sinigaglia 
on  December  31  he  was  joined  at  the  gates  by 
Vitellozzo,  Paolo  Orsini,  the  Duke  of  Gravina,  and 
Oliverotto  da  Fermo.  Vitellozzo  looked  sad  and 
depressed,  almost  as  if  his  approaching  death  had 
cast  its  shadow  upon  him,  and  it  is  said  that  he 
had  already  taken  farewell  of  his  people  as  though  for 
the  last  time.  The  Duke  greeted  them  with  every 
appearance  of  friendliness,  and  they  all  entered  the 
town  together.  No  sooner,  however,  had  they 
arrived  at  the  ducal  palace  than  he  had  them  arrested 
and  thrown  into  prison.  Caesar  then  gave  commands 
that  the  troops  of  Oliverotto  and  Orsini  should  be 
attacked  without  delay.  Oliverotto's  men,  who  were 
near  at  hand,  were  all  slaughtered,  but  the  Orsini 
and  Vitellozzo  forces,  being  farther  off,  had  time  to 


PLUNDER  OF  THE  ORSINI  PALACE  325 

collect  themselves,  and  offered  a  brave  and  successful 
resistance. 

The  same  night  Vitellozzo  and  Oliverotto  met 
their  fate.  At  Caesar's  command  they  were  brought 
forth  to  the  place  of  execution,  where,  seated  back 
to  back  on  two  chairs,  they  were  ruthlessly  strangled. 
At  this  critical  moment  the  unfortunate  victims 
were  deserted  by  their  accustomed  courage.  Oliver- 
otto,  bathed  in  tears,  accused  Vitellozzo  of  having 
brought  about  his  downfall,  while  Vitellozzo  en- 
treated that  the  Pope  would  grant  the  remission  of 
his  sins. 

Neither  Paolo  nor  the  Duke  of  Gravina  (both 
Orsini)  met  with  so  speedy  a  vengeance,  for  Caesar 
was  awaiting  news  from  Rome.  But  when  he  heard 
that  the  Pope  had  seized  Cardinal  Orsini,  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Florence,  and  Giacopo  di  Santa  Croce, 
both  Paolo  and  the  Duke  were  strangled  in  the  same 
fashion  by  Michelotto,  January  18,  1503. 

On  the  morning  of  January  3,  the  blind  and  aged 
Cardinal  Orsini,  who  had  received  news,  through 
the  Pope,  of  the  capture  of  Sinigaglia,  was  hastening 
with  his  congratulations  to  the  Vatican.  On  the 
way  he  encountered  the  Prefect  of  Rome,  who,  as  if 
by  chance,  accompanied  him  to  the  palace.  Arrived 
there,  the  mules  and  horses  of  the  Cardinal's  retinue 
were  taken  to  the  Pope's  stables,  and  the  Cardinal 
himself  entered  the  Chamber  of  the  Parrots.  Here 
he  found  himself  immediately  surrounded  by  a  band 
of  armed  men.  Seeing  him  turn  pale  with  fright, 
the  soldiers  sought  to  soothe  him,  begging  him  to 
accompany  them  to  another  room.  With  him  were 
the  Protonotary  Orsini,  Giacopo  of  Santa  Croce, 
and  the  Abbot  Alviano,  and  the  Pope  hastily  sent 
for  Rinaldo  Orsini,  Archbishop  of  Florence,  to  add 
to  their  number.  When  they  were  all  secured, 
commands  were  issued  to  seize  and  plunder  the 
Orsini  Palace.  The  house  of  the  Cardinal's  mother, 


326    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

who  had  fled  on  hearing  of  her  son's  arrest,  was  also 
completely  pillaged.  "  Everything  was  taken  even 
to  the  straw  from  the  stables,"  says  Giustiniani.  The 
booty  was  afterwards  divided  among  the  Borgias, 
Caesar,  of  course,  receiving  the  largest  share. 

The  prisoners  were  conveyed  to  the  Castle  of 
Sant'  Angelo.  The  Protonotary  and  Giacopo  da 
Santa  Croce  found  means  to  regain  their  liberty  by 
binding  themselves,  on  heavy  security,  to  reappear  at 
an  appointed  time ;  but  no  sooner  were  they  set  free 
than  the  Pope  issued  orders  for  their  rearrest, 
regardless  of  the  compact  that  had  been  made  with 
them. 

The  College  of  Cardinals,  indignant  at  this  treatment 
of  the  Orsini,  attempted  to  remonstrate  with  the 
Pope.  But  the  latter  was  much  annoyed  at  their 
interference,  and  declared  that  the  Orsini  had  dis- 
graced the  Holy  See  by  conspiring  against  the  Duke 
of  the  Romagna,  and  had  given  him  every  cause 
for  revenge.  "  Since  they  had  not  seen  fit  to  keep 
their  word,  there  was  no  reason  why  he  should  keep 
his." 

Cardinal  Orsini  was  kept  a  prisoner  hi  the  Borgia 
tower  until  February  22,  when  he  succumbed  to 
poison,  said  to  have  been  administered  by  order  of 
the  Pope.  Such  was  the  end  of  the  man  who,  next 
to  Ascanio  Sforza,  contributed  most  to  bringing  about 
the  election  of  Alexander  VI.  He  was  borne  to  the 
grave  in  an  open  coffin,  in  order  that  it  might  appear 
that  he  had  died  a  natural  death.  Burchard  was 
authorised  to  superintend  the  obsequies,  "  but," 
writes  the  wary  chaplain,  "  not  wishing  to  know  more 
than  I  was  obliged,  I  stayed  away  and  occupied 
myself  in  another  manner."  On  February  24  the 
Pope  summoned  the  physicians  who  had  attended  the 
dying  Cardinal  and  forced  them  to  swear  that  he 
had  died  from  natural  causes. 

Tomasini  describes  the  circumstances  of  his  death 


DEATH  OF  CARDINAL  ORSINI    327 

as  follows :  "  When  Alexander  had  taken  Cardinal 
Orsini  captive,  he  treated  him  as  though  he  were 
only  imprisoned  as  a  hostage,  and  at  first  confined 
him  to  the  rooms  in  the  Vatican  which  lay  on  the 
upper  side  of  the  Papal  Chapel.  Afterwards  he  was 
taken  to  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo,  without  being 
kept  in  very  close  custody.  The  Pope  even  allowed 
him  to  occupy  the  apartments  of  the  governor, 
and  gave  his  mother  permission  to  provide  him  with 
food.  But  Alexander  had  determined  to  end  his 
life  by  poison,  and  after  a  time  the  Cardinal  was 
forbidden  to  accept  his  mother's  culinary  attentions. 
At  the  same  time  the  Pope  heard  that  a  vineyard  had 
been  bought  by  an  Orsini  for  2,000  scudi,  and  that 
this  money  had  been  given  over  to  the  Cardinal,  with 
a  pearl  of  extraordinary  size  and  beauty.  As  neither 
the  money  nor  the  pearl  had  been  found  during 
the  plundering  of  the  palace,  Alexander  demanded 
the  surrender  of  both,  under  severe  penalties,  just 
as  if  they  had  been  his  own  property.  When  this 
was  refused,  he  commanded  that  no  meat  sent  by  the 
Cardinal's  mother  should  be  received.  But  maternal 
love  triumphed.  Dressed  in  man's  clothes,  she  went 
to  the  Pope,  and  resigned  to  him  the  pearl  and  the 
2,000  scudi  which  her  son  had  given  her.  It  was, 
nevertheless,  too  late.  Poison  had  already  been 
administered  to  the  Cardinal,  and  the  provisions 
which  she  was  again  able  to  send  could  profit  him 
nothing." 

How  far  Alexander  VI.  was  concerned  in  the  violent 
deaths  just  described  is  matter  for  conjecture.  When 
news  reached  him  of  the  despatch  of  Oliverotto  and 
Vitellozzo  he  assured  the  ambassador  Giustiniani 
that  he  knew  nothing  of  the  affair,  and  that  he  had 
even  written  to  the  Duke  of  Valentinois  bidding  him 
disband  his  troops  and  return  to  Rome.  Afterwards 
he  spoke  to  the  Cardinals  of  a  plot  against  the  life 
of  Caesar,  who  had  been  obliged  to  arrest  and  execute 


828     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

the  leaders.  When  on  January  3,  1503,  the  Pope 
had  arrested  Cardinal  Orsini,  the  Archbishop  of 
Florence  and  Giacopo  da  Santa  Croce,  he  justified 
himself  by  referring  to  these  plots,  supported  secretly 
by  Florence  and  Venice,  and  connived  at  by  the  Cardinal. 
In  talking  to  the  Ferrarese  ambassador,  Alexander 
mentions  disapproval  of  Caesar's  conduct.  "  As  soon 
as  we  heard  of  the  Duke's  intention,"  he  said,  "  we 
wrote  to  tell  him  not  to  do  anything  with  Vitellozzo 
until  he  had  so  settled  affairs  as  to  have  the  Duke  of 
Urbino  in  subjection." 

The  accusation  against  Alexander  VI.  of  having 
poisoned  Cardinal  Orsini  is  not  easy  to  prove.  Gius- 
tiniani,  who  was  deeply  attached  to  the  Orsini  and 
well  posted  in  all  the  news  of  Rome,  writes  on 
February  15,  1503,  that  the  Cardinal  showed  signs 
of  frenzy ;  on  the  22nd,  in  announcing  the  sick 
man's  critical  condition,  he  says  no  word  of  any 
suspicion  of  foul  play.  Soderini,  the  Florentine 
ambassador,  in  his  despatch,  and  Brancatalini,  in  his 
diary,  simply  mention  the  death  of  the  Cardinal 
with  no  hint  of  poison.  Burchard,  in  describing 
the  Consistory  of  February  20,  tells  us  that  Cardinal 
Orsini  had  offered  the  Pope  27,000  ducats  for  his 
release,  but  that  Alexander  had  replied  that  his  health 
must  first  be  restored,  and  warmly  recommended 
him  to  the  physicians.  Hearing  the  reports  that 
were  spread  after  his  death,  the  Pope  had  inquiries 
made  concerning  the  illness,  and  the  doctors  who 
had  attended  the  Cardinal  swore  that  his  death 
had  been  a  natural  one.1 

Caesar  Borgia  now  turned  his  attention  to  his  other 
foes.  Hastening  to  Citta  di  Castello,  from  which 
the  Vitelli  had  fled,  he  had  no  difficulty  in  taking 
possession  of  it.  He  next  proceeded  to  Perugia, 
which  had  been  abandoned  by  Baglione,  and  then 

1  See  Revue  des  Questions  historiques,  April  1881. 


CAESAR  DISPLEASES  LOUIS  XII.  829 

made  preparations  to  advance  upon  Siena.  He 
sent  ambassadors  demanding  the  banishment  of 
Pandolpho  Petrucci,  the  Lord  of  Siena,  promising, 
on  his  side,  not  to  molest  the  Sienese  boundaries, 
but  to  withdraw  his  troops  to  Roman  territory. 
The  Pope,  for  his  part,  tried  to  lull  their  suspicions, 
as  he  had  already  lulled  those  of  others.  He  wrote 
very  amiable  letters  and  despatched  envoys  with 
messages  full  of  loving  kindness.  But  the  suspicious 
disclosure  that  he  had  no  intention  of  forcing  a  way 
into  the  town  made  the  plot  against  Petrucci  all 
the  more  difficult.  For,  although  many  of  the  citizens 
were  dissatisfied  with  his  government,  they  preferred 
the  tyranny  of  a  fellow-citizen  to  the  rule  of  a 
foreigner.  Caesar,  nevertheless,  persisted  in  his  hypo- 
critical assertion  that  he  only  wished  to  compass  the 
banishment  of  Petrucci,  although  he  had  already 
marched  into  the  dominion  of  Siena,  advanced  as 
far  as  Pienza  and  Chiusi,  and  received  the  submission 
of  the  surrounding  places. 

Consternation  sprang  up  and  spread  in  Siena, 
and  Petrucci  decided,  with  a  good  grace,  to  yield  his 
position,  which  sooner  or  later  would  have  been 
forced  from  him,  and  left  the  town.  Caesar  was 
thereupon  informed  that  the  Sienese  were  ready 
to  comply  with  his  wishes  as  soon  as  he  and  his  troops 
had  quitted  their  domains. 

For  various  reasons,  Caesar  agreed  to  their  proposals. 
He  realised  the  difficulty  of  conquering  Siena,  which 
was  strongly  garrisoned,  and  he  was  also  conscious  of 
falling  into  disfavour  with  the  French  King,  who 
by  no  means  approved  his  proceedings. 

Meanwhile  Caesar  received  news  from  the  Pope 
that  the  Duke  of  Pitigliano  and  the  other  Orsini  had 
united  with  the  Savelli  and  taken  up  arms.  They  had 
already  taken  the  Bridge  of  Lamentano  and  dis- 
tributed their  troops  throughout  the  neighbourhood. 
Caesar  immediately  attacked  the  dominion  of  Gian 


330    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Giordano  Orsini,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  latter 
was  under  the  protection  of  the  French  King.  The 
Pope  excused  himself  to  Louis  on  the  ground  that 
it  was  impossible  to  leave  this  domain  in  possession 
of  the  Orsini,  his  deadly  foes,  and  proposed  to  make 
over  to  him  the  dukedom  of  Squillace  and  other 
property  as  an  equivalent. 

The  King,  however,  repelled  this  offer.  He  des- 
patched envoys  to  Caesar  with  a  peremptory  command 
that  he  should  cease  to  molest  the  dominion  of  Gian 
Giordano,  who  at  the  risk  of  his  life  had  escaped  to 
Bracciano,  the  chief  stronghold  of  the  Orsini. 


CHAPTER  XV 

Caesar  Borgia  at  the  height  of  his  power — Death  of  Cardinal  Michieli 
— Nomination  of  new  Cardinals — Illness  and  death  of  Pope 
Alexander  VI.,  1503 — His  burial — Anarchy  in  Rome — Decline 
of  Caesar's  fortunes — Election  of  Cardinal  Piccolomini  as  Pius 
III. — His  character — Reconciliation  of  the  Orsini  and  Colonna — 
Flight  of  Caesar — Death  of  Pius  III.  after  a  reign  of  twenty-seven 
days — Election  of  Giuliano  della  Rovere  as  Julius  II. — The 
Venetians  attack  the  Romagna — Caesar  taken  prisoner  by  the 
Pope — He  is  betrayed  by  Gonsalvo  da  Cordova  and  sent  to 
Spain — Escapes  from  imprisonment  and  is  received  by  his 
brother-in-law.  King  of  Navarre — Caesar's  death  in  battle,  1507 
— His  character  compared  with  that  of  Alexander  VI. — Caesar's 
wife  and  daughter — His  illegitimate  children. 

CESAR  BORGIA  was  now  near  the  zenith  of  his  am- 
bition. Having  mastered  the  whole  of  the  Romagna, 
he  turned  a  covetous  eye  towards  Florence,  Pisa,  and 
Siena.  The  Florentines  quailed  before  his  ever- 
growing power,  especially  as  the  Pope  proposed  to 
declare  him  King  of  the  Romagna  and  Umbria. 

The  King  of  France  was  at  this  time  faring  badly 
in  Naples,  with  the  result  that  the  Borgias  no  longer 
felt  dependent  upon  him,  and  even  went  so  far  as 
to  declare  themselves  ill-satisfied  with  his  conduct 
towards  them.  But  the  peace  which,  through  the 
mediation  of  Philip,  Duke  of  Austria,  was  concluded 
at  Blois  between  Louis  XII.  and  Ferdinand  of  Castile, 
put  a  stop  to  the  enmity  against  Giordano.  The 
King,  who  had  been  chosen  as  arbitrator  for  the 
contesting  parties,  arranged  an  agreement  between 
them,  by  which  Giordano  was  to  receive  an  equivalent 
for  the  dominion  of  Bracciano. 

331 


882    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Caesar,  who  now  had  no  further  need  of  his  troops, 
led  them  back  to  Rome  ;  but,  before  he  arrived  there, 
Cardinal  d'Este  quitted  the  city,  having  entered  into 
an  amorous  intrigue  with  Sancia  of  Aragon,  with 
whom  Caesar  himself  was  also  reported  to  be  on  terms 
of  illicit  intimacy.  About  the  same  time  occurred 
the  death  of  Cardinal  Michieli,  "  nephew "  of  Pope 
Paul  II. ;  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  his  end  was 
caused  by  poison  administered  by  command  of  the 
Borgias,  who  reaped  a  considerable  harvest  from  his 
removal.  "  His  Holiness,"  we  are  told,  "  shut  him- 
self up  with  doors  firmly  closed,  that  he  might  count 
up  his  gains."  The  fact  that  Michieli's  fortune  had 
contributed  towards  Alexander's  election  had  no 
effect  upon  the  rapacious  Pope,  whose  avarice  did  but 
increase  with  his  advancing  years. 

But  the  lucky  star  of  the  Borgias  was  already  on 
the  wane.  In  order  to  carry  out  their  designs  on 
Tuscany,  much  money  was  needed,  and  the  most 
convenient  way  of  raising  the  required  amount 
seemed  to  be  by  nominating  fresh  Cardinals.  Gius- 
tiniani,  the  Venetian  ambassador,  writes  on  May  31, 
1503 :  "  To-day  there  was  a  Consistory.  Instead  of 
four  new  Cardinals,  as  people  expected,  and  as  the 
Pope  had  said,  nine  were  nominated.  .  .  .  Most  of 
them  are  men  of  doubtful  reputation ;  all  of  them 
have  paid  handsomely  for  their  elevation,  some 
20,000  ducats  and  more,  so  that  from  120,000  to  130,000 
ducats  have  been  collected.  If  we  add  to  this  64,000 
ducats  from  the  sale  of  the  offices  in  the  Court  and 
what  Cardinal  Michieli  left  behind  him,  we  shall 
have  a  fine  sum.  Alexander  VI.  is  showing  to  the 
world  that  the  amount  of  a  Pope's  income  is  just 
what  he  chooses."1 

Not  content  with  this  method  of  making  money, 

1  Pastor  warns  us  that  Giustiniani's  reports  must  be  accepted  with 
caution,  though  he  admits  that  the  bribes  given  at  this  creation  of 
Cardinals  are  confirmed  from  other  sources. 


CANTARELLA  833 

Alexander  and  Caesar,  it  is  said,  made  plans  for  poison- 
ing not  only  the  nine  new  Cardinals,  but  also  some 
others  of  the  richest  prelates  in  Rome.  With  this 
object,  they  invited  them  to  a  supper  at  the  Villa  of 
Cardinal  Adriano  di  Corneto,  who,  on  account  of  his 
great  wealth,  was  also  condemned  to  die.  Caesar, 
in  pursuance  of  this  diabolical  scheme,  had  despatched 
to  the  Pope's  servant,  who  was  to  wait  at  table,  some 
tankards  of  wine,  "  hi  which  was  mixed  the  poison 
called  Cantarella."  This  was  a  "  kind  of  white  powder 
resembling  sugar,  which  the  Borgias  had  already  often 
found  an  expeditious  means  of  despatching  their 
enemies.  It  was  a  poison  of  the  deadliest  kind, 
and  Caesar  gave  express  commands  that  the  wine 
should  be  offered  to  no  one  but  the  doomed  persons  " 
(see  Appendix,  p.  404). 

On  the  evening  of  August  10,  1503,  *  the  Pope  and 
Caesar  repaired  to  Corneto's  villa  at  la  Vigna  for 
supper.  Some  writers  assert  that  the  Pope  was  in 
the  habit  of  carrying  about  a  consecrated  Host  in  a 
gold  case,  because  an  astrologer  had  once  prophesied 
that  he  would  never  die  as  long  as  he  had  It  upon 
him.  On  this  particular  evening  it  chanced  that 
he  had  forgotten  It,  and  upon  discovering  Its  absence, 
he  at  once  sent  Cardinal  Caraffa  to  fetch  It.  While 
Caraffa  was  gone,  Alexander,  owing  to  the  extra- 
ordinary heat,  felt  thirsty  and  unable  to  wait  until 
the  meal  was  served.  Just  at  that  time  the  cup- 
bearer who  had  received  Caesar's  instructions  with 
regard  to  the  poisoned  wine  had  gone  to  the  Vatican 
in  search  of  peaches  which  had  been  unaccountably 
forgotten.  There  only  remained  an  under-servant 
who  knew  nothing  of  the  subtlety  of  the  situation. 
As  he  saw  six  flagons  standing  apart  in  a  corner,  he 
imagined  that  they  contained  the  choicest  wine,  and 
presented  a  large  glass  of  the  poisoned  beverage  to 
the  Pope,  who,  all  unsuspicious,  drained  it  to  the 

1  Tomasi  gives  August  2  ;  Yriarte  gives  August  5. 


334     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

dregs.  Caesar  also  drank  a  glass  of  the  same  without 
the  least  suspicion. 

The  Pope  had  hardly  seated  himself  at  the  table 
when  the  poison  began  to  take  effect.  He  was  seized 
with  pains  so  violent  that  he  fell  on  the  ground  and 
was  taken  up  as  one  dead.  Caesar  exhibited  much 
the  same  symptoms  as  his  father. 

Alexander,  upon  reviving  a  little,  was  plied  with 
emetics ;  phlebotomy  was  also  tried,  but  all  in  vain. 
The  fever  and  pain  produced  by  the  virulent  poison 
continued,  and,  after  having  received  the  Holy  Sacra- 
ment, he  died.  During  his  brief  illness  he  made  no 
mention  of  his  children,  for  whose  advancement  he 
had  set  the  whole  Christian  world  in  commotion. 

Such,  with  slight  variations,  is  the  account  which  we 
get  from  contemporary  writers  such  as  Bembo,  Guic- 
ciardini,  Jovius,  Platina,  and  Tomasi.  Burchard,  how- 
ever, puts  a  different  complexion  on  this  affair.  He 
maintains  that  the  Pope,  on  August  12,  1503,  fell  sick 
of  a  fever ;  on  the  i6th  a  vein  was  opened,  and  it 
seemed  that  he  was  suffering  from  a  tertian  fever. 
On  August  17  he  took  medicine,  but  the  next  day  he 
became  suddenly  worse  and  it  seemed  that  his  life  was 
in  danger.  He  therefore  received  the  Viaticum  at  the 
mass,  during  which  five  Cardinals  were  present,  in  his 
room.  In  the  evening  Extreme  Unction  was  adminis- 
tered, and  immediately  afterwards  he  passed  away. 

Roscoe  considers  it  extremely  improbable  that  two 
such  astute  men  as  the  Borgias  should  have  made  the 
safety  of  their  lives  dependent  on  the  carelessness  or 
loyalty  of  a  servant.  An  impartial  examination 
renders  it  more  than  likely  that  Alexander's  death 
was  not  due  to  poison,  but  rather  to  a  malignant  fever. 
It  is  nevertheless  remarkable  that  both  he  and  Caesar 
were  at  the  same  time  attacked  by  severe  illness 
which  brought  the  father  to  death  and  the  son  to 
the  edge  of  the  grave. 

It  may  be  of  interest  to  quote  yet  another  account 


ILLNESS  OF  THE  POPE          335 

of  Alexander's  last  days.  "  At  the  moment  when  the 
Pope,  forced  to  make  a  speedy  decision  between 
France  and  Spain,  hardly  knew  which  way  to  turn ; 
seeing  himself  on  the  eve  of  a  disastrous  war,  of  which 
Venice  would  take  advantage  to  invade  the  States 
of  the  Duke,  death  came  to  relieve  him  of  his  embar- 
rassments. Already,  on  July  n,  he  was  feeling  indis- 
posed, perhaps  the  result  of  indigestion  ;  the  Venetian 
orator  saw  him  lying  on  a  couch,  fully  dressed,  and 
looking  well."  On  the  I4th  he  received  Antonio  in 
the  Pontiff's  Hall  seated,  " somewhat  weak"  but  his 
mind  keenly  alert.  But  on  August  7  the  ambassador 
found  him  rather  depressed  and  more  reserved  than 
usual.  Rome  was  at  this  time  ravaged  by  fever,  and 
Alexander  was  alarmed  at  the  number  of  deaths  which 
it  had  caused.  "  We  will  take  more  precautions  for 
the  safety  of  our  person  than  we  have  hitherto  done," 
he  remarked.  On  the  nth  he  celebrated,  with  his 
accustomed  bonhomie,  the  anniversary  of  his  ele- 
vation, though  in  his  heart  of  hearts  he  was  perturbed 
and  uneasy.  As  from  his  window  he  watched  the 
passing  of  a  funeral,  he  said,  "  This  is  a  fatal  month 
for  stout  people."1  Just  at  this  moment  an  owl 
fell  at  his  feet,  and  he  started  back  in  terror,  murmur- 
ing to  himself,  "  Evil  omen  !  evil  omen  !  "  The  same 
day,  Friday,  he  dined  with  a  good  appetite  ;  the  bill  of 
fare — a  dangerous  one  for  the  hot  weather — has  been 
preserved  :  eggs,  lobster,  pumpkin  au  poivre,  preserved 
fruits,  plums,  and  tart  covered  with  leaves  of  gold. 

Some  days  before  he  had  supped  at  a  late  hour 
with  Caesar  and  several  Cardinals  at  the  vineyard 
of  Cardinal  Adriano.  On  Saturday,  August  12,  he 
was  taken  violently  ill  with  sickness  and  fever.  Caesar, 
too,  was  confined  to  bed  with  fever,  and  all  the  other 
guests  suffered  from  the  same  alarming  symptoms. 
On  the  I4th  the  Pope  was  bled  copiously,  and  the 
Duke's  condition  grew  worse.  On  the  I5th  Giustiniani 

1  Alexander  himself  was  portly. 


336    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

was  unable  to  obtain  any  reliable  news.  Those 
who  entered  the  Vatican  did  not  come  out  again; 
the  Duke  recalled  his  troops  to  Rome ;  the  habituts 
of  the  palace  feigned  great  nonchalance ;  but  all  these 
precautions  were  of  evil  portent.  On  the  i6th  the 
situation  remained  the  same.  On  the  lyth  the  Pope 
took  medicine ;  his  physician,  the  Bishop  of  Vanosa, 
did  not  conceal  his  anxiety.  Towards  evening  the 
palace  was  topsy-turvy ;  every  one  sought  in  secret 
to  save  his  own  property.  The  tutors  of  the  young 
Borgias,  Giovanni  and  Rodrigo,  sent  to  Piombino 
the  valuables  of  their  wards.  On  August  18  Alexander 
confessed  and  received  the  Holy  Communion,  in  the 
course  of  the  mass  which  was  celebrated  by  his  bed- 
side. Then  a  strange  hallucination  overtook  him  I 
he  imagined  that  a  monkey  was  springing  about  his 
room.  A  Cardinal,  in  order  to  soothe  him,  said  that 
he  would  capture  the  creature.  "  Leave  it  alone," 
said  the  dying  man,  "  for  it  is  the  devil !  "  At  the 
hour  of  Vespers  he  received  Extreme  Unction,  and 
then,  in  presence  of  a  bishop,  the  datary,  and  the  grooms 
of  the  palace,  he  expired.  "  Thereupon,"  says  Bur- 
chard,  "  the  Duke,  who  was  hi  bed,  despatched  Don 
Michelotto  with  a  large  company  of  people ;  they 
closed  all  the  doors  of  the  papal  apartments,  and  one 
of  them  drew  a  dagger,  threatening  to  cut  Cardinal 
Casanova's  throat  and  throw  him  out  of  the  window  if 
he  did  not  give  up  the  Pope's  keys.  The  Cardinal, 
terrified,  surrendered  them,  and  the  intruders  went 
into  the  room  next  the  papal  chamber  and  seized 
upon  all  the  silver  that  they  could  lay  hands  on,  as 
well  as  two  coffers  containing  about  100,000  ducats. 
Towards  evening  Alexander's  death  was  made  known. 
The  valets  took  possession  of  all  that  remained  in  his 
wardrobe  and  bedroom,  leaving  nothing  of  value 
except  the  arm-chair,  a  few  cushions,  and  the  tapestry 
nailed  to  the  walls.  The  Duke  never  visited  his 
father  during  his  illness  nor  after  his  death,  and  the 


DEATH  OF  ALEXANDER  VI.      837 

Pope,  in  his  last  days,  did  not  once  make  mention 
either  of  Caesar  or  Lucrezia." 

The  Cardinals  remained  absent  from  the  bedside  of 
their  dead  master,  and  the  scandal  of  the  obsequies 
of  Sixtus  IV.  was  repeated.  Burchard  dressed  the 
corpse  to  the  best  of  his  ability,  but  he  found  no 
episcopal  ring  to  place  on  the  finger.  The  first  night 
the  Pope  remained  stretched  out  upon  a  table,  between 
two  wax  tapers,  quite  alone,  it  nemo  cum  eo.  When, 
the  next  day,  he  was  carried  to  St.  Peter's,  accom- 
panied by  only  four  prelates,  the  palace  porters 
fought  the  clergy  of  the  basilica,  who  took  refuge  in 
the  sacristy.  Burchard's  description  of  the  terrible 
appearance  presented  by  the  corpse  will  not  bear 
translation.  It  became,  he  says,  "  the  colour  of  very 
black  cloth."  There  was  need  for  haste.  Six  porters 
and  two  carpenters,  laughing  and  joking,  placed  it  in 
«.  coffin  which  was  both  too  narrow  and  too  short. 
They  took  off  the  papal  mitre,  and  covered  the  dead 
Pope  with  an  old  carpet,  while  with  rough  pulls 
and  pushes  the  wretches  adjusted  his  body  to  the 
ill-fitting  coffin.  "  There  were,"  says  the  Chaplain, 
"  neither  tapers,  nor  lights,  nor  priests,  nor  any  one 
to  watch  over  the  dead  Pontiff."1 

In  a  letter  to  his  wife,  Isabella  d'Este,  the  Marquis 
of  Mantua  gives  particulars  of  Alexander's  death. 
"  There  are  some,"  he  writes,  "  who  maintain  that 
at  the  moment  he  gave  up  his  spirit  seven  devils  were 
seen  in  his  chamber.  As  soon  as  he  was  dead  his 
body  began  to  putrefy,  and  his  mouth  to  foam  like 
a  kettle  over  the  fire,  which  continued  as  long  as  it 
was  on  earth.  The  body  swelled  so  that  it  lost  all 
human  form,  and  became  nearly  as  broad  as  it  was 
long.  It  was  carried  to  the  grave  with  little  ceremony, 
a  porter  dragged  it  from  the  bed,  by  means  of  a  cord 
fastened  to  the  foot,  to  the  place  where  it  was  buried, 
as  all  refused  to  touch  it.  It  was  given  a  wretched 
1  Gebhart,  Moines  et  Papos. 

XB 


838    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

interment,  in  comparison  with  which  that  of  the  cripple's 
dwarf  wife  in  Mantua  was  ceremonious.  Scandalous 
epigrams  are  every  day  published  regarding  him." l 

It  is  interesting  to  hear  what  Ercole  of  Ferrara 
really  thought  about  the  Pope,  his  daughter-in-law's 
father.  In  a  letter  to  the  Milanese  ambassador, 
August  24,  1503,  he  says  :  "  Knowing  that  many  will 
ask  you  how  we  are  affected  by  the  Pope's  death,  this 
is  to  inform  you  that  it  was  in  no  way  displeasing  to 
us.  Once  we  desired,  for  the  honour  of  God,  our 
Master,  and  for  the  general  good  of  Christendom, 
that  God  in  His  goodness  and  foresight  would  provide 
a  worthy  shepherd,  and  that  His  Church  would  be 
relieved  of  this  great  scandal.  Personally  we  had 
nothing  to  wish  for ;  we  were  concerned  chiefly  with 
the  honour  of  God  and  the  general  welfare.  We  may 
add,  however,  that  there  was  never  a  Pope  from  whom 
we  received  fewer  favours.  ...  It  was  only  with  the 
greatest  difficulty  that  we  secured  from  him  what 
he  had  promised  ;  but,  beyond  this,  he  never  did  any- 
thing for  us.  For  this  we  hold  the  Duke  of  Romagna 
responsible ;  for,  although  he  could  not  do  with  us 
as  he  wished,  he  treated  us  as  if  we  were  perfect 
strangers.  He  was  never  frank  with  us ;  he  never 
confided  his  plans  to  us,  although  we  always  informed 
him  of  ours.  Finally,  as  he  inclined  to  Spain,  and 
we  remained  good  Frenchmen,  we  had  little  to  look 
for  either  from  the  Pope  or  His  Majesty.  Therefore 
his  death  caused  us  little  grief,  as  we  had  nothing  but 
evil  to  expect  from  the  advancement  of  the  above- 
named  Duke.  We  want  you  to  give  this  our  confi- 
dential statement  to  Chaumont,  word  for  word,  as  we 
do  not  wish  to  conceal  our  true  feelings  from  him — but 
speak  cautiously  to  others  about  the  subject,  and  then 
return  this  letter  to  our  worthy  councillor,  Giantuca." 

1  Both  Calixtus  III.  and  Alexander  VI.  are  buried  in  the  church 
of  Santa  Maria  de'  Monserrato,  where  their  monument  with 
medallions  is  to  be  seen. 


ANARCHY  IN  ROME  339 

Alexander's  death  was  followed  by  scenes  of  the 
direst  confusion  and  anarchy  in  Rome.  The  insur- 
rection was  promoted  mainly  by  those  who  had  suffered 
loss  of  property  at  the  hands  of  the  Borgias ;  in  par- 
ticular the  Colonna,  who  with  Gonsalvo's  permission, 
had  come  back  to  the  States  of  the  Church  to  recover 
their  possessions.  Caesar,  who  likewise  had  much  to 
fear  from  the  Orsini,  was  obliged  to  restore  the 
property  of  both  families.  The  Duke  of  Urbino, 
too,  lost  no  time  in  taking  possession  of  his  State 
again.  Francesco  Maria  della  Rovere,  the  Lords  of 
Pesaro,  Camerino,  Citta  di  Castello,  and  Piombino 
did  the  same.  Malatesta,  who  was  not  greatly  be- 
loved by  his  subjects,  met  with  some  resistance  in 
Rimini,  whose  fortress  was  still  occupied  by  Caesar's 
soldiers ;  but  Baglione,  Ludovico  Orsino,  the  Counts 
of  Pitigliano  and  Alviano,  with  the  help  of  the  Venetian 
troops,  succeeded  in  recapturing  Perugia. 

The  Vatican  was  invested  by  the  troops  of  Caesar, 
who  during  his  illness  had  given  the  command  to 
Michelotto.  The  ravages  committed  by  his  soldiers 
produced  the  greatest  alarm  in  Rome.  The  Bishop 
of  Nicastro,  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Castle  of 
Sant'  Angelo,  was  anxious  to  check  their  depredations 
by  distributing  weapons  and  ammunition  among  the 
Romans.  The  Cardinals,  however,  rejected  this  pro- 
posal, fearing  that  it  would  cause  too  much  bloodshed. 
They  would  have  preferred  to  enlist  a  regiment  for 
the  protection  of  themselves  and  their  city,  but  the 
treasury  was  so  much  exhausted  that  there  hardly 
remained  money  enough  to  summon  a  Consistory  for 
the  election  of  the  new  Pope. 

Finally  the  Cardinals  succeeded  in  raising  a  force  of 
2,000  soldiers,  who  were  placed  under  command  of 
Carlo  Tanco.  He  received  the  title  of  Captain  of 
the  Sacred  College,  and  finally,  not  only  the  garrison 
of  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo,  but  also  Caesar's  soldiers, 
had  perforce  to  swear  allegiance  to  the  commands  of 


840    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

the  College  of  Cardinals.  But  the  disturbances  in 
Rome  continued.  Although  the  Cardinals  had  com- 
manded the  Orsini  and  the  Colonna  not  to  set  foot 
in  Rome,  Prospero  Colonna,  with  a  considerable 
number  of  Spanish  troops,  entered  the  city,  though 
he  explained  that  he  had  no  intention  of  insulting 
the  Sacred  College.  The  Count  of  Pitigliano  and 
Fabio  Orsini  also  advanced  upon  Rome  at  the  head 
of  two  hundred  lances  and  over  a  thousand  infantry. 
Their  sole  object  was  to  revenge  themselves  on  Caesar 
and  Michelotto,  who  had  burned  down  the  Orsini 
Palace  on  Monte  Giordano. 

The  Orsini  adherents  pressed  into  the  houses  of 
the  Borgias  and  their  friends,  pillaged  them  thoroughly, 
and  committed  the  greatest  barbarities.  When  a 
Borgia  fell  into  their  hands  Fabio  had  him  slain 
immediately,  and,  not  content  with  having  taken  his 
life,  washed  his  hands  and  mouth  in  his  blood.  In 
the  meantime  Caesar's  people  were  not  idle ;  they 
also  had  a  share  in  the  shocking  dramas  which  were 
being  enacted,  and  the  Eternal  City  became  one 
hideous  scene  of  murder  and  bloodshed.  A  rumour 
arose  that  Caesar's  soldiers  had  seized  upon  the  Car- 
dinals and  that  Rome  was  to  be  burned  and  plundered. 
The  citizens  were  so  much  terrified  at  this  report 
that  they  armed  themselves,  closed  the  shops,  and 
barricaded  the  streets  with  chains  and  heavy  beams. 

This  frightful  anarchy  continued  until  the  Cardinals, 
in  desperation,  turned  to  the  ambassadors  of  the 
Emperor,  the  Kings  of  France  and  Spain,  and  the 
Republic  of  Venice,  to  beg  their  protection.  This 
step  was  the  more  effective  because  both  the  French 
and  Spanish  troops  were  at  that  time  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Rome.  The  ambassadors  promised  the  help 
of  their  sovereigns,  who  declared  themselves  ready  to 
maintain  the  privileges  of  the  Conclave.  The  Car- 
dinals charged  them,  above  all,  to  rid  the  city  of  the 
seditious  troops  who  were  causing  such  havoc,  and 


CESAR'S  APPREHENSIONS      841 

especially  to  remove  Caesar  and  his  followers  from 
their  midst. 

Caesar  Borgia,  depressed  both  in  mind  and  body, 
and  exposed  to  the  rage  of  his  enemies,  was  filled  with 
constant  apprehensions  for  his  safety.  The  College  of 
Cardinals  and  the  ambassadors  issued  in  the  name 
of  their  sovereigns  a  proclamation  that  all  the  party- 
leaders  were  quietly  to  withdraw  from  Rome  without 
offering  any  obstacle  to  the  papal  election.  The 
Orsini  followed  this  command,  and  Prospero  Colonna 
also  submitted  on  condition  that  he  should  first  be 
apprised  of  Caesar's  decision.  But  the  latter  could 
not  bring  himself  to  leave  Rome  and  begged,  as  a 
favour,  permission  to  remain.  He  pleaded  his  bad 
state  of  health,  adding  that  his  life  would  be  en- 
dangered if  he  were  to  leave  the  city  or  even  the 
Vatican.  He  offered  to  withdraw  to  the  Castle  of 
Sant'  Angelo  if  the  Cardinals  would  give  security  for 
his  safety,  so  that  the  Conclave  might  be  held  in  the 
Vatican.  He  would,  however,  much  prefer  to  remain 
where  he  was,  and  promised  to  disband  his  troops  under 
this  condition.  But  the  Cardinals,  who  mistrusted 
him  and  yet  could  not  fathom  his  true  intentions, 
decided  that  he  and  his  troops  must  leave  Rome 
without  delay.  They,  however,  offered  him  a  safe 
escort  through  the  States  of  the  Church,  and  allowed 
him  to  take  his  baggage  and  artillery  with  him.  Caesar, 
therefore,  could  do  nothing  but  obey  this  decree. 
The  Cardinals,  moreover,  obliged  him  to  swear  to 
quit  the  city  within  three  days,  as  well  as  not  to 
engage  hi  any  enterprise  against  Rome  or  any  other 
part  of  the  States  of  the  Church,  and  to  remain  at 
least  ten  miles  from  Rome  during  the  Conclave. 
Prospero  Colonna  also  bound  himself  to  the  same 
conditions.  The  ambassadors  of  the  Emperor  and 
of  the  King  of  Spain  offered  security  for  Caesar. 

After  these  stipulations  were  concluded  Caesar  re- 
solved to  march  towards  Tivoli.     He  took  with  him 


842    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

eighteen  cannon  and  had  an  escort  of  eight  hundred 
infantry  provided  by  the  Cardinals.  First  of  all 
came  his  vanguard,  and  then  his  baggage,  which 
comprised  about  one  hundred  waggons.  He  was 
carried  through  the  Vatican  door  in  a  litter,  under  a 
crimson  canopy,  borne  by  twelve  of  his  halberdiers. 
Nevertheless,  he  took  the  precaution  of  having  a  page 
to  ride  close  to  his  litter,  on  one  of  his  fleetest  horses, 
with  the  idea  that  he  himself,  in  spite  of  his  illness, 
could  mount  it  in  case  of  any  sudden  attack.  For 
greater  safety,  he  occupied  a  place  in  the  middle  of 
the  procession.  Cardinal  Cesarino  came  to  see  him 
off  at  the  city  gate,  but  Caesar  sent  a  message  to 
say  that  he  was  not  in  a  condition  to  speak  to  any- 
body. Prospero  Colonna  also  arrived  with  the  same 
object,  but  found  Caesar  in  such  a  miserable  plight 
that  he  openly  offered  him  his  pardon  for  all  the 
injustice  he  had  received  through  him,  at  the  same 
tune  proposing  to  accompany  him  with  his  own  troops 
as  far  as  Tivoli.  Caesar  made  answer  that  he  was 
not  going  in  that  direction,  but  would  be  pleased  to 
see  him  at  Pontemolle. 

But  Colonna  dare  not  venture,  on  account  of  the 
number  of  French  troops,  to  be  found  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood. Caesar  continued  his  way  to  Nepi,  first 
halting  at  Citta  Castellana,  which  was  still  in  his 
possession.  The  French  army  lay  only  a  short  dis- 
tance from  Rome,  between  Nepi  and  Isola.  The  com- 
mand had  now  been  taken  by  the  Marquis  of  Mantua 
in  the  place  of  la  Tremouille,  who  was  ill.  Under 
pretext  of  protecting  the  Conclave,  their  real  intention 
was  to  prevent  the  election  of  a  Spanish  Pope. 

Some  thirty-six  Cardinals  met  together  for  the 
purpose  of  arranging  the  Conclave  and  celebrating  the 
obsequies  of  the  deceased  Pontiff.  When  the  Papal 
Chair  had  been  vacant  for  about  a  month  the  Car- 
dinals assembled  in  order  to  elect  a  new  occupant. 
The  Conclave  began  on  September  16,  and  by  the 


ELECTION  OF  PIUS  III.          343 

scrutiny  taken  on  the  2ist,  Giuliano  della  Rovere 
had  the  highest  number  of  votes,  though  it  fell  far 
below  the  requisite  majority  of  two- thirds ;  Caraffa 
came  next,  and  then  d'Amboise,  who,  four  days  before, 
had  declared,  with  his  usual  assurance,  that  either  he 
or  another  Frenchman  could  not  fail  to  be  chosen ; 
but  as  soon  as  he  saw  that  he  was  out  of  the  reckoning, 
he  joined  forces  with  Soderini,  Ascanio  Sforza,  and 
Medici,  and  proposed  the  name  of  the  aged  and  infirm 
Cardinal  Francesco  Piccolomini.  Their  idea  was 
that  his  reign  would  of  necessity  prove  a  short  one, 
and  that,  after  his  death,  they  would  have  more  free- 
dom in  a  new  election.  They  were  supported  by  the 
Spanish  Cardinals,  and  the  affair  was  immediately 
settled.  On  the  following  morning  (September  22) 
Piccolomini,  nephew  of  Pius  II.,  was  declared  Pope 
under  the  title  of  Pius  III. 

The  new  Pope  was  a  man  of  temperate  and  re- 
putedly virtuous  life,  and  his  election  rilled  the 
hearts  of  the  Romans  with  joy  and  relief.  "  Our 
hearts  rejoice  and  our  eyes  are  filled  with  tears," 
writes  Piero  Delphinus,  "  because  God  our  Lord 
has  had  mercy  on  His  people  and  has  given  them  a 
Chief  Shepherd  who  is  a  holy  man,  innocent,  and  of 
untarnished  name.  Our  deep  sorrow  has  been  turned 
to  joy,  and  a  day  of  sunshine  has  followed  a  night  of 
storm.  We  are  all  filled  with  the  highest  hopes  for 
the  reform  of  the  Church  and  the  return  of  peace." 
And  on  September  28,  1503,  Cosimo  de'  Pozzi,  Bishop 
of  Arezzo,  in  a  letter  to  the  newly  elected  Pontiff, 
says  :  "  When  all  hope  of  release  seemed  shut  away, 
God  has  given  us  in  you  a  Pope  whose  wisdom,  culture, 
and  learning,  whose  religious  education  and  virtuous 
life,  have  filled  all  good  and  God-fearing  men  with 
consolation.  Now  we  can  all  hope  for  a  new  era  in 
the  history  of  the  Church." 

But  the  position  of  successor  to  the  Borgias  was 
fraught  with  difficulties  for  the  gentle  and  peace-loving 


844    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Pius  III.  The  Vatican  had  been  robbed  in  the 
most  shameless  manner,  and  the  papal  treasury  was 
in  a  lamentable  state.  "  I  wish  no  harm  to  the  Duke," 
he  said,  "  for  it  is  the  duty  of  a  Pope  to  have  loving- 
kindness  for  all,  but  I  foresee  that  he  will  come  to  a 
bad  end  by  the  judgment  of  God." 

This  prediction  was  soon  fulfilled,  for,  with  the 
departure  of  the  French  army  for  Naples,  Caesar's 
last  refuge  failed  him.  Bartolomeo  d'Alviano  and 
Baglione  raised  troops  with  the  object  of  attacking 
him,  and  the  Orsini  and  Savelli  were  also  preparing 
to  bear  down  upon  him.  Caesar,  who  was  still  far 
from  well,  besought  the  kind-hearted  Pope  to  allow 
him  to  return  to  Rome.  "  I  never  thought,"  said 
Pius  to  the  Ferrarese  ambassador,  "  that  I  should 
feel  any  compassion  for  the  Duke,  and  yet  I  do  most 
deeply  pity  him." 

Caesar,  therefore,  obtained  permission  to  re-enter 
Rome,  greatly  to  the  disapproval  of  many  of  the  citi- 
zens, especially  of  Cardinals  Giuliano  della  Rovere  and 
Riario.  The  Pope  himself,  on  October  7,  acknow- 
ledged that  he  had  made  a  mistake  in  allowing  him 
to  return.  "  I  am  neither  a  saint  nor  an  angel," 
he  remarked,  "  but  only  a  man,  and  liable  to  err ; 
and  I  have  been  deceived." 

The  Orsini,  who  were  also  in  Rome,  would  hear 
of  no  reconciliation.  They  challenged  Caesar  to 
appear  before  the  Pope  and  the  Sacred  College  and 
justify  himself  from  the  crimes  laid  to  his  charge. 
Their  idea  was  to  join  forces  with  Alviano  and 
Baglione  and  avenge  the  murderous  deeds  of  which 
he  was  guilty.  Every  day  there  were  bloody  skir- 
mishes between  Caesar's  soldiers  and  those  of  the 
Orsini. 

Although  the  Orsini  received  pressing  invitations 
to  join  the  Spanish  army,  some  of  them  yielded  to 
the  blandishments  of  Cardinal  d'Amboise,  and  allied 
themselves  with  the  French.  The  latter  made 


DEATH  OF  POPE  PIUS  III        345 

overtures  to  Alviano,  but  met  with  a  decided  rejection, 
for  it  was  obvious  that  d'Amboise,  with  an  eye  to  a 
future  election,  was  determined  to  remain  on  friendly 
terms  with  Caesar.  Alviano  and  the  Orsini  were  so 
much  incensed  at  this  behaviour  that,  notwithstanding 
the  fact  that  Giulio  Orsini  had  already  declared  for 
the  French,  they  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  Spanish 
ambassador.  On  October  12  the  reconciliation  be- 
tween the  hitherto  hostile  houses  of  Orsini  and  Colonna 
was  publicly  announced. 

Caesar  was  now  beset  by  foes  on  all  sides,  and  his 
only  hope  lay  in  flight.  But,  just  as  he  was  about 
to  leave  Rome  to  seek  refuge  at  Bracciano,  the  Orsini 
made  a  violent  attack  upon  him.  On  October  15 
two  of  his  companions  turned  traitor,  and  his  troops 
became  scattered.  Caesar,  not  knowing  how  to 
escape,  begged  the  Pope  to  allow  him  to  take  refuge 
in  the  Vatican.  His  request  was  granted,  but  his 
enemies  quickly  followed  him.  Alviano  joined  Or- 
sini in  the  pursuit,  crying,  "  Dead  or  alive  !  "  By 
setting  fire  to  the  Porta  Torrione  it  was  easy  to  gain 
access  to  the  Vatican,  and  Caesar  was  very  near  his 
doom  when,  with  the  help  of  his  brother  Jofre,  Duke 
of  Squillace,  and  three  or  four  Cardinals  he  succeeded 
in  escaping  along  a  secret  passage  to  the  Castle  of 
Sant'  Angelo. 

On  October  18,  after  a  brief  reign  of  twenty-seven 
days,  Pope  Pius  III.  laid  down  the  burden  of  the 
flesh.  His  death,  it  was  said,  was  hastened  by  the 
unskilfulness  of  a  physician,  who,  by  an  ill-judged 
operation  on  his  leg,  brought  on  the  inflammation 
to  which  he  succumbed.  A  rumour  also  arose  that 
his  end  was  due  to  a  poisoned  plaster  applied  to  his 
leg  at  the  instigation  of  Pandolfo  Petrucci,  Lord  of 
Siena.  "  The  death  of  this  Pope,"  wrote  the 
Ferrarese  ambassador,  "  will  be  lamented  at  all  the 
Courts  of  Europe,  for  he  was,  by  universal  consent, 
held  to  be  good,  prudent,  and  pious.  In  spite  of 


846    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

the  rainy  weather  at  the  time,  all  Rome  hastened  to 
kiss  the  feet  of  the  dead  Pope,  whose  features  were 
quite  unaltered." 

The  papal  election  was  put  off  for  a  few  days  in 
order  to  give  the  Orsini  troops  time  to  withdraw  from 
Rome.  The  choice  of  the  new  Pope  was  practically 
certain  before  the  assembly  of  the  Conclave,  for 
Giuliano  della  Rovere,  though  hated  by  many  and 
feared  by  all,  had  bought  so  large  a  proportion  of  the 
Cardinals'  votes  that  the  others  were  in  no  position 
to  withstand  him.  On  November  i,  1503,  the  news  of 
his  election,  under  the  title  of  Julius  II.,  was  made 
public. 

Much  astonishment  was  caused  by  the  almost 
unanimous  choice  of  a  man  who  was  well  known  for 
his  dangerous  and  turbulent  characteristics.  It  is 
true  that  he  was  one  of  the  oldest  as  well  as  the 
richest  and  most  powerful  of  the  Cardinals,  and 
also  that  he  possessed  a  certain  magnanimity  which 
gained  for  him  a  considerable  number  of  partisans. 
By  tempting  promises  he  persuaded  d'Amboise  to 
give  him  his  vote,  and  the  Spaniards,  who  were  in 
the  minority  and  feared  to  make  an  enemy  of  him, 
also  supported  his  election.  He  won  over  Caesar 
Borgia  by  promising  to  appoint  him  Gonfaloniere 
of  the  Church,  and  to  allow  one  of  his  daughters  to 
espouse  Francesco  Maria  della  Rovere.  Caesar  was 
also  greatly  influenced  by  the  new  Pope's  promise 
to  help  him  in  regaining  possession  of  the  Romagna, 
for  Perugia,  Castello,  Urbino,  Pesaro,  Camerino, 
Piombino,  and  Sinigaglia  had  been  recaptured  as 
speedily  as  they  had  once  been  conquered.  Some 
few  towns  still  remained  faithful  to  Caesar,  for  they 
had  experienced  the  advantages  of  uniting  under 
his  rule,  since  their  former  masters  had  been  too 
weak  to  protect  them,  though,  at  the  same  time, 
powerful  enough  to  oppress  them.  To  his  severe 
administration  of  justice  they  owed  relief  from  a 


PLANS  AGAINST  ROMAGNA      347 

band  of  robbers  who  had  formerly  laid  waste  the 
country  with  rapine  and  slaughter. 

The  Venetians  now  made  plain  their  intention  of 
taking  possession  of  the  Romagna.  Immediately 
upon  the  death  of  Alexander  VI.  they  had  despatched 
a  large  number  of  troops  to  Ravenna,  which  was 
already  in  their  possession.  By  night  they  made  a 
sudden  and  stealthy  attack  upon  Cesena,  but  encoun- 
tered such  a  stubborn  resistance  that  they  were  com- 
pelled to  withdraw.  Notwithstanding  this  repulse, 
they  seized  upon  Faenza,  whose  inhabitants  turned 
for  help  to  the  Pope.  The  latter  was  not  a  little 
irate  at  the  impudence  of  the  Venetians,  but  had 
neither  troops  nor  money  enough  to  oppose  them. 
All  he  could  do  was  to  send  the  Bishop  of  Tivoli  to 
Venice  to  protest  against  this  usurpation. 

The  Venetians  would  also  have  seized  upon  Imola 
and  Forli  had  they  not  feared  to  exasperate  the  Pope 
too  greatly.  They  were,  however,  masters  of  Rimini, 
and  her  province,  Monte  Fiore,  Sant'  Archangelo, 
Verucchio,  Cattera,  Savignano,  Solaruolo,  and  Monte 
Bataglia,  so  that  Caesar  remained  in  possession  of 
nothing  but  the  citadels  of  Forli,  Cesena,  Forlimpo- 
poli,  and  Bertinoro. 

Realising  that  he  must  inevitably  lose  these  places, 
Caesar  offered  them  to  the  Pope  on  condition  that 
they  should  be  restored  to  him  as  soon  as  his  affairs 
were  set  in  order.  But  Julius  would  not  accept 
this  stipulation,  and  desired  the  Duke  to  leave  Rome. 
On  November  19  he  embarked  for  Ostia,  whence 
he  intended  to  set  sail  for  Leghorn  to  negotiate  with 
Florence  for  help  in  conquering  the  Romagna. 
Meanwhile  the  Pope,  repenting  him  of  his  hastiness 
in  refusing  Caesar's  offer,  sent  messengers  to  him 
stating  his  readiness  to  agree  to  the  aforesaid  con- 
ditions. But  Caesar  now  refused  to  come  to  terms, 
whereupon  the  Pope,  infuriated,  had  him  taken 
prisoner  upon  the  boat  which  was  equipped  for  his 


848    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

departure,  and  taken  to  Rome,  where  he  was  placed 
in  strict  custody.  This  treatment  seems,  for  the 
time,  to  have  completely  broken  Caesar's  haughty 
spirit ;  the  Mantuan  ambassador  relates  that  he  was 
even  reduced  to  tears.  Julius,  however,  treated  him 
kindly,  and  gave  him  rooms  in  the  Vatican,  hoping 
to  obtain  the  surrender  of  the  keys  from  his  governors 
without  any  fuss.  Caesar  apparently  sent  the  required 
orders,  but  the  Governor  of  Cesena  refused  to  take 
any  commands  from  him  while  he  was  still  a  prisoner, 
and  detained  the  papal  messengers.  When  the  Pope 
heard  this  he  was  upon  the  point  of  casting  Caesar 
into  one  of  the  dungeons  of  Sant'  Angelo,  but  he 
relented  and  sent  him  to  the  Torre  Borgia  instead. 
His  goods  were  all  confiscated,  and  his  adherents 
were  filled  with  terror  of  the  Pope's  vengeance. 

Caesar's  few  remaining  troops  were  obliged  to 
surrender,  and  their  leader,  Michelotto,  was  sent 
as  a  prisoner  to  the  Pope.  The  latter,  however, 
set  him  at  liberty,  greatly  to  the  surprise  of  all  who 
knew  how  strong  was  his  antipathy  to  all  those  who 
had  served  as  tools  for  the  Borgia  malice  and  cunning. 

But  the  Pope,  without  committing  an  open  breach 
of  faith,  determined  to  delay  Caesar's  release  for  a 
time.  He  was  probably  afraid  that  the  Governor 
of  Forli  would  refuse  to  surrender  the  town  if  the 
Duke  were  at  liberty,  and  was  also  perhaps  influenced 
by  memories  of  the  injustices  which  he  had  suffered 
from  Alexander  VI.  Caesar,  becoming  suspicious, 
made  a  secret  appeal  to  Gonsalvo,  begging  him  to 
provide  him  with  a  safe  escort  to  Naples,  and  two 
ships  to  call  for  him  at  Ostia.  This  request  was 
willingly  granted.  Meanwhile,  the  Cardinal  of  Santa 
Croce  received  news  that  the  required  sum  had 
been  paid,  and  both  Cesena  and  Bertinoro  delivered 
to  the  Pope.  He,  thereupon,  without  the  Pope's 
knowledge,  set  Caesar  at  liberty.  The  latter,  without 
waiting  for  Gonsalvo's  ships,  went  secretly  to  Nettuno  ; 


thence  in  a  little  boat  to  Mondragone,  and  then  by 
land  to  Naples.  Here  he  received  a  cordial  welcome 
from  Gonsalvo,  who  entered  with  apparent  interest 
into  his  plans,  and  even  undertook  to  furnish  him 
with  troops  and  ships  to  escort  him  to  Pisa.  Thus 
did  the  Great  Captain  contrive  to  keep  his  dangerous 
visitor  quiet  until  he  had  received  instructions  from 
King  Ferdinand  of  Spain. 

The  ships  were  ready  equipped  to  start  the  next 
day.  Caesar  had  had  a  long  interview  with  Gonsalvo, 
who  displayed  every  sign  of  amity,  finishing  with 
an  affectionate  embrace.  Nevertheless,  the  Duke 
had  hardly  left  the  room  when,  by  Gonsalvo's  com- 
mand, he  was  seized  and  confined  in  the  citadel. 

Gonsalvo  excused  himself  for  this  breach  of  faith 
by  saying  that  the  command  of  his  sovereign  to  take 
Caesar  prisoner  was  to  be  more  esteemed  than  his 
own  word.  Not  only  this,  but  it  was  absolutely 
necessary  to  capture  Caesar,  who,  not  content  with 
his  former  injustices,  intended  to  overthrow  the 
other  States  and  to  set  all  Italy  in  an  uproar.  On 
August  20,  shortly  after  his  arrest,  Caesar  was  sent 
to  Spain  on  a  small  galley,  attended  by  a  single  page. 
During  the  voyage  he  was  guarded  by  his  old  enemy 
Prospero  Colonna,  who  was  in  command  of  the  vessel. 
Prospero,  however,  seems  to  have  displayed  great 
tact  and  magnanimity  on  this  occasion,  and,  so  far 
from  triumphing  over  his  fallen  foe,  he  avoided 
meeting  him  for  fear  that  he  might  seem  to  be 
rejoicing  in  his  humiliation. 

But  all  the  cruel  buffets  of  fortune  did  not  succeed 
in  reducing  Caesar's  spirit  and  energy  for  any  length 
of  time,  and  he  busied  himself  with  plans  for  escape. 
Ferdinand  had  him  first  of  all  confined  in  the  Castle 
of  Chinchilla,1  but  as  this  was  not  considered  a  safe 
enough  prison  for  so  restive  a  prisoner,  he  was  re- 
moved to  the  Castle  of  Medina  del  Campo,  in  the 
1  Not,  as  Gregorovius  says,  Seville. 


350     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

north  of  Spain.  Here  he  was  kept  in  rigorous  captivity, 
deprived  of  every  luxury,  and  allowed  no  visitors. 
"  All  his  plans  had  failed,  nothing  remained  of  all 
that  he  had  sought  to  achieve  by  his  crimes,  his  cruelties, 
and  his  murders."  His  only  recreation  was  in  flying 
his  falcons,  watching  them  seize  upon  a  helpless  bird 
and  tear  it  to  pieces  with  their  talons.  No  one  in 
Italy  made  any  effort  to  procure  his  release  except 
Lucrezia,  whose  desires  met  with  little  sympathy 
from  her  husband's  family.  The  Gonzaga  alone 
appear  to  have  maintained  a  not  unfriendly  attitude 
towards  him,  and  Isabella,  who  was  now  warmly  at- 
tached to  Lucrezia,  seconded  her  appeals  to  her 
husband  on  Caesar's  behalf. 

In  spite  of  the  strict  watch  kept  over  him,  on 
October  25,  1506,  Caesar,  with  the  help  of  his  chaplain 
and  a  servant  of  his  jailer,  contrived  to  escape  from 
his  window.  The  Count  of  Benevento  was  awaiting 
him  with  horses,  and,  after  a  month's  rest  under  the 
Count's  sheltering  roof  in  order  to  give  some  wounds 
in  his  hands  time  to  heal,  the  fugitive  made  his  way 
towards  Pampeluna,  where  he  was  kindly  received  by 
his  brother-in-law,  Jean  d'Albret,  King  of  Navarre. 
On  October  7,  1506,  Caesar,  in  a  letter  to  the  Marquis 
of  Mantua,  says :  "  After  so  many  vicissitudes,  it 
has  pleased  the  Lord  God  to  deliver  me  and  to  enable 
me  to  leave  my  prison.  My  secretary,  Federigo,  the 
bearer,  will  explain  how  it  happened.  Through  the 
infinite  mercy  of  the  Lord,  may  it  be  for  His  great 
glory." 

Caesar  had  intended  to  proceed  to  France  with  the 
idea  of  obtaining  the  support  of  Louis  XII.,  but  the 
latter,  having  just  entered  into  a  truce  with  Spain, 
refused  to  receive  him.  Not  only  so,  but  the  King 
also  snatched  from  him  his  yearly  income  and  his 
dukedom  of  Valentinois  in  order  to  confirm  himself 
in  the  good  graces  of  the  King  of  Spain. 

The  King  of  Navarre  was  at  this  time  engaged  in 


DEATH  OF  CAESAR  BORGIA      351 

a  war  with  one  of  his  vassals,  the  Prince  of  Alarino. 
Caesar,  who  was  now  deprived  of  all  other  resources, 
offered  to  serve  as  volunteer  in  his  brother-in-law's 
army.  A  terrible  skirmish  took  place  under  the  walls 
of  the  fortress  of  Viana,  during  which  Caesar  received 
a  fatal  blow.  His  dead  and  naked  body,  covered  with 
wounds,  was  discovered  at  the  bottom  of  a  ravine. 
The  King,  greatly  distressed,  had  him  covered  with 
a  cloak  and  carried  to  Viana.  After  a  pompous 
ceremony,  the  corpse  was  laid  in  front  of  the  high 
altar  in  the  parish  church  of  Santa  Maria  of  Viana,  and 
during  the  course  of  the  same  year,  1507,  an  imposing 
and  elaborate  tomb  was  erected  to  his  memory. 

Tomasi  is  of  opinion  that  Caesar's  manner  of  death 
was  too  honourable  for  a  man  whose  record  was  so 
black  with  crime.  When,  however,  we  consider  his 
deep  humiliations,  the  sufferings  which  he  bore 
manfully,  the  miserably  dependent  condition  in 
which  he  found  himself  after  his  father's  death,  the 
loss  of  all  his  possessions,  as  well  as  the  treachery 
which  was  shown  towards  him,  it  is  difficult  to  avoid 
a  feeling  of  compassion  for  the  unfortunate  wretch 
whose  fortunes  so  miserably  failed  him  at  the  last. 
Neither  must  it  be  forgotten  that  he  lived  at  a  time 
when  a  human  life  was  of  less  account  than  we  now 
consider  the  life  of  a  dog,  and  that  even  the  most 
appalling  of  the  charges  laid  to  his  account  are  not 
to  be  judged  by  twentieth-century  standards.1 

Caesar's  courage  and  endurance  were  of  a  rare  kind. 
He  pursued  his  ends  with  incredible  persistence, 
undaunted  by  the  greatest  difficulties.  Brave  in  war, 
amazingly  ambitious,  energetic,  and  of  irresistible  elo- 
quence, it  was  little  wonder  that  he,  with  the  help  of 
his  father  Alexander  VI.,  rose  to  such  eminence.  His 
administrative  talent  was  remarkable,  and,  though  he 
sought  to  extirpate  the  most  important  families  of 
Italy,  he  governed  his  conquests  with  skill  and  ability. 

1  See  Cesare  Borgia,  by  R.  Sabatini. 


852     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

While  former  princes  had  troubled  little  about  their 
subjects  except  to  practise  extortions  upon  them, 
Caesar  introduced  a  severe  system  of  jurisdiction,  and 
had  all  those  who  threatened  the  peace  of  the  com- 
munity executed.  The  adherence  and  loyalty  shown 
to  him  even  after  his  fall,  by  several  towns,  are  a  proof 
that  they  had  fared  better  under  his  rule  than  under 
that  of  their  former  legitimate  masters.  The  worst 
of  men  have  some  redeeming  quality,  and,  though 
Tomasi,  Guicciardini,  and  other  historians  have  con- 
demned him  with  no  sparing  hand,  an  impartial 
judge  cannot  but  admit  that,  in  spite  of  their  many 
and  monstrous  crimes,  both  Caesar  Borgia  and  his 
father  were  not  wholly  beyond  the  pale  of  humanity. 
Caesar  certainly  has  less  claim  to  forbearance  than 
Alexander,  who  from  the  year  1497  was  thoroughly 
under  the  influence  of  a  mind  stronger  and  even 
more  determined  than  his  own.  The  Pope,  as  we 
have  seen,  was  afraid  of  his  powerful  son,  and  followed 
his  lead  along  the  paths  of  wickedness.  To  quote 
M.  £mile  Gebhart  in  his  essay  on  the  Borgias  :  "  Alex- 
andre  est  digne  de  quelque  pitie.  II  n'a  pas  goute* 
grace  a  Caesar,  toute  la  joie  qu'il  s'etait  promise  du 
pontificat  ;  il  a  perdu,  dans  Tapre  labeur  auquel 
son  fils  1'avait  asservi,  sa  gaite  naturelle  et  un  vague 
instinct  de  grandeur  d'ame  que  manifestaient  encore, 
dans  les  premieres  annees  de  son  regne,  quelques 
paroles  vraiment  nobles.  Le  Valentinois  fut  le  demon 
de  la  famille.  II  doit  porter  la  plus  lourde  part  de 
la  gloire  maudite  des  Borgia." 

Many  and  bitter  were  the  tears  which  Lucrezia, 
now  Duchess  of  Ferrara,  shed  for  her  brother.  It 
would  seem  that  Caesar  could  not  have  been  utterly 
devoid  of  grace  to  have  caused  so  much  sisterly  regret. 
Pope  Julius  II.,  on  the  other  hand,  must  have  rejoiced 
to  be  rid  of  so  dangerous  an  enemy,  who  had  many 
faithful  followers  in  the  Romagna. 


a   ? 


id      Q 


2  q 


7.     X, 


CAESAR'S  CHILDREN  353 

According  to  Zurita,  Caesar  left  only  one  legitimate 
child — a  daughter,  Louise — who  was  born  in  1504, 
and  was  destined  never  to  see  her  father.  Her  mother, 
Charlotte  d'Albret,  lived  for  some  time  at  the  Court 
of  the  beautiful  Anne  of  Brittany,  but  soon  after  the 
birth  of  her  baby-girl  she  withdrew  to  a  quieter  life 
in  the  vicinity  of  her  friend,  the  repudiated  Queen 
Jeanne.  Having  found  the  world  unsatisfactory,  she 
turned  to  the  religious  life.  She  lived  like  a  saint  in 
her  chateau  near  Bourges,  and,  though  her  stingy 
father  had  given  her  but  a  meagre  dowry,  the  poor 
of  the  neighbourhood  had  good  cause  to  bless  her 
name.  In  1507,  the  year  of  her  husband's  death, 
Charlotte  lost  her  faithful  protectress,  Jeanne.  The 
double  loss  seemed  to  overwhelm  her,  and  she  refused 
to  be  comforted.  She  had  the  walls  of  her  house 
hung  with  black,  and,  though  only  twenty-five  years 
of  age,  retired  into  these  mournful  surroundings, 
only  emerging  at  intervals  to  distribute  her  bounty 
to  her  needy  neighbours.  On  March  n,  1514,  this 
pious  lady  said  farewell  to  earth,  and  departed  this 
life  in  the  odour  of  sanctity.  Her  little  daughter, 
who  was  with  her  during  her  last  moments,  was,  at 
Charlotte's  wish,  entrusted  to  the  care  of  Madame 
d'Angouleme,  mother  of  King  Francis  I.  A  few 
years  later  she  became  the  wife  of  Louis  de  la  Tre"- 
mouille,  the  knight  "  sans  peur  et  sans  reproche." 
He  was  killed  at  the  battle  of  Pavia  in  1525,  and 
some  years  later  the  widowed  Louise  found  a  second 
husband  in  Philip  of  Bourbon,  Baron  de  Busset. 

It  is  known  that  Caesar  was  also  the  father  of  two 
natural  children — a  son,  Girolamo,  and  a  daughter, 
Lucrezia.  Girolamo  probably  died  in  boyhood,  but 
Lucrezia,  dedicated  to  the  cloister  from  her  early 
youth,  lived  on,  until  1573,  in  Ferrara,  where  she 
had  become  Abbess  of  San  Bernardino.  Gregorovius 
relates  thatj  as  late  as  February  1550,  an  illegitimate 
son  of  Caesar's  appeared  in  Paris.  He  was  a  priest, 

YB 


354    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

and  gave  his  name  as  Don  Luigi.  On  the  strength  of 
his  father's  having  met  his  death  in  the  service  of  the 
King  of  Navarre  he  had  journeyed  from  Rome  to 
ask  assistance  of  the  French  King.  The  latter  gave 
him  a  hundred  ducats,  whereupon  he  returned  to  his 
native  place,  and  was  heard  of  no  more. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

Disputes  between  France  and  Spain  over  the  partition  oi  Naples — 
End  of  Piero  de'  Medici — Gonsalvo  da  Cordova,  the  Great 
Captain — His  treatment  by  Ferdinand — Lucrezia's  life  at 
Ferrara — Angela  Borgia — Death  of  the  poet  Strozzi — Rodrigo, 
Lucrezia's  little  son — His  death,  1512 — Death  of  Giovanni 
Sforza  of  Pesaro — Alfonso  of  Ferrara  placed  under  the  papal 
ban — Battle  of  Ravenna — Lucrezia's  relations  with  her  husband 
— Her  letter  to  Leo  X. — Vannozza's  last  years — Death  of 
Lucrezia,  1519 — Grief  at  her  loss — Her  children. 

ALREADY  before  the  death  of  Caesar  there  had  arisen 
between  France  and  Spain  differences  which  were  to 
have  the  most  disastrous  consequences  for  Italy.  It 
had  been  arranged  that,  in  the  division  of  Naples, 
France  should  receive  the  provinces  of  Terra  di 
Lavoro  and  both  the  Abruzzi,  while  Spain  was  to 
take  possession  of  Apulia  and  Calabria ;  but,  when  it 
came  to  the  point,  it  was  evident  that  neither  monarch 
knew  the  country  well  enough  to  settle  the  exact 
boundry-line.  The  divisions  of  Alfonso  I. — Terra 
di  Lavoro,  Principato,  Basilicata,  Calabria,  Apulia, 
and  Abruzzo  were  no  longer  recognised.  The  pro- 
vince of  Basilicata  was  the  first  source  of  discord. 
The  Spanish  General,  Gonsalvo,  maintained  that 
both  Basilicata  and  Principato  belonged  to  Calabria 
because  they  lay  exactly  between  the  two  Calabrias, 
and  therefore  must  be  attributed  to  Spain.  The 
French  viceroy,  Louis  d'Armagnac,  Duke  of  Nemours, 
declared,  on  the  other  hand,  that  these  provinces  had 
never  belonged  to  Calabria.  A  like  dispute  arose 
about  Capitanata,  a  subdivision  of  Apulia,  and  also 
about  the  division  of  the  pasture-lands  of  the  same 

355 


356    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

province  which  were  the  source  of  considerable 
crown-revenues.  In  the  first  year  these  were  equally 
divided  between  the  monarchs,  but  the  next  year 
each  party  sought  to  grasp  as  much  as  possible  for 
itself,  with  calamitous  results. 

The  Neapolitan  nobles  sought  to  mitigate  the 
strife,  and  the  Duke  de  Nemours  had  a  personal  in- 
terview with  Gonsalvo.  But,  as  no  agreement  could  be 
arrived  at,  the  decision  was  referred  to  the  two  Kings, 
though  only  upon  condition  that,  before  the  passing 
of  the  sentence,  weapons  should  be  laid  down.  But 
the  Duke  of  Nemours,  whose  forces  were  stronger 
than  those  of  Gonsalvo,  refused  to  be  bound  by  the 
compact,  fearing  that  the  latter  might,  in  the  mean- 
while, strengthen  his  resources.  He  informed  Gon- 
salvo that  he  would  again  begin  hostilities  if  the  district 
of  Capitanata  were  not  surrendered,  and  immediately 
garrisoned  Tripalda  and  all  the  fortified  places  of 
which  he  could  possess  himself.  A  reinforcement  of 
two  thousand  Swiss,  sent  by  Louis  to  the  Duke, 
clearly  showed  his  intention  of  continuing  the  war 
and  of  taking  advantage  of  his  present  superior 
position.  His  troops  were  very  successful.  Canosa, 
in  spite  of  a  plucky  resistance,  was  forced  to  yield ; 
the  town  of  Cosenza  was  plundered,  and  Gonsalvo  had 
perforce  to  evacuate  not  only  Capitanata,  but  also 
the  greater  part  of  Calabria  and  Apulia.  Destitute 
of  money,  and  scantily  provided  with  provisions  and 
ammunition,  he  retired  to  the  fortified  town  of 
Barletta,  where  he  was  surrounded  and  hard  pressed 
by  the  troops  of  the  Duke  of  Nemours. 

The  French  captains,  however,  maintained  that 
for  divers  reasons,  among  others  the  lack  of  water, 
the  whole  army  could  not  besiege  Barletta ;  but 
though  d'Aubigny  thought  otherwise  and  protested 
against  this  idea,  it  was  decided  that  part  of  the 
French  army  should  continue  the  siege,  while  the 
rest  should  be  devoted  to  the  conquest  of  Naples. 


CONQUEST  OF  APULIA  357 

The  Viceroy  now  conquered  the  whole  of  Apulia, 
with  the  exception  of  Otranto,  Gallipoli,  and  Tarento, 
and  then  turned  back  to  the  investment  of  Barletta. 
At  the  same  time  d'Aubigny  entered  Calabria  and  con- 
quered and  plundered  Cosenza,  though  the  citadel  still 
remained  in  the  possession  of  the  Spaniards.  Troops 
from  Sicily  united  with  Gonsalvo's  forces,  and  a 
fight  ensued,  resulting  in  a  signal  victory  for  d'Aubigny. 

But  a  change  in  the  fortunes  of  war  now  seemed 
to  be  approaching.  A  French  officer  named  Charles 
de  Torgues,  who,  through  an  exchange  of  prisoners, 
had  come  to  Barletta,  was  invited  by  Don  Enrico  of 
Mendoza  to  supper.  Inigo  Lopez  and  Don  Piero 
d'Origno,  the  Prior  of  Messina,  were  also  present. 
During  the  meal  a  discussion  arose  over  the  incapacity 
of  the  Italian  soldiers,  and  de  Torgues  called  them  "  an 
effeminate  and  degenerate  people."  Lopez  replied 
that  he  had  in  his  service  troops  who  were  just  as 
brave  and  trustworthy  as  his  Spaniards.  In  order  to 
settle  the  dispute,  it  was  decided  to  select  thirteen 
French  and  the  same  number  of  Italians,  who,  on 
horseback  and  fully  armed,  should  be  put  to  a  fighting 
test.  The  conquerors  were  to  receive,  as  a  reward, 
the  horses  and  armour  of  the  conquered,  together 
with  a  hundred  golden  crowns.  Each  side  was 
allowed  to  choose  four  arbitrators,  and  hostages 
were  provided  to  ensure  the  proper  observance  of 
the  stipulated  conditions. 

On  February  13,  1503,  the  first  trial  took  place 
in  a  plain  between  Andre  and  Corrato.  Both  armies 
were  present  at  the  spectacle,  and  Gonsalvo,  in  an 
address  which  has  been  perpetuated  by  a  Spanish 
poet,  urged  the  Italians  to  put  forth  their  whole 
strength  to  vanquish  their  opponents.  After  a  pro- 
longed and  dangerous  struggle,  in  which  strength, 
courage,  and  perseverance  were  displayed  by  both 
sides,  the  Italians  gained  the  day.  But  the  French 
had  felt  so  secure  of  victory  that  no  one  among  them 


358     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

could  produce  the  hundred  golden  crowns  which 
were  to  have  been  the  prize  of  the  conquerors.  They 
were  therefore  taken  captive  to  Barletta,  where 
Gonsalvo,  with  considerable  magnanimity,  paid  their 
ransom, 

Henceforward  the  good  fortune  of  the  French 
seems  to  have  abandoned  them.  First,  the  inhabitants 
of  Castellanetta,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Barletta, 
took  up  arms,  angered  by  the  insolence  of  the  French, 
over  whom  they  gained  important  advantages. 

Then  Gonsalvo,  hearing  that  the  village  of  Rubos, 
some  twelve  miles  distant  from  Barletta,  was  carelessly 
guarded,  descended  upon  it  by  night.  He  attacked 
the  French  with  such  fierceness  that  they,  totally 
unprepared  for  the  onslaught,  offered  only  a  feeble 
resistance.  They  were  utterly  defeated,  and  la  Palisse, 
their  commander,  was  taken  prisoner.  Gonsalvo 
returned  to  Barletta,  without  being  pursued  by  the 
Duke  of  Nemours. 

Although  Louis,  secure  in  the  hope  of  a  peaceful 
termination,  had  instructed  the  Duke  to  remain  on 
the  defensive  only,  the  latter  considered  it  a  favourable 
juncture  to  enter  upon  a  decisive  action.  Moreover, 
the  two  armies  were  now  so  close  together  that  an 
encounter  was  inevitable.  The  Spanish  had  received 
reinforcements  under  the  command  of  Ugo  da  Cardone, 
and  had  assembled  all  the  troops  in  Calabria,  while 
the  French  were  stationed  at  Seminara.  D'Aubigny 
was  in  Gioia,  three  miles  away,  endeavouring  to  block 
the  way  of  the  Spanish  troops.  He  fortified  his 
camp  with  four  cannon,  which  he  had  posted  on 
the  bank  of  the  river  on  which  Gioia  stands.  The 
Spanish  vanguard,  under  Manuel  Benavida,  now 
advanced  to  the  bank  which  was  not  garrisoned  by 
the  French.  Their  leader  began  negotiations  with 
d'Aubigny,  but  while  they  were  thus  engaged  the 
Spanish  rearguard  were  traversing  the  river. 

D'Aubigny,  upon  hearing  of  this,  hastened  without 


DOWNFALL  OF  D'AUBIGNY       359 

his  artillery  to  the  point  where  the  Spaniards  were 
crossing,  with  the  intention  of  attacking  them  before 
their  troops  had  reached  the  other  side.  But  it 
was  too  late.  The  Spaniards  had  already  effected 
a  landing  and  were  ready  in  battle-array.  D'Aubigny, 
in  spite  of  having  no  artillery,  thought  it  his  duty 
to  attack  them,  but  was  utterly  crushed  even  before 
the  Spanish  rearguard  had  got  across  the  river.  Several 
of  the  French  commanders  and  many  Neapolitan 
barons  were  taken  captive.  D'Aubigny  himself  fled 
to  the  Castle  of  Angitola,  but  was  obliged  to  surrender 
to  the  Spaniards,  who  hemmed  him  in  on  every 
side. 

The  downfall  of  their  greatest  General  was  most 
detrimental  to  the  French,  especially  as  it  moved 
their  Viceroy,  the  Duke  of  Nemours,  to  rash  pro- 
ceedings which  he  would  perhaps  otherwise  not 
have  entered  upon.  Gonsalvo,  who  knew  nothing 
of  the  success  of  his  countrymen,  marched  secretly 
towards  Carinola,  about  ten  miles  distant  from 
Barletta.  The  plague,  as  well  as  lack  of  provisions, 
had  driven  him  to  abandon  the  latter  place.  Carinola 
is  about  midway  between  Barletta  and  Canosa,  where 
Nemours  had  assembled  his  forces.  The  Duke  was 
uncertain  as  to  whether  he  should  attack  the  Spaniards, 
and  held  a  council  of  war.  Several  of  the  officers 
were  against  an  assault,  since  the  French  troops  had 
been  reduced  by  their  previous  reverses,  while  the 
Spanish  army  had  been  reinforced  by  fresh  troops. 
They  advised  a  withdrawal  to  Mem  until  help  could 
be  sent  to  them  from  France.  Others,  again,  thought 
it  risky  to  remain  idle,  especially  as  reinforcements 
could  not  be  relied  upon.  They  were  anxious  to 
venture  an  attack,  considering  that  the  honour  of 
the  French  arms  demanded  it. 

Nemours,  who  knew  that  the  Spaniards  were 
marching  upon  Carinola,  decided  to  begin  the  attack, 
and  despatched  his  troops  in  great  haste.  But  he 


360    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

could  obtain  no  reliable  news  as  to  whether  Barletta 
was  completely  evacuated,  for  Fabricius  Colonna  had 
arranged  his  troops  so  cleverly  that  the  French  were 
cut  off  from  the  town,  and  the  height  of  the  fennel, 
which  grows  luxuriantly  in  Calabria,  concealed  the 
view  of  the  Spanish  army  as  it  marched  along. 

The  Spaniards  arrived  in  Carinola  at  almost  the 
same  time  as  the  French,  but,  as  the  latter  were 
in  possession  of  the  town,  Gonsalvo  had  the  neighbour- 
ing vineyards  garrisoned.  On  Colonna's  advice,  the 
Spanish  troops  began  digging  entrenchments,  but 
before  their  task  was  finished  the  French  approached 
their  camp.  It  was  already  night,  and  Yve  d'Allegre 
and  the  Prince  of  Melfi  advised  postponing  the 
attack  to  the  following  day,  since  the  Spaniards 
would  be  shortly  obliged  to  yield  from  lack  of  pro- 
visions. Nemours,  however,  ignored  the  advice,  and 
proceeded  with  great  vigour  to  the  attack.  The 
Swiss,  in  particular,  distinguished  themselves  by 
their  valour  in  the  obstinate  fight  which  ensued. 
Suddenly  a  powder  magazine  exploded,  causing  the 
utmost  consternation  and  confusion.  Gonsalvo,  never- 
theless, retained  his  self-possession,  and  called  out, 
"  The  victory  is  ours.  God  has  declared  Himself 
for  us ;  we  have  no  more  need  of  our  artillery." 
His  prediction  was  fulfilled,  and  the  Spaniards  actually 
won  the  day.  Owing  to  the  varying  accounts  of  this 
event  it  is  difficult  to  assign  the  cause  of  this  victory. 
The  French  were  completely  disarrayed  by  the  death 
of  the  Duke  of  Nemours,  who,  fighting  courageously 
in  the  foremost  rank,  was  struck  down  by  a  musket- 
shot,  which  immediately  killed  him. 

D'Allegre,  the  Prince  of  Salerno,  and  several  of  the 
Neapolitan  barons  withdrew  to  Gaeta  and  Trajetto, 
and  the  rest  of  the  French  troops  were  dispersed  to 
various  parts.  Gonsalvo,  however,  marched  imme- 
diately upon  Naples.  He  offered  the  Prince  of 
Melfi  the  half  of  his  kingdom  if  he  would  ally  himself 


with  the  Spaniards.  But  nothing  would  have  in- 
duced the  Prince  to  accept  this  proposal.  At  Naples 
Gonsalvo  was  received  with  open  arms,  and  the 
French  fled  to  Castelnuovo.  Capua  and  Aversa, 
abandoned  by  the  French  commanders,  surrendered 
to  Spain  on  May  14, 1503. 

Louis  XII.  still  clung  to  the  hope  of  reconquering 
Naples.  He  not  only  sent  reinforcements,  under 
la  Tremouille,  towards  Naples,  by  way  of  the  States 
of  the  Church,  but  he  attacked  Ferdinand  of  Spain 
himself..  His  numerous  troops  advanced  into  Rous- 
sillon  and  Fontarabia,  while  his  fleet  threatened  the 
coasts  of  Catalonia  and  Valencia.  But  Ferdinand, 
placing  himself  at  the  head  of  his  army,  drove  the 
enemy  back  into  French  territory.  Neither  did  the 
French  fleet  accomplish  anything,  and,  after  several 
futile  attempts  to  land  men,  it  was  obliged  to  return 
to  Marseilles. 

The  French  fared  no  better  in  Italy.  The  Viceroy, 
the  Marquis  of  Saluzzo,  who  had  succeeded  Nemours, 
united  his  troops  with  those  which  were  still  lying 
round  Gaeta,  and  received,  besides,  reinforcements 
from  the  Duke  of  Mantua,  who  had  allied  himself 
with  France.  With  the  united  strength  of  all  these 
forces  he  invested  Trajetto  and  Fondi  as  far  as  the 
river  Garigliano. 

Gonsalvo  now  left  San  Germano,  where  he  had 
withdrawn  with  his  men,  and  garrisoned  the  opposite 
bank  of  the  river,  in  order  to  prevent  the  French 
from  crossing.  The  latter,  however,  had  ferried 
over  in  flat  boats,  with  the  intention  of  attacking 
the  Spaniards,  while  cannon  were  mounted  on  the 
bank.  But  the  Spaniards  defended  themselves  with 
the  greatest  vigour,  and  forced  the  French  to 
retreat. 

Gonsalvo  had  encamped  near  Cintra,  about  a 
mile  away  from  the  river,  but,  as  the  district  was 
marshy  and  the  weather  extremely  stormy,  his  troops 


362     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

suffered  grievously  from  damp  and  cold.  The  captains 
wanted  to  withdraw  to  Capua  in  order  to  refresh  their 
men,  instead  of  awaiting  a  second  onslaught  from 
the  French,  who  far  exceeded  them  in  number.  But 
Gonsalvo  replied  that  he  would  prefer  to  die  at  once, 
having  advanced  only  a  handsbreadth  against  the 
enemy,  rather  than  to  live  a  hundred  years,  having 
retreated  only  two  paces. 

The  French  had  constructed  a  bridge,  which  they 
fortified  at  the  end  with  bastions,  but  they  were 
prevented  from  attacking  the  Spaniards,  because 
their  camp  was  surrounded  by  morasses  which  the 
heavy  rains  had  rendered  impassable.  They  also 
suffered  much  from  the  badness  of  the  weather,  as 
well  as  from  lack  of  provisions.  Consequently  the 
troops  were  attacked  by  sickness,  and  the  Italians 
abandoned  them.  Day  by  day  their  numbers  visibly 
decreased,  so  that  they  only  had  courage  to  engage 
in  petty  skirmishes  with  the  Spaniards,  in  which  the 
latter  were  nearly  always  victorious. 

The  Spanish  army,  on  the  other  hand,  was  re- 
inforced by  the  troops  of  Bartolomeo  d'Alviano  and 
the  Orsini.  Gonsalvo  now  made  an  onslaught  upon 
the  French,  encouraged  by  hearing  that  their  corps 
were  placed  at  very  wide  intervals.  He  decided  to 
cross  the  river,  if  possible,  without  the  enemy's 
knowledge,  and  entrusted  this  difficult  task  to 
d'Alviano.  A  wooden  bridge  was  surreptitiously 
built  in  the  camp  and,  during  the  night,  conveyed  to 
Suio  (some  four  miles  from  the  French  camp),  where 
it  was  placed  across  the  river.  On  December  27, 
1503,  Gonsalvo  'crossed  the  bridge  with  his  men, 
in  the  darkness.  He  gave  command  that  the  next 
morning  his  rearguard  should  attack  the  tete  de  pont 
of  the  French.  When  the  latter  heard  of  this  bold 
stroke  they  were  seized  with  terror.  The  Marquis 
of  Saluzzo  despatched  d'Alldgre  to  prevent  the 
passage  of  the  Spaniards,  but  it  was  too  late.  At 


PIERO  DE'  MEDICI  DROWNED       363 

the  same  time  Alviano  attacked  the  tele  de  pont 
on  the  other  bank  of  the  Garigliano  with  great 
violence,  hunting  the  French  from  their  posts. 

The  Viceroy  immediately  withdrew  his  troops  to 
Gaeta,  though  he  was  obliged  to  leave  behind  a  large 
part  of  his  ammunition,  nine  cannon,  and  the  sick 
and  wounded.  Gonsalvo,  on  perceiving  the  flight, 
sent  Prospero  Colonna  with  his  light  cavalry,  in  order 
to  hinder  their  progress  as  much  as  possible.  They 
were  overtaken  at  Seandi,  where  a  slight  skirmish 
took  place,  but  the  French  continued  their  march 
directly  afterwards.  After  much  fighting,  they  reached 
a  bridge  near  Gaeta,  where  the  Viceroy  found 
it  necessary  to  call  a  halt.  A  violent  encounter 
took  place.  The  Spanish  rearguard  had  by  this 
time  come  up,  and  had  crossed  the  river  in  boats. 
The  French  resisted  as  well  as  they  could,  but  the 
fear  of  being  attacked  by  Gonsalvo  in  the  rear  under- 
mined their  courage.  Closely  pursued  by  the 
Spaniards,  they  took  flight  in  the  direction  of  Gaeta. 
Not  far  from  the  latter  place  the  road  branches  into 
two,  one  of  which  leads  to  Itri,  and  the  other  to 
Gaeta.  Those  who  took  the  Itri  path  were  for  the 
most  part  captured  or  slain,  and  the  others  were 
pursued  through  the  very  gates  of  Gaeta  itself. 

In  this  battle  Piero  de'  Medici  fought  valorously, 
and,  when  the  cause  seemed  hopeless,  he  embarked 
on  a  galley  to  fetch  four  heavy  cannon  which  he  had 
saved  out  of  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  But  their 
weight,  as  well  as  that  of  the  great  number  of  people 
who  had  sought  refuge  on  the  vessel,  caused  it  to 
sink.  Piero  and  many  others  were  drowned,  and 
his  corpse  was  not  found  until  several  days  had  passed. 
His  death  was  a  clear  gain  to  the  House  of  Medici, 
since  the  hatred  of  the  Florentines  had  been  mainly 
directed  against  him  personally.  His  widow  Alfonsina 
received  permission  to  return  to  Florence.  She 
married  her  daughter  to  Filippo  Strozzi,  a  nobleman 


364     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

whose  renown  had  penetrated  the  whole  of  Italy. 
It  is  true  that,  upon  hearing  of  this  marriage, 
the  magistrates  of  Florence  condemned  the  bride- 
groom to  pay  a  penalty  of  five  hundred  golden  crowns, 
and  to  three  years'  banishment.  Strozzi,  however, 
returned  to  the  city  before  the  stipulated  time  harl 
elapsed,  without  any  inconvenient  results. 

Gonsalvo,  who  was  in  very  low  water,  was  only 
too  glad  to  conclude  a  treaty  which  made  over  to 
him  the  possession  of  the  important  fortress  of  Gaeta 
together  with  all  the  artillery  and  military  stores. 
A  free  passage  was  granted  to  the  remnant  of  the 
French  army,  which,  sick  and  woe-begone,  made  its 
retreat.  "With  those  who  had  taken  the  land  route 
it  fared  almost  as  ill  as  with  those  who  embarked  at 
Gaeta.  The  greater  part  of  their  fleet  was  wrecked 
upon  the  French  coast  during  a  violent  storm,  while 
those  who  were  on  land  were  stricken  down  by 
pestilence,  hunger,  and  cold,  so  that  the  roads  were 
strewn  with  corpses.  After  the  surrender  of  Gaeta, 
a  treaty  was  concluded  between  the  two  Kings. 
(October  12, 1505.)  Ferdinand  who,  after  the  death  of 
Isabella,  had  quarrelled  with  his  son-in-law,  Philip 
the  Fair,  and  longed  eagerly  for  a  male  heir,  was 
to  marry  Louis  XII.'s  niece,  Germaine  de  Foix,  a 
spoilt  young  beauty  of  eighteen.  Any  children  of 
this  marriage  were  to  inherit  Sicily,  Aragon,  and 
Naples,  but,  should  the  union  prove  fruitless,  Naples 
was  to  be  divided  between  France  and  Aragon. 
Ferdinand,  on  the  other  hand,  was  to  pay  Louis  a 
million  gold  ducats  as  indemnity  for  the  late  war. 

Of  all  the  generals  who  had  distinguished  themselves 
in  the  last  Italian  campaign,  none  stood  so  high  as 
the  Great  Captain,  Gonsalvo  Aguilar  da  Cordova, 
By  his  courage,  endurance,  and  military  genius  he 
had  conquered  the  whole  of  Naples,  and  his  kindness, 
generosity,  and  love  of  justice  had  made  him  beloved 
of  the  Neapolitans.  Ferdinand  well  realised  how 


MEETING  OF  THE  KINGS  AT  SAVONA  365 

much  he  owed  to  Gonsalvo,  and  not  only  appointed 
him  Viceroy  of  Naples,  but  bestowed  on  him  crown- 
land  revenues  to  the  amount  of  20,000  gold  ducats. 
Notwithstanding  these  tokens  of  favour,  the  King 
in  his  heart  cherished  suspicion  and  jealousy  of 
the  Great  Captain,  fearing  that  he  might  constitute 
himself  unconditional  lord  of  Naples.  In  all  Gon- 
salvo's  dealings,  even  the  wisest,  he  only  saw  a  desire 
to  gain  the  affection  of  the  Neapolitans  in  order 
that  he  might  one  day  possess  himself  of  the  crown. 
His  uneasiness,  indeed,  became  so  uncontrollable 
that  he  recalled  Gonsalvo  to  Spain  under  pretext 
of  asking  his  advice.  But  the  General  begged  to 
be  excused,  saying  that  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom 
were  not  yet  completely  arranged.  Ferdinand  repeated 
his  command,  but  again  Gonsalvo  refused  to  obey. 
The  King's  agitation  thereupon  became  so  intense 
that  he  made  up  his  mind  to  journey  to  Naples  to 
see  for  himself  what  was  going  on.  He  arrived 
there,  in  company  with  his  young  wife,  in  October 
1506.  Although  during  his  journey  he  received  news 
of  the  death  of  his  son-in-law  Philip,  and  the  regency 
of  Castile  devolved  upon  him  on  account  of  the  mental 
incapacity  of  his  daughter  Joan,  even  then  he  could 
not  bring  himself  to  forego  his  undertaking.  He 
stayed  seven  months  in  Naples,  replaced  Gonsalvo's 
chosen  officials  by  others,  made  a  few  arrangements 
for  the  government  of  the  town,  and  started  on  his 
homeward  way,  accompanied  by  the  source  of  his 
anxiety — Gonsalvo. 

In  Savona  Ferdinand  had  a  meeting  with  the 
King  of  France.  Gonsalvo  was  treated  with  the 
greatest  honour.  Louis,  indeed,  could  not  conceal  his 
admiration  even  for  one  who  had  robbed  him  of  a 
kingdom.  Ferdinand  restrained  his  annoyance  until 
they  reached  Spain,  when  he  commanded  Gonsalvo 
to  retire  to  his  country  house,  and  not  to  appear  at 
the  Court  without  permission.  This  was  the  way 


866  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

in  which  he  rewarded  a  General  who  had  served  him 
well  and  faithfully,  esteeming  neither  his  life  nor 
possessions  in  comparison  with  the  welfare  of  his 
King  and  country.  He  died  in  1515,  and  the  only 
recognition  made  of  his  greatness  by  the  King  was 
a  magnificent  funeral  at  the  royal  expense. 

Gonsalvo,  in  reviewing  his  past  life,  was  accustomed 
to  say  that  he  reproached  himself  for  three  great 
mistakes  :  firstly,  for  having  broken  his  promise  to  the 
royal  House  of  Aragon  ;  secondly,  for  having  sent 
Caesar  Borgia  as  prisoner  to  Spain ;  and  thirdly,  for 
a  mistake  which  he  would  not  mention,  but  which 
may  have  been  his  removal  from  Naples  when  at 
the  height  of  his  power,  and  his  retirement  into  the 
loneliness  of  private  life.  Ferdinand's  ingratitude 
must  have  wounded  him  deeply,  and  the  fact  that 
he  took  his  unjust  sentence  of  banishment  with  so 
little  resentment  gives  proof  of  the  nobility  of  his 
character. 

From  the  time  of  Lucrezia's  marriage  with  Alfonso 
d'Este,  her  life  seems  to  have  been  beyond  shadow 
of  reproach.  After  the  excitement  of  the  wedding 
festivities  she  had  many  difficulties  to  overcome  on 
the  threshold  of  her  new  life,  but  by  her  gentle  and 
affectionate  nature  and  winning  manners  she  succeeded 
in  gaining  all  hearts.  Pietro  Bembo,  the  famous 
Venetian,  fell  a  victim  to  her  charms,  and  though 
there  can  be  no  doubt  of  his  absorbing  passion  for 
Lucrezia,  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  it  ever 
passed  the  bounds  of  propriety.  Lucrezia,  for  her 
part,  evidently  regarded  him  with  an  affection  which, 
according  to  Gregorovius,  was  more  than  platonic. 
Bembo  was  an  attractive  man  of  handsome  presence 
and  courtly  manners,  which  stood  out  in  pleasing 
contrast  to  the  somewhat  uncouth  deportment  of 
Alfonso.  From  1503  to  1506  they  enjoyed  the 
closest  friendship — a  fact  which  did  not  fail  to  excite 


LUCREZIA  AND  THE  POETS      367 

the  jealousy  of  Lucrezia's  husband,  and  probably 
led  to  Bembo's  removal  in  1506  to  the  Court  of 
Urbino.  They  nevertheless  continued  to  keep  up 
a  correspondence,  much  of  which  is  still  preserved. 
Lucrezia's  letters  are  inscribed :  "  Al  mio  carissimo 
M.  Pietro  Bembo." 

Bembo's  infatuation  has  not  escaped  the  notice 
of  the  two  Strozzi,  at  whose  villa  near  Ferrara  he 
spent  much  of  his  time.  But  both  father  and  son 
appear  also  to  have  fallen  under  Lucrezia's  magic 
spell,  and  the  verses  which  they  dedicated  to  her 
are  even  more  full  of  passion  than  those  of  Bembo. 
Tito  Strozzi,  the  father,  sang  of  a  rose  which  his 
lady-love  had  given  him,  but  his  son  surpassed  him 
in  an  epigram  on  "  Rose  of  Lucrezia,"  which  could 
hardly  have  been  the  one  bestowed  upon  his  father. 

Many  other  poets  celebrated  Lucrezia's  beauty 
and  virtue  in  verse.  The  great  Ariosto  dedicated  to 
her  a  stanza  of  his  Orlando  Furioso,  in  which  he 
represents  her  as  a  pattern  of  modesty  and  beauty  r 

Lucrezia  Borgia  di  cui  d'ora  in  ora 
La  belta,  la  virtu  e  la  fama  honesta, 
E  la  fortuna,  va  crescendo  non  meno 
Che  giovin  pianta  in  morbida  terra. 

Even  making  allowances  for  the  flattery  of  a  court 
poet,  it  is  highly  improbable  that  he  would  have 
written  anything  directly  inconsistent  with  the  public 
opinion  of  the  tune. 

Living  at  the  Court  of  Ferrara  was  a  kinswoman 
of  Lucrezia's — Angela  Borgia,  who  by  her  grace  and 
comeliness  threw  a  glamour  over  all  who  came  into 
contact  with  her.  She  had  at  one  time  been  betrothed 
to  Francesco  Maria  della  Rovere,  but  for  some  reason 
or  other  the  contract  had  been  annulled.  Among 
Angela's  adorers  were  two  brothers  of  Alfonso's — 
Cardinal  Ippolito  d'Este,  and  Giulio,  a  bastard  son 


368    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

of  the  old  Duke  Ercole.  One  day,  when  Ippolito 
was  paying  court  to  her,  she  began  to  praise  the 
beauty  of  Giulio's  eyes.  This  so  inflamed  the  Cardinal's 
jealousy  that  he  hired  assassins  and  commissioned 
them  to  lie  in  wait  for  his  brother  as  he  returned 
from  hunting,  and  to  tear  out  the  beautiful  eyes 
which  had  excited  Donna  Angela's  admiration.  His 
command  was  carried  out,  November  3,  1505  ;  but 
the  depraved  Ippolito  was  not  allowed  to  enjoy 
the  complete  success  of  his  plan,  for  the  physicians 
were  able  to  save  one  of  his  victim's  eyes.  The 
whole  of  Ferrara  burned  with  indignation  at  the 
Cardinal's  atrocity,  and  he  was  punished  by  a  tem- 
porary banishment.  Giulio,  who  considered  that 
the  Duke  had  dealt  too  leniently  with  him,  longed 
for  a  deeper  revenge.  Ippolito,  however,  had  many 
friends  in  Ferrara,  for  he  was  a  jovial  man  of  the 
world,  while  the  Duke,  by  his  morose  and  surly 
manners,  was  unpopular  with  the  nobility. 

Giulio  succeeded  in  winning  the  support  of  several 
disaffected  nobles  and  others  who  were  in  Alfonso's 
service,  among  them  Count  Albertino  Boschetti, 
the  captain  of  the  palace  guard,  a  chamberlain, 
and  one  of  the  Duke's  minstrels.  Even  Don  Ferrante, 
the  Duke's  own  brother,  entered  into  the  plot. 
Giulio's  plan  was  to  despatch  Cardinal  Ippolito  by 
means  of  poison,  and  then  to  destroy  the  Duke  himself 
and  set  Don  Ferrante  on  the  throne. 

The  Cardinal,  however,  who  was  well  supplied 
with  spies,  got  an  inkling  of  what  was  going  on, 
and  lost  no  time  in  informing  his  brother,  Duke 
Alfonso.  The  conspirators,  with  the  exception  of 
Don  Ferrante,  sought  refuge  in  flight,  but  only 
Giulio  and  the  minstrel  succeeded  in  escaping.  Count 
Boschetti  was  seized  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Ferrara. 
When  Don  Ferrante  was  brought  before  the'  Duke 
he  cast  himself  at  his  feet  and  begged  for  mercy. 
But  Alfonso,  in  a  frenzy  of  rage,  struck  out  one  of 


s  a 


BIRTH  OF  ERCOLE  D'ESTE       369 

his  eyes  with  a  staff  which  he  had  in  his  hand.  He 
then  had  him  imprisoned  in  the  tower  of  the  castle, 
where  he  was  soon  joined  by  Giulio,  who  had  been 
surrendered  by  the  Marquis  of  Mantua,  from  whom 
he  had  sought  protection.  The  trial  for  treason 
resulted  in  sentence  of  death  for  all  the  guilty.  Bos- 
chetti  and  two  of  his  companions  were  beheaded  in 
front  of  the  Palazzo  della  Ragione.  The  execution 
of  the  two  Princes  was  arranged  for  August  12,  1506. 
The  scaffold  was  erected  in  the  courtyard  of  the  castle, 
the  Duke  took  his  place,  and  the  people  thronged 
to  witness  the  revolting  sight.  The  wretched  victims 
had  already  been  led  to  the  block  when  Alfonso  made 
a  sign  that  a  reprieve  would  be  granted.  More  dead 
than  alive,  they  were  borne  back  to  their  dungeons, 
where  they  were  condemned  to  a  life-long  imprison- 
ment. They  both  survived  their  brother.  Don 
Fen-ante  died  in  1540,  at  the  age  of  sixty-three, 
and  Don  Giulio,  who  was  liberated  after  Alfonso's 
death,  died  in  1561,  in  his  eighty-fourth  year. 

Duke  Alfonso's  hopes  of  an  heir  had  twice  been 
disappointed,  but  on  April  4,  1508,  his  heart  was 
gladdened  by  the  birth  of  a  baby  son,  who  was  named 
Ercole,  after  his  grandfather.  The  younger  poet 
Strozzi  celebrated  the  advent  of  the  little  heir  in 
the  most  exuberant  and  flattering  verses.  They 
were,  however,  his  final  effort,  for  on  the  morning 
of  June  6  the  dead  body  of  the  poet  was  found  near 
the  d'Este  Palace,  wounded  in  two-and-twenty  places, 
and  with  part  of  his  hair  torn  out  by  the  roots.  The 
whole  of  Ferrara  was  filled  with  resentment,  for 
Strozzi,  who  had  only  reached  his  twenty-eighth 
year,  was  a  general  favourite,  and  indeed  had  con- 
tributed much  to  the  fame  of  the  city. 

This  foul  deed  has,  by  some,  been  ascribed  to 
Alfonso  on  the  grounds  of  an  infatuation  for  his 
young  wife,  Barbara.  Others  maintain  that  he  was 

ZB 


870  LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

jealous  of  Lucrezia's  attitude  towards  him.  One 
of  the  strongest  proofs  of  the  Duke's  guilt  is  that 
he  apparently  made  no  effort  to  discover  and  punish 
the  murderer. 

Even  Lucrezia  has  not  escaped  being  charged 
with  the  murder,  though  none  of  the  later  historians 
have  attributed  any  importance  to  this  accusation. 
The  motives  ascribed  to  her  were  jealousy  of  Barbara, 
or  the  fear  that  Strozzi  might  reveal  her  relations 
with  Bembo. 

Meanwhile,  what  had  become  of  the  little  Rodrigo, 
Lucrezia's  son  by  Alfonso  of  Naples?  For  some 
reason  it  was  not  considered  suitable  that  the  child 
should  be  brought  up  at  the  Court  of  Ferrara.  Yriarte 
quotes  a  letter  from  Duke  Ercole  to  Lucrezia,  strongly 
advising  his  separation  from  her,  and  he  was  therefore 
placed  under  the  guardianship  of  the  Patriarch  of 
Alexandria  and  Francesco  Borgia,  Archbishop  of 
Cosenza.  He  was  well  equipped,  from  a  worldly 
point  of  view,  for  he  not  only  owned  his  father's 
inheritance  of  Bisceglia,  but  he  was  also  Duke  of  Ser- 
moneta  and  lord  of  Guadrata.  He  appears  to  have 
been  confided  to  the  care  of  his  aunt,  Donna  Sancia 
of  Aragon,  a  somewhat  unsuitable  person  to  whom 
to  entrust  the  education  of  a  child,  one  would  think  ! 
Upon  her  death  in  1506  Rodrigo  was  probably  placed 
under  the  protection  of  another  aunt,  Isabella  of 
Aragon,  Duchess  of  Ban,  whose  acquaintance  we 
have  already  made  as  the  unhappy  wife  of  Gian 
Galeazzo  of  Milan,  the  victim  of  Ludovico  Sforza's 
jealous  ambition. 

There  is  an  entry  in  the  household  accounts  of  the 
Duchess  of  Ferrara  for  March  26,  1505,  mentioning 
"  a  suit  of  damask  and  brocade  which  her  Majesty 
sent  to  her  son  Don  Rodrigo  in  Bari,  as  a  present." 
The  little  Rodrigo  appears  to  have  had,  as  com- 
panion, the  mysterious  Giovanni  Infans  Romanus,  who 
was  about  the  same  age.  Alexander  VI.,  it  is  said, 


JULIUS  II.  AND  VENICE          371 

enjoyed  the  company  of  these  two  children  and  often 
had  them  with  him.  In  1508  Giovanni  and  Rodrigo 
are  again  mentioned  as  being  together  in  Ban,  and 
sharing  the  instructions  of  a  certain  Don  Bartolommeo 
Grotto.  In  August  1512  the  inconvenient  little  Duke, 
Rodrigo,  was  removed  by  the  hand  of  death.  Lucrezia 
appears  to  have  grieved  over  his  loss,  for  in  a  letter 
to  an  unknown  correspondent,  dated  October  I, 
she  speaks  of  her  continued  tears  and  sorrow  "  per 
la  morte  del  Duca  di  Bisselli,  mio  figliulo  carissimo." 

In  1510  occurred  the  death  of  Lucrezia's  first 
husband,  Giovanni  Sforza  of  Pesaro,  who  had  been 
living  a  quiet  and  studious  life  at  the  Castle  of  Gradara. 
He  had  ruled  his  State  with  considerable  wisdom 
and  had  made  many  improvements  in  Pesaro.  In 
1504  he  had  married  Ginevra,  daughter  of  a  Venetian 
noble,  and  their  union  resulted  in  the  birth  of  a  son, 
Costanzo.  This  fact  proves  that  the  ostensible 
reason  for  his  divorce  from  Lucrezia  was  unfounded. 

Meanwhile  Pope  Julius  II.  had  made  peace  with 
Venice  and  commanded  Alfonso  d'Este  to  withdraw 
from  the  league  with  France  and  to  cease  hostilities 
against  the  Republic.  This  the  Duke  refused  to  do, 
and  was  therefore  placed  under  the  papal  ban.  Ferrara 
and  France  were  thus  drawn  into  a  war,  which  led 
to  the  celebrated  battle  of  Ravenna,  on  Easter 
Sunday,  April  n,  1512,  in  which  Alfonso's  artillery 
won  the  day.  This  is  said  to  have  been  the  most 
bloody  battle  fought  on  Italian  soil  since  the  days 
of  the  Huns  and  Goths.  It  was  during  this  war  that 
Lucrezia  made  the  acquaintance  of  the  celebrated 
Bayard.  His  biographer  writes  :  "  The  good  Duchess 
who  was  a  pearl  in  this  world,  received  the  French 
with  special  marks  of  favour.  Every  day  she  gave 
the  most  wonderful  festivals  and  banquets  in  the 
Italian  fashion.  I  venture  to  say  that  neither  in  her 
time,  nor  for  many  years  before,  has  there  been  such  a 
glorious  princess,  for  she  is  beautiful  and  good,  gentle 


372    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

and  courteous  to  every  one,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that, 
although  her  husband  is  a  skilful  and  brave  prince,  this 
lady,  by  her  gracious  character,  has  been  of  great 
service  to  him." 

Lucrezia's  relations  with  Alfonso,  though  never  of 
a  passionate  nature,  seem  to  have  become  more 
affectionate  with  the  passing  of  time.  In  April  1514 
she  bore  him  a  second  son,  Alessandro,  who,  however, 
died  when  he  was  two  years  old.  In  a  letter  to  her 
friend  and  sister-in-law,  Isabella  Gonzaga  of  Mantua, 
she  makes  touching  reference  to  her  loss  :  "  Yesterday," 
she  writes,  "  at  the  fourth  hour  of  the  night,  the 
poor  little  man  (poverino)  yielded  his  blessed  soul 
into  the  hands  of  our  Lord  God,  leaving  me  much 
afflicted  and  full  of  sorrow,  as  your  Excellency,  being 
a  woman  and  a  tender  mother  yourself,  may  easily 
believe."  In  July  1515,  she  had  her  first  baby-girl — 
Leonora — and  on  November  I,  1516,  arrived  another 
little  son,  Francesco.  Alfonso  was  delighted  to  have 
a  legitimate  family  springing  up  around  him ;  he 
was  also  much  gratified  by  the  respect  and  admiration 
accorded  to  his  wife,  who,  though  she  had  outlived 
the  zenith  of  her  beauty,  was  honoured  for  her  womanly 
charm  and  virtue. 

It  appears  from  the  official  correspondence  of 
Leo  X.  that  Lucrezia  sought  from  him  spiritual  con- 
solation and  advice.  She  also  wrote  to  him  on  one 
occasion  begging  him  to  intercede  with  her  husband 
on  behalf  of  a  citizen  who  was  unjustly  imprisoned. 
The  Pope,  in  his  reply,  says :  "  Because  you  are 
universally  esteemed  to  be  prudent  and  discerning 
beyond  other  women,  and  have  the  reputation  of 
being  adorned  with  all  the  virtues,  I  doubt  not  that 
you  will  accomplish  your  will  with  your  husband,  by 
whom,  I  believe,  you  are  warmly  loved  for  these 
reasons." 

It  cannot  be  disputed  that  the  once  defamed  and 
execrated  Lucrezia  had  now  become  one  of  the  most 


DEATH  OF  VANNOZZA  373 

honoured  women  of  the  day,  and  even  the  fierce  light 
which  beats  upon  a  throne  reveals  no  taint  of  dis- 
credit. Caviceo  dedicated  his  work,  //  Pelegrino,  to 
her  in  1508,  and  considered  it  honour  enough,  when 
he  wished  to  praise  the  celebrated  Isabella  Gonzaga, 
to  say  that  she  approached  in  perfection  the  Duchess 
of  Ferrara. 

The  historian,  Jovius,  tells  us  how  entirely  Lucrezia 
cast  away  her  former  luxurious  habits  in  order  to 
live  a  simple  and  pious  life.  In  time  of  famine  her 
kindness  to  the  poor  was  remarkable,  and  she  actually 
pawned  her  jewels  in  order  to  help  them. 

In  the  year  1518  occurred  the  death  of  Lucrezia's 
mother,  Vannozza.  Although  the  days  of  the  Borgia 
greatness  were  over  and  past,  Vannozza  had  lived  on 
in  Rome — a  noted,  and,  to  a  certain  extent,  an  esteemed 
personality.  She  had  never  seen  her  daughter,  of 
whom  she  was  both  fond  and  proud,  since  her  marriage 
with  Alfonso  d'Este,  though  she  continued  to  corres- 
pond with  her.  Her  last  letter  to  Lucrezia,  dated 
December  19,  1515,  refers  to  Agapito  of  Emilia, 
Caesar's  former  secretary.  The  formality  with  which 
she  thinks  fit  to  address  her  daughter,  the  Duchess, 
strikes  quaintly  upon  modern  ears.  It  runs  as  follows  : 

"  ILLUSTRIOUS  LADY,  GREETING  AND  RESPECTS  ! 

"  Your  Excellency  will  certainly  remember  with 
favour  the  services  which  Messer  Agapito  of  Emilia 
rendered  to  his  Excellency  our  Duke,  as  well  as  the 
love  which  he  has  always  shown  us  especially.  He 
therefore  deserves  that  his  kinsmen  should  be  supported 
and  favoured  in  every  possible  way.  Shortly  before 
his  death  he  relinquished  all  his  benefices  in  favour 
of  his  nephews  to  Giambattista  of  Aquila ;  among 
them  are  some  of  little  value  in  the  Archbishopric 
of  Capua  ;  the  deceased  acted  thus  in  order  to  further 
the  interests  of  his  nephews,  for  he  never  imagined 
that  they  would  be  injured  by  the  most  reverend 


874    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

and  illustrious  Cardinal  who  is  Archbishop  of  that 
town.  If  your  Excellency  wishes  to  do  me  a  kindness, 
I  beg,  for  the  above-mentioned  reasons,  that  you 
will  recommend  the  said  nephews  to  the  favour 
of  his  most  revered  lordship.  Niccolo,  the  bearer  of 
this  letter,  himself  the  nephew  of  the  said  Agapito, 
will  furnish  your  Excellency  with  all  necessary  explana- 
tions. And  now  farewell  to  your  Excellency,  to 
whom  I  recommend  myself. 

"  Postscript. — Your  Excellency  will  do  in  this 
matter  as  you  think  best,  for  I  have  written  the 
above  from  a  sense  of  obligation.  Do,  therefore,  only 
what  you  know  will  please  his  Worthiness,  and, 
for  the  moment,  answer  as  you  think  discreet. 

"  VANNOZZA, 
"  Who  prays  for  you  constantly." 

From  the  above  it  will  be  seen,  remarks  Gregorovius, 
that  Vannozza  did  credit  to  the  Borgias  and  the 
diplomatic  lessons  which  they  had  taught  her. 

Like  many  others  of  her  kind,  this  woman  who 
had  been  a  great  sinner  devoted  the  latter  years  of 
her  life  to  piety  and  good  works.  She  was  a  familiar 
figure  in  the  churches,  and  in  her  will  she  endowed 
a  number  of  religious  foundations.  For  many  years 
there  were  inscriptions  in  the  hospitals  of  the  Lateran 
and  of  the  Consolazione  referring  to  her  legacies 
as  well  as  to  provisions  for  masses  on  the  anniversaries 
of  her  death  and  those  of  her  two  husbands. 

Vannozza  breathed  her  last  at  Rome,  November  26, 
1518,  at  the  age  of  seventy-six.  She  was  buried  with 
conspicuous  honours — "  almost  like  a  Cardinal  " — in 
the  Church  of  Santa  Maria  del  Popolo,  near  her  son, 
the  Duke  of  Gandia.  An  official  character  was 
imparted  to  the  ceremony  by  the  presence  of  the 
papal  Court.  Pope  Leo  X.  in  this  way  recognised 
Vannozza  either  as  the  widow  of  Alexander  VI.  or 
as  the  mother  of  the  Duchess  of  Ferrara. 


ALTIERI'S  MEMORIAL  OF  VANNOZZA  375 

The  manuscript  of  a  memorial  drawn  up  by  Marc- 
antonio  Allied,  one  of  the  most  prominent  men  in 
Rome,  and  Guardian  of  the  Company  of  the  Gon- 
falone  ad  Sancta  Sanctorum,  is  still  preserved  among 
the  archives  of  the  Association.  It  runs  as  follows  : 

"  We  must  not  forget  the  charitable  foundations 
established  by  the  respected  and  honoured  lady, 
Madonna  Vannozza  of  the  House  of  Catanei,  the 
happy  mother  of  the  illustrious  Duke  of  Gandia,  the 
Duke  of  Valentino,  the  Prince  of  Squillace,  and  of 
Madonna  Lucrezia,  Duchess  of  Ferrara.  As  she 
wished  to  endow  the  Company  with  her  worldly 
goods,  she  bequeathed  it  her  jewels  of  great  value, 
and  so  much  more  that  the  Company  in  a  few  years 
was  able  to  discharge  certain  obligations,  with  the 
help  of  the  noble  gentlemen,  Messer  Mariano  Cas- 
tellano  and  my  dear  Messer  Rafael  Casate,  who  had 
recently  been  guardians.  She  made  an  agreement 
with  the  great  and  famous  silversmith  Caradosso, 
by  which  she  gave  him  2,000  ducats  so  that  he  might, 
with  his  exceptional  talent,  carry  out  the  desire  of 
that  noble  and  honourable  woman.  She  also  left  us 
so  much  property  that  we  shall  have  a  revenue  of 
400  ducats  with  which  to  feed  the  sick  and  miserable 
who,  alas  !  abound.  Out  of  gratitude  for  her  piety 
and  devotion  and  for  those  meritorious  and  charitable 
endowments,  our  honourable  Society  unanimously 
and  cheerfully  decided  not  only  to  celebrate  her 
obsequies  with  great  pomp,  but  also  to  honour  the 
deceased  with  a  magnificent  and  splendid  monument. 
It  was  also  decided  to  celebrate  mass  in  the  Church 
de  Popolo,  where  she  is  buried,  on  the  anniversary 
of  her  death,  and  to  provide  for  other  ceremonies 
with  an  assembly  of  men  bearing  torches  and  tapers, 
for  the  purpose  of  commending  her  soul's  salvation 
to  God,  and  to  prove  to  the  world  that  we  hate  and 
despise  ingratitude." 

It  is  not  certain  whether  a  marble  monument  was 


376   LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

ever  erected  to  Vannozza's  memory,  but  the  following 
mendacious  inscription  was  placed  over  her  grave  : 

"  To  VANNOZZA  CATANEI,  ENNOBLED  BY  HER  CHILDREN, 
DUKE  CAESAR  OF  VALENTINO,  JOFRE  OF  SQUILLACE,  AND 
LUCREZIA  OF  FERRARA,  AND  EQUALLY  CONSPICUOUS  FOR 
HER  GOODNESS,  HER  PIETY,  HER  AGE  AND  HER  WISDOM. 
GIROLAMO  Picus,  FIDUCIARY-COMMISSIONER  AND  EXE- 
CUTOR OF  HER  WILL,  ERECTED  THIS  MONUMENT  IN  MEMORY 

OF  THE  GREAT  SERVICES  RENDERED  BY  HER  TO  THE  LATERAN 
HOSPITAL.  SHE  LIVED  SEVENTY-SIX  YEARS,  FOUR  MONTHS, 
AND  THIRTEEN  DAYS.  SHE  DIED  ON  NOVEMBER  26,  1518." 

For  more  than  two  hundred  years  the  priests  in 
Santa  Maria  del  Popolo  sang  masses  for  the  repose  of 
the  soul  of  this  famous  woman,  who,  doubtless, 
hoped  to  propitiate  heaven  with  her  gold  and  silver 
and  precious  stones.  Much  evil  has  been  spoken  and 
written  about  Vannozza,  but  an  impartial  examination 
leads  us  to  suppose  that  the  chief  accusation  which  can 
be  justly  supported  is  that  of  her  amorous  relations 
with  Rodrigo  Borgia  before  he  became  Pope.  After- 
wards, though,  owing  to  her  increasing  years,  she  ceased 
to  wield  the  same  kind  of  attraction  over  him,  she 
still  influenced  him  (even  when  he  had  fallen  a  victim 
to  the  charms  of  Giulia  Farnese),  by  her  amiability, 
good  sense,  and  discrimination. 

When  the  Duke  of  Ferrara  returned  from  France, 
where  he  had  been  trying  to  gain  the  support  of 
Louis  XII.  against  the  Pope's  claims  upon  Reggio  and 
Modena,  he  found  Lucrezia  in  an  extremely  serious 
state  of  health.  On  June  14,  1519,  she  gave  birth  to 
a  still-born  child.  It  was  evident  that  she  could  not 
recover,  and  she  herself  clearly  realised  her  danger. 
The  following  letter  written  to  Pope  Leo  X.  two 
days  before  her  death,  sheds  light  upon  the  state  of 
mind  in  which  she  approached  the  Valley  of  the 
Shadow : 


LUCREZIA'S  LETTER  TO  LEO  X.     377 

"  MOST  HOLY  FATHER  AND  HONOURED  MASTER, 

"  With  all  respect  I  kiss  the  feet  of  your  Holi- 
ness and  commend  myself  in  deep  humility  to  your 
holy  mercy.  Having  suffered  severe  pain  for  more 
than  two  months,  early  on  the  morning  of  the  I4th 
of  this  month,  as  it  pleased  God,  I  was  delivered  of 
a  daughter.  I  hoped  then  to  find  relief  from  my 
sufferings,  but  it  has  been  otherwise  and  I  shall  be 
obliged  to  pay  the  debt  of  nature.  And  so  great  is 
the  favour  which  our  merciful  Creator  has  shown 
me  that  I  realise  that  my  end  is  approaching,  and 
know  that  in  a  few  hours,  after  having  received  the 
Holy  Sacraments  of  the  Church,  I  shall  be  no  longer 
of  this  world.  Having  arrived  so  far,  I  desire  as  a 
Christian,  although  a  sinner,  to  beg  your  Holiness 
to  deign  mercifully  to  give  me  all  possible  spiritual 
consolation  and  support,  and  your  blessing  upon  my 
soul.  This  I  ask  in  all  humbleness,  and  I  commend 
to  your  Holiness  my  husband  and  children,  all  of 
whom  are  your  servants. 

"  Your  Holiness's  humble  servant, 

"  LUCREZIA  D'ESTE. 
"  FERRARA, 
"22nd  June,  1519,  2^th  hour." 

It  is  hardly  credible  that  this  letter,  so  full  of  calm 
and  dignity,  could  have  been  written  on  her  death- 
bed by  any  woman  guilty  of  all  the  crimes  which  have 
been  laid  to  the  charge  of  the  unhappy  Lucrezia. 

On  the  night  of  June  24  the  soul  of  Lucrezia  escaped 
from  the  envy  and  calumny  of  this  troublesome  world. 
Alfonso  immediately  sent  the  news  of  his  loss  to  his 
nephew,  Federigo  Gonzaga,  in  a  letter  from  which 
we  quote  the  following  : 

"  It  has  just  pleased  our  Lord  to  recall  to  Himself 
the  soul  of  the  illustrious  lady,  the  Duchess,  my  much- 
loved  wife.  ...  I  cannot  write  this  without  tears, 


878    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

so  much  do  I  suffer  at  the  thought  of  losing  so  dear 
and  sweet  a  companion ;  for  such  her  exemplary 
conduct  and  the  tender  love  which  existed  between 
us,  made  her  to  me.  On  the  occasion  of  this  severe 
loss,  I  would  indeed  seek  consolation  from  your 
Excellency,  but  I  know  that  you  will  share  my  sorrow, 
and  I  prefer  that  you  should  mingle  your  tears  with 
mine  rather  than  that  you  should  endeavour  to 
console  me.  ..." 

The  Marquis  Federigo  sent  his  uncle,  Giovanni 
Gonzaga,  to  Ferrara.  In  sending  news  of  Lucrezia's 
funeral  to  his  nephew,  Giovanni  says :  "  Her  death 
has  caused  great  grief  throughout  the  entire  city,  and 
his  ducal  Majesty,  in  particular,  has  manifested  the 
keenest  sorrow.  Wonderful  things  are  reported  con- 
cerning her  life,  and  it  is  said  that  she  has  worn 
the  cilice l  for  about  ten  years ;  also  that  she  has 
confessed  daily  for  the  last  two  years,  and  has 
received  the  Communion  three  or  four  times  every 
month." 

Among  the  many  letters  of  condolence  received 
by  Alfonso  was  one  from  the  mysterious  Infans  Ro- 
manus,  Giovanni  Borgia ;  he  mourns  the  loss  of  his 
"  sister,"  who  had  also  been  one  of  his  principal 
patrons.  There  is  documentary  evidence  to  prove 
that  he  had  remained  at  the  Court  of  Ferrara  until 
1517,  and  that  the  following  year  he  went  to  France, 
with  an  introduction  from  Duke  Alfonso  to  the  French 
King. 

From  the  union  of  Lucrezia  and  Alfonso  d'Este 
were  born  five  children — Ercole,  who  succeeded  his 
father  as  Duke  of  Ferrara,  and  married  a  daughter 
of  Louis  XII.  of  France ;  Ippolito,  who  became  a 
Cardinal  and  died  in  1572  at  Tivoli ;  Eleonora,  who 
entered  upon  a  religious  career  and  died  a  nun  in  the 
Cloister  of  Corpus  Domini,  June  1575  ;  Francesco 

1 A  penitential  hair  garment. 


LUCREZIA'S  CHILDREN         879 

afterwards  Marquis  of  Massalombardo,  who  died  in 
1578,  and  Alessandro,  the  little  boy  who  died  in  1516, 
when  only  two  years  old.  The  history  of  these 
children,  however,  belongs  to  the  House  of  Este  and 
we  will  not  pursue  it  further. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

Character  of  Pope  Alexander  VI. — His  apologists — Hopelessness  of 
the  attempt  to  rehabilitate  him — John  Burchard's  Diary — 
Strange  temperament  of  Italians  of  the  Renaissance — Secular 
spirit  of  the  Papacy — Alexander  VI.  in  every-day  life  and  as  an 
administrator — The  bright  side  of  his  reign — Copernicus — 
Alexander's  improvement  of  the  Vatican — The  Borgia  apart- 
ments— Pinturicchio's  work — The  Pope's  encouragement  of 
architecture — His  attitude  towards  education — Foundation  of 
Aberdeen  University — Alexander  and  the  spiritual  interests  of 
the  Church — Restriction  of  the  press — Summary  of  Alexander's 
pontificate. 

MANY  and  fierce  are  the  controversies  which  have 
raged  about  the  life  and  character  of  Pope  Alex- 
ander VI.  Illustrious  scholars  such  as  Rinaldi,  Ma- 
tagne,  Hergenroether,  Moehler,  and  Mansi  have  taken 
the  darkest  possible  view  of  him,  and  at  one  time 
the  name  of  Borgia  went  forth  to  the  world  as  a 
synonym  of  all  that  was  vile  and  debased.  "It  is 
easier,"  says  Mansi,  "  to  be  silent  about  this  Pontiff, 
than  to  speak  of  him  with  moderation,  since  in  him 
all  vices  were  exaggerated,  and  he  was,  one  might  say, 
devoid  of  virtue."  On  the  other  hand,  the  researches 
of  von  Reumont  and  Gregorovius  have  made  it 
probable  that  many  of  the  crimes  imputed  to  Rodrigo 
Borgia  have  been  invented  or  exaggerated,  and 
several  writers,  such  as  Padre  Leonetti,  Baron  Corvo, 
and  the  Abbe  Clement,  have  even  sought  to  depict 
him  as  a  maligned  and  injured  saint.  Dr.  Ludwig 
Pastor,  himself  a  Roman  Catholic  historian  of  high 
repute,  demonstrates  the  absolute  hopelessness  of 
trying  to  rehabilitate  a  character  whose  vices  and 

380 


ALEXANDER'S  PROFLIGACY      381 

excesess  are  confirmed  by  a  study  of  the  cocuments 
accessible  to  the  present-day  historian.  He  particu- 
larly refers  to  valuable  information  contained  in 
papers  of  the  Milanese  Archives  which  were  not 
investigated  by  Gregorovius.  Much  light,  too,  has 
been  thrown  upon  Alexander  VI.  and  his  family  by 
the  publication  of  the  Diary  of  John  Burchard,  Bishop 
of  Orta,  *  who  was  Master  of  the  Ceremonies  under 
Sixtus  IV.,  Innocent  VIII.,  and  Alexander  VI.  A 
lympathic,  egotistic,  unimaginative  man,  his  detailed 
narrative  bears  the  stamp  of  truth,  and  there  can  be 
little  doubt  that  he  is  one  of  the  most  trustworthy 
contemporary  witnesses  whose  evidence  is  obtainable. 

That  Alexander  was  the  father  of  at  least  ten 
illegitimate  children  is  now  established  beyond  a 
doubt.  He  followed  the  profligate  and  immoral  mode 
of  life  which,  alas  !  was  all  too  common  in  his  time 
among  all  ecclesiastics,  especially  those  in  high  places. 
Many  influential  men,  while  leading  private  lives 
of  revolting  depravity,  continued  their  public  careers 
with  brilliancy  and  satisfaction.  The  moral  and 
social  conscience  of  the  time  was  feeble  and  atrophied. 
It  is  almost  impossible  for  the  average  decently-brought- 
up  Briton  of  the  present  age  to  realise  the  unwholesome 
moral  atmosphere  in  which  the  Italians  of  the  fifteenth 
and  sixteenth  centuries  lived,  moved,  and  had 
their  being.  "  The  exceptional  infamy  that  attaches 
to  Alexander,"  remarks  Bishop  Creighton,  "  is 
largely  due  to  the  fact  that  he  did  not  add  hypocrisy 
to  his  other  vices."  "  Les  vices  d' Alexandra 
VI.  ne  choquent  que  parce  qu'il  est  Pape  :  ailleurs 
ils  seraient  toleres,  acceptes,  peut-etre  applaudis."1 

The  extraordinary  thing  about  these  men  of  the 
Renaissance  is  that  many  of  them  appeared  to  combine 
a  deep  religious  fervour  with  a  life  of  appalling  wicked- 
ness. They  were  "  so  constituted  that  to  turn  from 

1  An  English  translation  has  been  published  in  three  vols. 
•  Revue  des  Questions  historiques  (April,  1881). 


382     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

vice  and  cruelty  and  crime,  from  the  deliberate  cor- 
ruption and  enslavement  of  a  people,  by  licentious 
pleasures,  from  the  persecution  of  an  enemy  in  secret, 
with  a  fervid  and  impassioned  movement  of  the  soul 
to  God,  was  nowise  impossible.  Their  temper  ad- 
mitted of  this  anomaly,  as  we  may  plainly  see  from 
Cellini's  autobiography."1  Alexander  himself  is  re- 
ported to  have  cherished  a  particular  devotion  for 
the  Blessed  Virgin,  and  in  her  honour  he  revived  the 
custom  of  ringing  the  bell  during  the  recitation  of  the 
Angelus  thrice  a  day. 

Alexander  VI.  has  been  called  the  "  most  charac- 
teristic incarnation  of  the  secular  spirit  of  the  Papacy 
of  the  fifteenth  century."  It  must,  however,  be 
remembered  that  the  secularisation  of  the  Papacy 
had  been  begun  by  Sixtus  IV.,  and  that  it  was  as 
remarkable  under  Innocent  VIII.  as  under  Alexander, 
though  certainly  during  the  latter's  pontificate  the 
materialisation  of  religion  reached  its  highest  point. 

Of  his  ability — of  his  genius  even — there  can  be  no 
two  opinions ;  indeed,  if  vigour  of  body  and  mind 
were  all  that  was  required  of  a  Pope,  Alexander  VI. 
would  have  been  among  the  greatest.  He  had  a 
remarkable  capacity  for  hard  mental  work,  and  his 
buoyant,  jovial  nature  enabled  him  to  bear  his  burden 
of  vice  and  crime,  with  a  lightness  impossible  to  a 
man  of  a  less  sanguine  disposition. 

In  every-day  life  Alexander  VI.  was  genial  and 
pleasant,  fond  of  talking,  and  almost  incapable  of 
keeping  a  secret.  He  was  impetuous,  but  he  rarely 
bore  malice,  and  he  had  but  little  sympathy  with  the 
vindictive  spirit  constantly  displayed  by  his  son 
Caesar.  Naturally  unreserved  and  expansive,  he 
showed  a  frank  and  almost  boyish  glee  at  the  success 
of  his  schemes.  As  we  have  seen,  he  was  an  affectionate 
father,  and  his  dominating  passion  was  the  advance- 
ment of  his  family.  Although  in  the  highest  degree 

1  Symonds,    Renascence, 


CHARACTER  OF  ALEXANDER  VI  883 

sensual,  he  does  not  appear  to  have  been  intemperate 
in  eating  or  drinking.  To  inferiors  he  showed  him- 
self plausible  and  affable,  and  it  is  said  that  "  he  liked 
to  do  unpleasant  things  in  a  pleasant  manner."  In 
spite  of  these  amiable  characteristics,  however,  the 
populace  detested  their  Pope  with  a  deadly  loathing. 
Indeed,  as  Yriare  remarks,  the  fact  that  Rodrigo 
Borgia  was  permitted  to  occupy  the  throne  of  St. 
Peter  for  a  space  of  ten  years  affords  remarkable 
proof  of  the  strength  of  the  later  mediaeval  Papacy. 

Alexander  was  an  excellent  man  of  business  and  a 
good  organiser.  He  regulated  the  Curia  and  arranged 
that  the  salaries  of  all  officials  should  be  paid  punctu- 
ally, a  matter  in  which  many  of  the  former  Popes  had 
been  remiss.  In  times  of  famine  he  minimised  the 
suffering  in  the  city  by  providing  a  supply  of  corn 
from  Sicily.  His  administration  of  justice  after  his 
accession  has  already  been  commented  upon. 

The  prevalent  belief  that  Alexander  poisoned  his 
Cardinals  when  his  treasury  needed  replenishing 
"  can  neither  be  proved  nor  disproved ;  it  is  bad 
enough  that  the  Pope's  conduct  did  not  make  such 
stories  incredible.  Men  saw  the  Pope  greedily  seizing 
on  the  goods  of  dying  Cardinals  without  any  attempt 
to  conceal  his  pressing  need  of  money  and  his  readiness 
to  receive  it  from  every  source.  They  can  hardly  be 
blamed  for  not  stopping  to  reflect  that  even  Cardinals 
must  die,  and  that  the  number  who  died  during 
Alexander's  pontificate  was  not  above  the  average."1 

Unlike  his  son  Caesar,  Alexander  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  wantonly  inhuman.  He  did  not  revel 
in  cruelty  as  cruelty,  though  he  certainly  never  let 
any  humane  scruples  stand  in  the  way  of  his  own 
advancement.  In  the  ordinary  sense  of  the  word  he 
was  no  tyrant ;  his  natural  geniality,  as  a  rule,  pre- 
served him  from  that  form  of  vice. 

The  pontificate  of  Alexander  VI.  is  indeed  dark 

1  Creighton. 


384    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

with  a  terrible  darkness.  But  the  gloom  is  not 
absolutely  unrelieved,  for,  in  some  ways  at  least,  he 
contributed  to  advance  the  good  and  the  beautiful. 
Under  his  rule  painting  and  architecture  flourished, 
and  many  monuments  still  abide  to  bear  witness  to 
his  patronage  of  the  arts.  Scientists  and  men  of 
letters  found  protection  and  encouragement  at  the 
papal  Court,  and  the  Pope  did  much  to  forward  the 
cause  of  education. 

Among  the  arrivals  in  Rome  during  the  year  of 
Jubilee  was  a  clever  but  impecunious  youth  who,  to 
earn  his  daily  bread,  was  obliged  to  give  lessons  in 
mechanics  and  mathematics.  Alexander  VI.,  on 
hearing  of  him,  summoned  him  to  the  Vatican,  and, 
after  making  inquiries,  installed  him  in  the  Chair 
of  Astronomy  at  the  Roman  Gymnasium.  Sometimes 
the  Pope  himself  would  go  and  listen  to  his  lectures, 
for  the  young  man  was  no  other  than  the  great  Coper- 
nicus. In  later  years  the  astronomer,  as  a  recognition 
of  the  Pope's  kindness,  dedicated  to  him  his  work 
On  the  Motion  of  the  Heavenly  Bodies. 

Almost  immediately  after  his  accession  the  Pope 
set  about  the  renovation  of  his  apartments  in  the 
Vatican.  He  also  had  a  square  tower  built  on  to 
them — the  Torre  Borgia — the  upper  part  of  which 
was  used  as  his  private  chapel.  The  decoration  of 
the  rooms  was  entrusted  to  the  painter  Pinturicchio, 
who,  though  he  probably  had  many  assistants  in  the 
work,  superintended  it  so  capably  that  his  influence 
is  plainly  visible  in  the  whole  scheme  of  decoration. 
"  As  a  whole,"  says  Schmarsow,  "  the  work  should 
be  justly  ascribed  to  him,  and  deserves  the  highest 
praise  for  the  evenness  of  its  execution,  and  the 
careful  schooling  and  sagacious  selection,  in  regard  to 
the  parts  assigned  to  them,  of  the  pupils  whom  he 
evidently  employed." 

Alexander  occupied  five  of  these  apartments  for 
living  purposes — the  Hall  of  Mysteries,  the  Hall  of 


ST.     FRANCIS     BORGIA,    S.J.,    FOURTH     DUKE     OF     GANDIA,     THIRD     GENERAL     OF     THE 
SOCIETY    OF    JESUS,    GREAT-GRANDSON    OF    POPE    ALEXANDER    VI. 

From  the  old  Ducal  Palace  at  Gandia,  now  a  Jesuit  College. 

The  tapestry  on  the  right  represents  his  baptism,  the  one  on  the  left  his  departure 
from  home  to  join  the  Jesuits. 

384] 


THE  BORGIA  APARTMENTS      385 

Saints,  the  Hall  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  and  two  "  with- 
drawing "  rooms.  It  was  in  the  Hall  of  the  Arts  that 
Lucrezia's  first  husband  was  assassinated,  and  the 
apartment  next  to  it  witnessed  the  last  scene  of 
Alexander's  life. 

It  is  supposed  that  Pinturicchio  had  no  share  in  the 
decoration  of  the  Hall  of  the  Pontiffs,  the  first  room 
of  the  suite.  It  was  here  that  Alexander  VI.  had  such 
a  narrow  escape  from  being  killed  by  the  falling  in  of 
the  roof  during  the  summer  of  1500.  The  three 
rooms  which  open  out  of  this  Hall  are  to  be  seen 
to-day  exactly  as  they  were  in  the  time  of  the  Borgias, 
and  are  now  the  apartments  of  Cardinal  Merry  del 
Val.  In  the  rich  decorations  of  gold  and  stucco-work 
the  Borgia  Bull  continually  appears.  In  the  first  of 
these  three — the  Hall  of  Mysteries — the  pictures  are 
entirely  drawn  from  religious  subjects.  There  are 
seven  principal  paintings — the  Annunciation,  the 
Nativity,  the  Adoration,  the  Resurrection,  the  As- 
cension, the  Descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  the 
Assumption  of  the  Virgin.  The  Annunciation  is 
probably  the  work  of  Pinturicchio.  Its  design  is 
simple  and  graceful,  a  religious  tone  pervades  the 
whole  conception,  and  the  colouring  is  exquisitely 
soft  and  beautiful.  The  figures  of  the  Virgin  and 
Child  in  the  Nativity  are  also  thought  to  be  due  to 
the  master's  hand,  though  other  portions  of  the 
picture  point  to  the  work  of  pupils.  The  painting 
of  the  Resurrection  is  of  special  interest  in  that  it 
contains  a  striking  full-length  portrait  of  Pope  Alex- 
ander himself.  Although  he  is  so  completely  swathed 
in  a  superb  jewel-embroidered  and  brocaded  cope 
that  only  his  head  and  hands  are  visible,  yet,  by  the 
wonderful  art  of  the  painter,  we  are  made  to  feel 
the  figure  beneath  the  drapery.  "It  is  in  the  face 
and  hands,  however,  that  the  artist  reveals  himself  as 
a  portrait-painter  of  high  rank.  The  face  is  in  direct 
profile — a  position  that  shows  as  little  as  may  be 
AAs 


886    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

the  fat  cheeks  and  extra  layers  of  flesh  running  from 
cheeks  and  chin  to  neck.  But  a  square  full  face  would 
not  more  truly  have  given  the  character  of  this  Borgian 
Pontiff.  An  insufficient,  sloping  forehead,  full  eyes, 
too  close  to  the  nose,  which  is  large  and  with  a  high 
Roman  arch  to  it,  long  upper  lip  over  a  heavy  lower 
one,  a  chin  that  leads  by  one  diagonal  line  without  a 
curve  into  the  wide,  short  neck,  a  most  abnormal 
development  of  the  lower  back  part  of  head  and 
neck — these  are  the  salient  points  of  this  portrayal, 
which  can  be  no  caricature.  For  it  must  have  pleased 
the  Pope,  or  it  would  not  have  remained  on  the  walls, 
and  perforce  it  must  have  done  him  full  credit.  The 
hands,  with  their  smooth  taper  fingers,  would  be 
nearly  ideally  perfect  if  the  flesh  had  not  made  them 
puffy.  Not  the  kind  of  hands  likely  to  be  found  on  a 
strong,  noble  man,  but  of  charming  line  and  colour 
for  a — soulless  dilettante  perhaps."  l 

The  Hall  of  Saints  contains  the  finest  of  all  Pin- 
turicchio's  works — the  Dispute  of  St.  Catherine.  In 
a  large  and  brilliant  assembly  of  people,  St.  Catherine 
is  the  only  adult  woman.  She  stands  "  straight, 
willowy,  and  undismayed,  robed  in  a  magnificent 
brocaded  gown,  her  long  fair  hair  hanging  to  her 
waist,"  declaring  her  beliefs  before  the  Emperor 
Maximilian  and  fifty  philosophers.  It  appears  that 
many  members  of  the  crowd  are  portraits  of  well- 
known  people.  Catherine  herself  has  been  taken  as 
a  likeness  of  Lucrezia  Borgia,  but  it  is  more  probable 
that  she  represents  Giulia  Farnese.  One  of  the 
most  conspicuous  figures  is  a  Turk  on  a  white  charger. 
He  is  supposed  to  be  a  portrait  of  Djem,  the  son  of 
Mohammed  II.,  but  is  more  probably  Juan  Borgia, 
Duke  of  Gandia.  Caesar  is  also  there  as  King,  and 
Jofre",  with  his  girl-wife,  appears  in  the  centre  of  the 
picture. 

The  ceiling  of  this  hall  is  decorated  with  scenes 

1  Mary  Knight  Potter,  The  Art  of  the  Vatican. 


DECORATION  OF  THE  APARTMENTS  387 

from  the  myths  of  Isis  and  Osiris  and  the  Bull  of 
Apis — subjects  suggested  by  the  Borgia  arms.  Over 
the  doorway  leading  into  the  Hall  of  Arts  and  Sciences 
is  a  round  medallion  of  a  Madonna  and  Child.  Vasari 
is  probably  right  in  supposing  the  Madonna  to  be  a 
portrait  of  Giulia  Farnese,  for  it  is  the  same  face  as 
that  of  St.  Catherine's  in  the  Disputa.  His  statement 
that  Alexander  VI.  was  painted  kneeling  in  adoration 
before  her  appears,  however,  to  be  quite  unfounded. 

In  the  lunettes  of  this  third  apartment,  which  was 
probably  the  Pope's  study,  are  painted  personifications 
of  Mathematics,  Dialectics,  Jurisprudence,  Geometry, 
Arithmetic,  Music,  and  Astronomy.  Next  to  the  figure 
of  Geometry  is  the  Borgia  escutcheon  surmounted 
by  the  keys  and  the  tiara,  and  supported  by  three  angels 
who  make  one  of  the  most  charming  groups  in  the 
whole  set  of  apartments. 

From  the  Hall  of  Arts  and  Sciences  a  marble  stair- 
case leads  to  the  chambers  in  the  Borgia  Tower. 
These  two  rooms  are  less  elaborately  decorated  than 
the  others.  In  the  first  is  a  frieze  of  apostles  and 
prophets.  Each  apostle  bears  a  scroll  inscribed  with  a 
sentence  from  the  Creed,  while  each  of  the  prophets 
carries  one  with  a  prophecy  written  upon  it. 

In  the  second  room,  which  was  probably  the  Pope's 
bedchamber,  there  are  sibyls  and  prophets  in  pairs, 
and  the  spaces  are  filled  up  with  ribbons  on  which 
are  written  the  early  prophecies  concerning  the  birth 
of  Christ.  Though  these  apartments  are  on  a  less 
magnificent  scale  than  the  others,  they  harmonise 
well  with  the  conception  of  the  whole.  Pinturicchio, 
though  not  one  of  the  great  masters  of  the  Renais- 
sance, understood  the  rare  and  potent  art  of  "  space 
composition,"  which  will  cause  his  works  to  be  re- 
membered when  those,  perhaps,  of  greater  men  are 
forgotten. 

Pinturicchio's  gay  and  fanciful  style  was  particularly 
congenial  to  the  luxurious  and  sensual  age  of  th 


388    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Borgias,  when  a  higher  form  of  art  might  have  lacked 
appreciation.  Mr.  Berenson,  in  speaking  of  his  work, 
says :  "  But  if  mere  prettiness  pleased  so  well,  why 
then,  the  more  pretty  faces,  the  more  splendid  cos- 
tumes and  romantic  surroundings  per  square  foot, 
the  better !  And  so  Pinturicchio,  never  possessing 
much  feeling  for  form  and  movement,  now,  under 
the  pressure  of  favour  and  popularity,  forgot  their 
very  existence,  and  tended  to  make  of  his  work  an 
olla  podrida,  rich  and  savoury,  but  more  welcome  to 
provincial  palates  than  to  the  few  gourmets.  And 
when  such  an  opulent  and  luxurious  half-barbarian 
as  Pope  Alexander  VI.  was  his  employer,  then  no 
spice  nor  condiment  nor  seasoning  was  spared,  and  a 
more  gorgeously  barbaric  blaze  of  embossed  gold 
and  priceless  ultramarine  than  in  the  Borgia  Apart- 
ments you  shall  not  soon  see  again  I  " 

Alexander  made  special  efforts  for  the  improvement 
of  the  Trastevere,  the  northern  part  of  Rome,  which 
had  grown  to  be  the  most  important  division  of  the 
city.  During  his  pontificate  it  was  transformed  into 
a  remarkably  handsome  quarter.  Sixtus  IV.  had 
already  made  a  wide  street  running  from  the  moat 
of  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo  to  the  Papal  Palace. 
Alexander  added  another,  parallel  with  it ;  it  was  then 
called  the  Via  AUessandrina,  but  is  now  known  as 
Borgo  Nuovo.  This  new  street  was  really  planned 
in  order  to  accommodate  the  great  crowd  of  pilgrims 
expected  to  assemble  for  the  Jubilee  celebrations  of 
1500. 

Substantial  alterations  were  made  by  Alexander  VI. 
in  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo,  which  he  had  thoroughly 
well  fortified  and  surrounded  by  a  wall  and  moat. 
Five  subterranean  prisons  were  also  dug  out,  and,  by  a 
special  arrangement,  the  Pope  reserved  the  right  of 
appropriating  anything  of  value  which  might  be 
found  in  the  course  of  the  excavations — a  stipulation 


ALEXANDER'S  IMPROVEMENTS    389 

which  resulted  in  his  possession  of  the  bust  of  Hadrian, 
which  is  now  in  the  Rotonda  of  the  Vatican. 

By  the  Pope's  orders,  a  fountain  was  placed  in  the 
Piazza,  of  Santa  Maria  in  Trastevere,  while  the  one 
erected  by  Innocent  VIII.  in  the  Piazza  of  St.  Peter's 
was  decorated  by  Alexander  with  four  gilt  bulls,  the 
Borgia  arms. 

In  Rome  itself  Alexander  finished  the  roof  of  Santa 
Maria  Maggiore,  which  had  been  begun  by  his  uncle, 
Pope  Calixtus.  It  is  said  that  the  first  gold  brought 
from  America  was  employed  in  the  decoration  of  its 
beautiful  panels.  As  Cardinal  he  had  already  built 
the  colossal  Palazzo  Borgia,  now  the  property  of  the 
Sforza  Cesarini.  It  had  its  origin  in  the  ancient 
buildings  of  the  Papal  Chancery,  which  Borgia  trans- 
formed into  one  of  the  finest  palaces  in  Italy.  He 
also  set  on  foot  restorations  in  St.  Peter's,  the  Church 
of  San  Niccolo  in  Carcere,  and  the  Church  of  the  SS. 
Apostoli,  as  well  as  in  the  city  walls.  The  rebuilding 
of  the  University  is  also  due  to  him. 

The  architectural  zeal  displayed  by  the  Pope  gave 
an  impetus  to  building  throughout  the  whole  of  the 
city,  and  new  churches  and  palaces  arose  on  every 
hand.  The  celebrated  Cancellaria,  the  abode  of  the 
wealthy  Cardinal  Riario,  was  a  product  of  this  time, 
and  Cardinal  Giuliano  della  Rovere  also  built  a  palace 
for  his  own  occupation. 

The  year  1502  saw  the  completion  of  the  celebrated 
Tempietto  in  the  court  of  the  Franciscan  Convent 
near  the  S.  Pietro  in  Montorio.  It  was  the  work  of  the 
great  Bramante,  who  had  come  to  Rome  in  1499  and 
thoroughly  imbued  his  mind  with  the  spirit  of  classic 
architecture  as  exemplified  in  the  antiquities  of  the 
ancient  city. 

Besides  the  already  mentioned  churches,  many 
others  were  erected  during  Alexander's  pontificate. 
Among  them  were  the  Church  of  San  Rocco  on  the 
quay  of  the  Ripetta,  and  that  of  SS.  Trinita  del 


390    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Monti,  on  the  Pincio,  founded  by  Cardinal  Bri9onnet. 
The  Porta  Settimiana  was  restored  by  order  of  the 
Pope,  whose  architect,  Antonio  da  Sangallo,  also 
designed  the  fortresses  of  Civitella,  Tivoli  and  Civita 
Castellana. 

For  the  encouragement  of  education  Alexander  VI. 
did  much.  He  enlarged  the  buildings  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  la  Sapienza  at  Rome,  regulated  the  method 
of  conferring  degrees  at  Pisa,  and  commissioned  the 
Archbishop  of  Toledo  and  the  Bishop  of  Salamanca 
to  reform  the  Universities  of  their  respective  towns. 
He  also  made  a  grant  from  the  ecclesiastical  revenues 
to  help  the  foundation  of  the  University  of  Lisbon. 
The  founding  of  Aberdeen  University  was  sanctioned 
by  him,  and  the  Latin  bull  issued  at  Rome  for  this 
purpose,  in  1495,  is  still  in  possession  of  the  authorities. 
It  sets  forth  "  the  many  blessings  that  flow  from  the 
acquisition  of  the  priceless  pearl  of  knowledge," 
which  "  conduces  to  the  clear  understanding  of  the 
secrets  of  the  universe,"  and  "  raises  those  of  humble 
origin  to  the  loftiest  rank."  Howbeit,  in  the  northern 
districts  of  the  realm  of  James  IV.,  "  there  are  certain 
localities  cut  off  from  the  rest  of  the  kingdom  by 
firths  and  very  lofty  mountains,  where  dwell  rude  and 
ignorant  men,  almost  uncivilised,"  so  that  it  is 
difficult  to  find  suitable  men  for  preaching  the  Word 
of  God  and  administering  the  sacraments.  If,  how- 
ever, a  school  of  general  learning  were  established  in 
these  parts,  "  large  numbers — ecclesiastics  and  lay- 
men alike — would  willingly  incline  to  the  study  of 
letters."  Moreover,  in  the  "  renowned  city  of  Old 
Aberdeen,"  there  is  "  a  healthy  climate,  no  lack  of 
provisions,  and  abundance  of  all  the  necessaries  of 
life."  Therein,  therefore,  we  "  do  by  these  presents 
appoint  and  ordain  "  that  "  from  henceforth  and  for 
ever,  there  do  flourish  a  School  and  University  of 
General  Learning,  alike  in  Theology,  Canon  and  Civil 
Law,  Medicine,  Polite  Letters,  and  any  authorised 


ABERDEEN  UNIVERSITY         391 

faculty,  whatsoever,  wherein  clergy  holding  church 
benefices,  and  laymen,  doctors,  and  masters,  may 
lecture  and  teach,  and  those  desirous  to  study  (come 
whence  they  may)  may  do  so  and  qualify."  The 
deed  further  enacts  that  the  Bishop  of  Aberdeen,  for 
the  time  being,  is  to  be  Chancellor,  and  shall  "  confer 
the  degrees  of  Bachelor  and  Licentiate  in  any  or  all 
of  the  aforementioned  faculties  on  students  of  praise- 
worthy life,  who  have  been  deemed  suitable  for  that 
honour  by  the  Rector,  the  Regents,  the  Masters,  the 
Doctors,  or  a  majority  of  the  faculty  in  which  they 
severally  desire  to  graduate."  The  further  degrees  of 
Master  or  Doctor  are  to  be  granted  to  Licentiates 
after  due  examination  by  the  Masters  or  Doctors  of 
the  Studium,  with  the  assent  of  the  other  Doctors  or 
Masters  of  the  faculty.  All  graduates  are  to  have 
full  licence  to  teach  in  this  or  any  other  University 
without  further  examination  or  test.  The  Chancellor 
and  the  Rector,  assisted  by  certain  of  the  resident 
Doctors  and  others,  are  empowered  to  make  statutes 
for  the  good  government  of  the  University.  The 
malediction  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  is  invoked  against 
any  infringement  of  the  deed. 

Such  was  the  legal  document  placed  by  Alex- 
ander VI.  in  the  hands  of  Bishop  Elphinstone.  It  is, 
however,  more  than  likely  that  the  Bishop  himself 
inspired  the  terms  of  the  bull,  and  that  the  Pope  merely 
gave  it  his  official  sanction.1 

Strange  though  it  may  seem,  this  paradoxical  Pope 
was  by  no  means  indifferent  to  the  spiritual  interests 
of  the  Church.  In  his  Censorial  edict  for  Germany, 
June  i,  1501,  he  declares  that,  though  the  art  of 
printing  is  valuable  for  the  spread  of  good  literature, 
it  may  also  be  a  means  of  propagating  works  directed 
against  the  Catholic  faith  and  help  in  the  dissemina- 
tion of  erroneous  doctrines.  Steps  are  to  be  taken, 
therefore,  for  the  suppression  and  prevention  of 

1  Robert  Walker,  M.A.,  Aberdeen  University  Handbook,  Pt.  i. 


392    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

such  publications.  Strict  supervision  is  to  be  en- 
forced, especially  in  the  Dioceses  of  Cologne,  Mayence, 
Tre"ves  and  Magdeburg.  "  In  virtue  of  our  au- 
thority," continues  the  bull,  "  we  charge  the  said 
Archbishop,  Vicars,  and  officials  to  command  all 
printers  and  other  persons  residing  in  their  respective 
Dioceses,  whatever  may  be  their  dignity,  position  or 
condition,  within  a  certain  fixed  time,  to  notify  all 
printed  books  in  their  possession  to  the  said  Arch- 
bishops, Vicars,  or  officials,  and,  without  prevarication 
of  any  kind,  to  deliver  up  whatever  books  or  treatises 
shall  be  judged  by  them  to  contain  anything  con- 
trary to  the  Catholic  Faith,  or  to  be  ungodly,  or 
capable  of  causing  scandal,  or  ill-sounding  in  any 
way,  equally  under  pain  of  excommunication  and  a 
fine  to  be  determined  as  aforesaid." 

It  is  also  noteworthy  that  in  the  bull  decreeing  the 
limits  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  Alexander  urgently 
enjoins  the  sending  of  wise  and  pious  men  to  spread 
the  Catholic  religion  among  the  infidels.  When 
plans  were  made  for  the  conquest  of  Africa,  he  was 
emphatic  as  to  the  need  for  introducing  Christianity 
among  the  natives.  He  confirmed  the  appointment 
of  the  self-denying  monk,  Mathias,  as  Bishop  of 
Greenland,  where,  without  this  spiritual  leader,  the 
people  would  have  relapsed  into  the  darkness  of 
heathenism.  In  preparing  for  the  second  voyage  of 
Columbus,  Alexander  joined  with  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella  in  providing  missionaries  for  the  evangelisation 
of  the  native  races.  The  Militia  of  St.  George,  a 
military  order  which  was  supposed  to  keep  two  or 
three  thousand  men  in  readiness  to  take  up  the 
defence  of  Christendom,  was  confirmed  by  him,  and 
he  did  much  for  the  Order  of  St.  Michael  and  that 
of  the  Militia  of  Christ.  Finding  that  the  worship 
of  Satanic  power  was  widely  spread,  and  having  an 
injurious  effect  upon  the  development  of  Catho- 
licism, the  Pope  published  an  edict  condemning 


ALEXANDER'S  REPENTANCE       393 

the  magicians  and  wizards  who  practised  the  black 
arts.  He  often  posed  as  the  champion  of  convents 
against  their  oppressors,  and  he  took  measures  for 
the  reform  of  the  Austrian  monasteries.  He  sup- 
ported the  efforts  of  Cardinal  Ximenes  in  Spain  and 
tried  to  improve  the  state  of  the  clergy  in  Portugal. 
After  the  death  of  his  son,  Juan,  Duke  of  Gandia,  he 
was  heard  to  cry  aloud  in  his  grief :  "  God  has  per- 
haps permitted  this  blow  as  a  punishment  for  one  of 
our  sins,"  and  he  reiterated  his  wish  to  reform  the  papal 
Court  and  the  Church  of  Rome,  which,  he  said,  ought  to 
serve  as  an  example  to  all  the  Churches  in  the  world. 
But  in  men  of  Alexander's  temperament  a  fit  of 
remorse  and  repentance  is  far  from  being  synonymous 
with  reform,  and,  in  spite  of  his  protestations,  the 
grossly  corrupt  morals  of  the  whole  papal  Court 
were  not  materially  improved.  His  good  deeds 
were  of  the  spasmodic  order,  and  his  predominating 
interests  were  distinctly  secular.  The  formalities 
and  ceremonies  of  the  religious  offices  were  as  nothing 
to  this  light-minded  Pope,  and,  at  the  solemn  mass 
sung  on  Charles  VIII. 's  arrival  in  Rome,  he  is  said 
to  have  confused  all  the  ceremonies.  While  travelling, 
he  placidly  ate  meat,  regardless  of  the  rules  for  Lenten 
abstinence,  and  it  is  not  surprising  that  his  callousness 
and  levity  in  these  respects  should  have  brought 
reproach  upon  the  Church. 

To  repeat — although  modern  research  has,  to 
some  extent,  lightened  the  burden  of  guilt  with 
which  history  has  charged  Pope  Alexander  VI., 
and  has  proved  him  to  be  somewhat  less  black  than 
he  is  painted,  yet  there  is  such  undoubted  proof 
of  his  iniquities,  that  no  unbiassed  person  can  do 
otherwise  than  agree  with  von  Reumont  when  he 
says :  "  The  reign  of  this  Pope,  which  lasted  eleven 
years,  was  a  serious  disaster,  on  account  of  its  worldli- 
ness,  openly  proclaimed  with  the  most  amazing 


394    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

effrontery,  on  account  of  its  equally  unconcealed 
nepotism,  and  lastly,  on  account  of  his  utter  absence 
of  all  moral  sense  both  in  public  and  private  life, 
which  made  every  sort  of  accusation  credible,  and 
brought  the  Papacy  into  utter  discredit,  while  its 
authority  still  seemed  unimpaired.  Those  better 
qualities  which  Alexander  undoubtedly  did  possess 
shrink  into  nothing  in  the  balance  when  weighed 
with  all  this." 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

The  great-grandson  of  Pope  Alexander  VI.,  St.  Francis  Borgia, 
fourth  Duke  of  Gandia. 

IT  seems  a  contradiction  of  the  accepted  laws  of 
heredity  that  from  Borgia  ancestry  should  have 
sprung  a  man  of  pure  and  holy  life — Francis  Borgia, 
the  Saint.  As  we  have  already  seen,  Alexander's 
son,  the  murdered  Duke  of  Gandia,  left  a  widow, 
Maria  Enriquez,  who  lived  a  pious  and  praiseworthy 
life.  Her  eldest  son  Juan,  third  Duke  of  Gandia, 
was  the  child  of  many  prayers,  and  he  grew  up  to  be  an 
upright  and  virtuous  prince.  He  married  Joan,  an 
illegitimate  daughter  of  the  Archbishop  of  Saragossa, 
Alfonso  of  Aragon  (himself  a  bastard  son  of  King 
Ferdinand  the  Catholic),  and  the  eldest  son  of  their 
union  was  Francisco  Borgia,  whose  fame  as  a  saint 
has  outlived  many  generations. 

The  little  Francisco  was  born  at  Gandia  in  1510. 
Very  early  in  his  career  he  showed  a  distinctly  religious 
bent.  At  an  age  when  other  children  were  playing 
with  toys,  the  future  saint  delighted  to  raise  miniature 
altars  and  imitate  the  ceremonies  of  the  Church. 
When  he  was  ten  years  old  his  mother  died,  an  event 
which  cost  the  sensitive  boy  many  tears  and  fervent 
prayers,  and  gave  him,  it  is  said,  the  idea  of  flagellating 
himself.  Shortly  afterwards,  owing  to  social  dis- 
turbances in  his  father's  duchy,  Francisco  was  en- 
trusted to  the  care  of  his  uncle,  Don  Juan  of  Aragon, 
who  had  succeeded  Alfonso  as  Archbishop  of  Sara- 
gossa. Don  Juan  received  his  young  charge  with 
kindness  and  geniality,  and  made  excellent  provision 
for  his  education. 

395 


396    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Francisco's  disposition  was  remarkably  gentle  and 
lovable,  and  the  reports  of  his  character  were  so 
attractive  that  his  grandmother,  Dona  Maria  Luna, 
felt  that  she  could  not  die  without  having  seen  him. 
The  boy  and  his  little  sister  were  therefore  sent  to 
her  at  Baza.  He  had  hardly  arrived  there  when  he 
was  seized  with  an  illness  from  which  he  did  not 
recover  for  six  months.  When  he  was  well,  Dona 
Maria,  with  the  consent  of  his  father  and  uncle, 
sent  him  to  Tordesillas  to  be  with  Joan  the  Mad's 
youngest  child.  This  little  girl  was  living  under 
the  strict  discipline  of  the  Marquis  of  Denia,  and 
sadly  needed  a  companion  of  her  own  age.  Three 
years  later,  when  he  was  about  fifteen,  Francisco 
went  back  to  Saragossa,  where  he  studied  philosophy 
under  the  Doctor  Gaspard  de  Lax.  In  1527  he 
was  removed  to  the  Court  of  Charles  V.,  where  he 
soon  became  a  general  favourite,  for  his  character 
was  such  that  no  breath  of  calumny  could  touch  it. 
At  the  age  of  nineteen  he  married  Eleanora  de  Castro, 
a  Portuguese  damsel  of  high  rank  and  consider- 
able attractions.  At  the  same  time  he  was  made 
Marquis  of  Lombay  by  Charles  V.  Francisco 
accompanied  the  Emperor  upon  two  disastrous 
expeditions — to  Provence  1536,  and  to  Algiers 
later. 

In  1539  occurred  the  death  of  the  Empress  Isabella, 
for  whom  Francisco  cherished  a  chivalrous  devotion. 
Charles  V.  was  at  Toledo  at  the  time,  and  he  com- 
missioned Francisco  and  Eleanora  to  go  with  her 
corpse  to  Elvira,  where  the  burial  was  to  take  place. 
Upon  their  arrival  Francisco  was  called  upon  to 
identify  the  body,  and  the  coffin  lid  was  removed. 
The  sight  of  her  face,  changed  almost  beyond  recog- 
nition by  the  ravages  of  death,  made  the  deepest 
impression  upon  him.  Realising  the  transitoriness 
of  even  the  most  beautiful  of  earthly  things,  he 


DEATH  OF  ELEANORA  BORGIA   897 

determined  to  leave  the  world  as  soon  as  God  should 
remove  the  hindrances  in  his  path. 

The  same  year  Francisco  was  made  Viceroy  of 
Catalonia,  an  office  which  he  filled  with  justice  and 
ability,  while  at  the  same  time  he  did  not  neglect 
the  culture  of  his  spiritual  life.  He  succeeded  in 
ridding  the  province  of  the  dangerous  brigands  who 
infested  it,  and  established  schools  and  hospitals  for 
the  good  of  his  people. 

While  Francisco  was  Viceroy  his  father  died, 
and  the  family  estates  descended  to  him.  He  shortly 
afterwards  obtained  leave  to  resign  his  office  and 
accepted  the  position  of  major-domo  to  the  Infanta 
Maria  of  Portugal,  then  about  to  be  married  to 
the  Emperor's  son  Philip.  Before  this  marriage 
took  place,  however,  she  died,  and  Francisco  was  set 
at  liberty.  He  retired  to  Gandia,  where  he  built 
a  Dominican  convent  and  a  Jesuit  college. 

In  1546  Eleanora  was  taken  ill.  Francisco  at  first 
prayed  for  her  recovery,  but,  realising  that  if  she 
recovered  he  would  not  be  able  to  sever  himself  from 
the  world,  he  ceased  his  prayers.  On  March  27 
Eleanora  died,  and  her  husband,  though  feeling  her 
loss  keenly,  now  rejoiced  at  the  thought  of  yielding 
himself  up  entirely  to  the  religious  life.  The  death 
of  the  Empress  seven  years  before  had  withdrawn 
him  from  the  Court  and  the  vanities  of  the  world, 
but  the  death  of  his  wife  detached  him  from  the 
world  itself.  A  few  days  later  Father  Peter  Lef6vre 
came  to  Gandia  to  lay  the  foundation-stone  of  the 
College  of  Jesuits.  Francisco  went  through  the 
spiritual  exercises  of  St.  Ignatius  with  him,  and  gained 
so  much  benefit  that  he  wrote  to  the  Pope  begging 
him  to  seal  them  with  his  apostolic  approval.  At 
the  same  time  he  made  up  his  mind  to  join  the  Society 
of  Jesus.  St.  Ignatius,  however,  advised  him  to 
wait  until  his  children  were  settled  in  life.  For  the 
next  three  years,  therefore,  he  watched  over  their 


898     LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

education  and  development  until  they  were  all 
able  to  dispense  with  his  fatherly  care.  Francisco 
himself  lived  the  simplest  of  lives  and  daily  grew  in 
grace  so  that  the  very  sight  of  him  "  was  like  a  bene- 
diction." 

In  August  of  the  Jubilee  year,  1550,  Francisco  set 
out  for  Rome,  accompanied  by  his  second  son  Juan 
and  a  retinue  of  thirty  servants.  He  was  enthu- 
siastically received  in  Italy,  and  his  uncle,  Ercole  II. 
(son  of  Lucrezia  Borgia),  invited  him  to  the  Court 
of  Ferrara.  The  Pope,  Julius  II.,  offered  him  rooms 
at  the  Vatican,  but  Francisco  refused  them  in  order 
that  he  might  sit  at  the  feet  of  Ignatius,  at  whose 
saintliness  he  never  ceased  to  marvel.  "  Until  now," 
he  confessed,  "  I  thought  Lefevre  a  giant  and  myself 
a  child ;  but,  compared  with  Ignatius,  Lefevre  him- 
self is  but  a  child." 

Francisco's  stay  in  Rome  was  not  a  long  one.  In 
February  1551  he  returned  to  his  native  country, 
not  to  Gandia,  but  to  Ognate  in  Guipuscoa.  With 
the  Emperor's  consent  he  resigned  his  duchy  in 
favour  of  his  eldest  son,  and  then  definitely  withdrew 
from  secular  affairs.  His  hair  was  cropped  and 
tonsure  shaven,  his  ducal  robes  cast  off,  and  the 
Jesuit's  habit  put  on.  The  same  year,  1551,  he 
was  ordained  priest,  and  he  preached  his  first  sermon 
at  Vergara  on  June  29. 

The  people  of  Ognate  gave  Francisco  a  hermitage 
about  a  mile  from  their  town.  Here  he  made  wooden 
cells  for  himself  and  his  companions,  but,  instead  of 
leading  the  retired  life  which  he  had  planned,  he 
found  himself  the  centre  of  attraction.  Crowds  of 
visitors  invaded  his  solitude,  curious  to  see  the  Duke 
who  had  been  transformed  into  a  hermit.  When 
St.  Ignatius  heard  of  this,  he  sent  him  on  a  preaching 
expedition  in  Portugal,  where,  by  the  humility 
and  sweetness  of  his  life,  he  gained  much  influence. 
In  Spain,  too,  he  enlisted  many  disciples  for  his  Order. 


ST.  FRANCIS  BORGIA  899 

In  1554  Francisco  was  appointed  Vicar-General 
of  Spain  by  St.  Ignatius,  a  responsibility  which  was 
distasteful  to  his  meek  and  lowly  spirit,  though  he 
nobly  fulfilled  the  duties  connected  with  it.  He 
continued  to  live  an  austere  and  devoted  life,  charit- 
able towards  others  and  severe  towards  himself.  His 
sunny  disposition  never  changed,  though  the  mor- 
tifications to  which  he  subjected  himself  became 
so  intense  that  his  friends  complained  to  St.  Ignatius, 
who  commanded  him  to  modify  them  for  his  health's 
sake. 

In  April  of  the  next  year  (1555)  Francisco  soothed 
the  last  hours  of  the  unfortunate  Queen,  Joan  the 
Mad,  sister  of  our  Catherine  of  Aragon,  who  for 
many  years  had  shown  the  greatest  repugnance  to 
the  things  of  religion.  Francisco's  gentle  and  loving 
ministrations  had  the  desired  effect,  and  on  Good 
Friday,  April  12,  her  sad  life  ended  with  the  prayer, 
"  Christ  Crucified  be  with  me." 

Francisco,  in  consequence  of  this  happy  influence, 
became  more  beloved  than  ever,  for  all  Spain  was 
grateful  for  his  goodness  to  Queen  Joan.  To  the 
sick  he  was  a  god-send,  for  no  service,  however 
distasteful  or  menial,  was  disdained  by  this  saintly 
man. 

St.  Ignatius  died  in  1556,  but  the  election  of  his 
successor  did  not  take  place  until  nearly  two  years 
later.  Francisco,  for  some  reason,  was  not  present, 
a  fact  which  led  to  a  disagreement  with  Padre  Nadal, 
who,  in  his  journal,  represents  our  hero  in  a  less 
favourable  light  than  is  generally  shed  upon  him. 
It  must  always  be  remembered  that  Francisco  was, 
after  all,  human,  and  that  his  gracious  and  beautiful 
life  was  the  outcome,  not  of  his  natural  temperament, 
but  of  a  continual  and  obstinate  struggle  with  his 
lower  self,  in  which  he  never  faltered. 

In  1565  Francisco  was  elected  General  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus,  upon  the  death  of  Father  Laynez. 


400    LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  R.  BORGIA 

Pope  Pius  IV.  rejoiced  at  the  news,  and  all  the  Catholic 
Courts  congratulated  him.  Francisco  alone  was  dis- 
mayed. The  entry  in  his  journal  for  the  day  of  the 
election  is  simply,  "  Day  of  my  crucifixion  I  " 
His  habit  of  submission  to  the  divine  will,  however, 
stood  him  in  good  stead,  and  he  entered  upon  his 
new  responsibilities  with  courage  and  cheerfulness. 
He  removed  to  Rome,  the  headquarters  of  the  Society, 
and,  by  his  energy  and  enterprise,  the  institution 
grew  and  flourished.  In  1572  we  hear  of  Mary, 
Queen  of  Scots,  appealing  for  the  prayers  of  the 
Society  and  those  of  its  holy  General.  In  1571 
Francisco  was  sent  by  Pope  Pius  V.  on  an  embassy 
to  France,  Spain,  and  Portugal  to  stir  up  the  Christian 
Powers  in  the  defence  of  Christendom  against  the 
Mohammedans.  He  was  at  this  time  in  bad  health, 
and  the  long  journey  and  excitement  proved  too 
much  for  him.  Having  accomplished  his  mission 
and  arrived  at  Ferrara,  he  was  taken  so  seriously  ill 
that  his  cousin  Duke  Alfonso  sent  him  back  to  Rome 
in  a  litter.  Two  days  after  his  arrival,  September  30, 
1572,  Francisco  Borgia  passed  calmly  and  peacefully 
to  his  rest.  Eventually  he  was  raised  to  the  altars 
of  the  Catholic  Church  by  canonisation. 


ALEXANDER    VI.,    ADORING    THE    RISEN    SAVIOUR. 

Piniurtcchio  (Borgia  Apartments,  the  Vatican). 


400] 


APPENDIX 

NOTE  ON  THE  DEATH  OF  DJEM  SULTAN 

A  WORD  remains  to  be  said  on  the  question  of  the  death  of 
Djem  Sultan.  The  prevalent  opinion  among  Turkish  students 
is  that  his  decease  was  brought  about  by  foul  means,  and 
that  a  cumulative  poison,  probably  arsenious  acid  or  white 
arsenic,  was  employed. 

Caesar  Borgia  was  a  hostage  in  the  army  of  Charles  VIII., 
as  was  also  Djem  Sultan.  The  Turkish  Prince  having  been 
transferred  from  the  Pope's  custody  to  that  of  the  French 
King,  his  Holiness  could  no  longer  draw  the  pension  of 
40,000  ducats  per  annum  paid  for  Djem's  maintenance  by 
the  Sultan  Bajazet  II.  He  would,  therefore,  lose  nothing 
by  the  death  of  Djem,  who  was  no  longer  in  his  power. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  undisputed  that  Bajazet  had 
offered  large  bribes  to  both  Charles  VIII.  and  Alexander  VI. 
in  return  for  the  death  of  Djem,  although  his  letter  to  the 
Pope  in  which  an  offer  of  300,000  ducats  was  made,  pro- 
vided Djem's  soul  could  be  "  released  from  the  cares  of  this 
troublesome  world,"  having  been  intercepted,  was  not 
actually  delivered  to  his  Holiness.  The  contents  of  the 
letter  are  recorded  and  were,  therefore,  known  more  or 
less  publicly.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the  Pope  was  made 
aware  of  them,  since  they  concerned  him  particularly. 

Caesar  Borgia  is  said,  by  Mr.  Sabatini,  to  have  escaped 
from  Charles  VIII.  on  the  night  of  January  29,  1494,  and  on 
February  25  following  Djem  Sultan  died.  Mr.  Sabatini, 
consequently,  concludes  (i)  that  Caesar  could  not  have 
administered  any  poison  to  Djem ;  (2)  that  Djem's  death 
involved  a  heavy  loss  to  the  Pope,  who  thereby  forfeited  the 
pension  of  40,000  ducats  ;  (3)  that  cumulative  poisons  are 
unknown  ;  (4)  that  the  offer  of  a  money  reward  for  Djem's 
death  never  actually  reached  the  Pope ;  (5)  that  no  money 
was  eventually  paid  to  the  Pope  for  Djem's  corpse.  Djem, 
he  says,  died  at  Capua  on  February  25,  1494,  and  bis  death 
"  was  natural,"  whatever  the  disease  causing  it  may  have 
been  ;  (6)  that  the  "  secret  poison  "  referred  to  by  many 
BBs  401 


402  APPENDIX 

contemporary  writers  could  not  have  had  any  existence  in 
fact,  since,  if  it  had  existed,  it  would  have  been  unknown 
outside  the  Borgia  family. 

The  obvious  reply  to  these  statements  is  the  following  : 

1.  Caesar,   being  a  fellow-hostage  with  Djem,   may  have 
had  opportunities  of  administering  doses  of  poison  to  him, 
if  not  by  his  own  by  another's  hand.     Djem  was  ill  for  a 
week,   and  the   malady  from  which  he  suffered   and   died 
was  some  painful  affection  of  the  intestines  or  stomach.     It 
is   described   by   contemporaries   as    "  dysentery."     It   was 
quite  possible  for  Caesar  to  have  instructed  one  of  his  faithful 
retainers  accompanying  the  forces  of  Charles  VIII.  to  ad- 
minister very  small  doses  of  white  arsenic  to  Djem  which 
would  not  destroy  the  life  of  his  victim  for  several  weeks, 
but  take  effect  gradually.     Examples  of  this  kmd  of  poisoning 
are  not  at  all  rare.     Having  provided  the  poison  and  the 
instruction  required  for  its  administration,  Caesar  withdrew, 
probably  leaving  the  accomplishment  of  his  nefarious  design 
in  trustworthy  hands. 

2.  Djem,  having  passed  out  of  the  Pope's  custody  and 
into  the  hands  of  the  King  of  France,  Alexander  VI.,  as  we 
have  said,  could  no  longer  draw  the  pension  paid  for  the 
Prince's  maintenance  by  Bajazet  II.     Therefore  it  is  incorrect 
to  say,  with  Sanuto,  that  Djem's  death  involved  loss  to  his 
Holiness.     If  the  Pope,  by  his  agents,  were  able  to  inform 
Bajazet  that  Djem  had  been  murdered,  in  accordance  with 
Bajazet's  suggestion,  then  Alexander  could  claim  the  reward 
offered  to  him  by  the  Sultan  for  the  commission  of  this  foul 
crime.      The  blood-money  named  by  the  Sultan  as  the  price 
he  was  willing  to  offer  for  his  brother's  life  was  300,000 
ducats,  more  than  seven  years'  pension  at  the  rate  Bajazet 
was  paying.     The  temptation  to  obtain  such  a  sum  down, 
rather  than  lose  both  Djem  and  his  40,000  ducats  a  year 
altogether,   must  have  been  irresistible  to  men  like  Alex- 
ander  VI.    and    Caesar    Borgia,    whose   money-hunger   was 
insatiable. 

3.  Cumulative  poisons  are  few  in  number,  and  arsenious 
acid,  or  white  arsenic,  is  one  of  them.     It  resembles  powdered 
sugar  or  flour.     When  ordered  medicinally,  in  minute  quan- 
tities, patients  are  always  directed  to  discontinue  the  medicine 
for  at  least  a  week,  after  taking  it  for  fourteen  days,  the 
reason  being  that  cumulative  poison  remains  in  the  system, 
and,   if   persevered   in  regularly  and  without  intermission, 
will  cause  death  slowly  but  surely,  in  course  of  time,  however 
small  the  doses  taken  may  be.     The  existence  of  arsenious 


APPENDIX  403 

acid,  or  white  arsenic,  was  not  the  secret  of  the  Borgias. 
The  manner  of  its  administration,  as  a  slow  poison,  difficult, 
at  that  period,  to  detect,  was  the  Borgia  secret  1  Every  one 
knew  what  was  meant  by  "  cantarella,"  but  only  few  were 
aware  that  it  was  cumulative  in  its  action.  On  this  point 
Mr.  Sabatini  appears  to  have  been  misinformed. 

4.  That  money  rewards  for  Djem's  death  had  been  offered 
by  Bajazet  is  admitted  by  Mr.  Sabatini.     He  says  :  "  Bajazet 
had  offered  such  bribes  to  Charles  for  the  life  of  Djem,  as 
had  caused  the  Knights  of  Rhodes  to  remove  the  Turk  from 
French   keeping."1     He   also   does   not   deny   that   Bajazet 
made    a    similar    offer    to    Alexander    VI.     But    he    thinks 
that  "  for  Djem's  death  in  the  hands  of  France,  the  Pope 
could   make   no   claim   upon   Bajazet."1    Now   the   reversa 
appears  to  be  the  case,  as  Mr.  Sabatini  himself  shows.     He 
states    that    the    Pope,    fearing    a    French    invasion,    had 
actually  appealed   for  help   to   Bajazet.1    The   Sultan  was 
frantic  at  the  prospect  of  Djem's  falling  into  the  hands  of 
Charles  VIII.,  who  proposed  to  "  make  a  raid  "  upon  Bajazet. 
It  was  in  consequence  of  this  wholesome  fear  that  Bajazet 
appealed  to  Alexander  to  murder  his  brother  Djem.     The 
bribe  was  to  be  paid  on  delivery  of  the  Prince's  body  in 
Constantinople,    and  was   to   be   the  reward   for  removing 
Djem  from  risk  of  capture  by  the  French  King.     The  inter- 
cepted letter  from  the  Sultan  to  the  Pope  was  delivered  by 
Giovanni  della  Rovere  to  his  brother  the  Cardinal,   who, 
detesting  Alexander,  promptly  laid  it  before  Charles  VIII. 
The   King   immediately   demanded   and   obtained   the   sur- 
render of  Djem,  whose  death  was  now  the  only  solution  of 
the  Pope's  difficulty. 

The  circumstantial  evidence  against  Alexander  is,  there- 
fore, strong. 

5.  As  to  whether  Alexander  received  the  bribe  of  300,000 
ducats  in  return  for  Djem's  dead  body,  the  evidence  that 
his  Holiness  did  receive  it  is  equally  circumstantial.     The 
body,  having  been  returned  to  the  papal  agents,  was  embalmed 
and  shipped  to  Constantinople,  where  Bajazet  received  it 
with  great  pomp  and  parade  of  mourning.  * 

This  is  undisputed.  It  was,  moreover,  accompanied  by 
papal  representatives.  On  what  grounds  was  Djem's  body 
surrendered  to  and  taken  possession  of  by  Alexander  VI.  ? 
It  was  manifestly  of  no  utility  to  Charles  VIII.  Why  was 

1  Cesar e  Borgia,  p.  118.  *  Ibid.  *  Ibid.,  p.  n  2  . 

4  See  Djem  Sultan,  by  L.  Thuasne. 


404  APPENDIX 

it  sent  by  the  Pope  to  Bajazet  II.  ?     There  can  be  only 
one  opinion  on  this  point. 

6.  As  we  have  shown  above,  it  has  never  been  pretended 
that  "  cantarella,"  or  white  arsenic,  was  a  "  secret  poison  " 
unknown  to  any  except  the  Borgias.  It  was  its  cumu- 
lative property  that  was  known  to  them,  and  not  generally 
known  at  the  time. 

"  Cases  of  chronic  poisoning  are  the  result  usually  of  the 
repeated  administration  of  small  doses  of  lead,  copper, 
mercury,  phosphorus,  or  arsenic. 

"  Chronic  poisoning  may  be  caused  by  inhaling  vapours 
in  factories,  or  arsenical  dust  from  green  wall-papers,  making 
artificial  flowers,  etc.,  etc. 

"  Persons  continuing  in  this  atmosphere  show  all  the 
indications  of  arsenical  poisoning,  and  will  gradually  die,  if 
not  removed  from  it."1 


THE    OPINION    OF   CONTEMPORARY   WRITERS   ON 
DJEM'S  DEATH 

"  On  Wednesday,  25th  of  the  month  of  February  last, 
Gem,  alias  Zizimi,  brother  of  the  Grand  Turk  .  .  .  died 
through  eating  or  drinking  something  disagreeable  to  which 
his  stomach  was  not  accustomed.  His  corpse  was  then,  at 
the  importunate  request  of  the  Grand  Turk,  sent  to  him 
with  all  the  household  of  the  deceased.  The  Grand  Turk 
is  said  to  have  paid  or  given  a  large  sum  of  money  on  this 
account,  and  to  have  received  this  household  with  favour."' 

Thuasne  says  :  "  L' opinion  generale  des  contemporaires 
est  que  le  prince  turc  fut  empoisonne." 

Burchard  states  that  he  died  "  in  the  State  of  Naples  at 
the  Castle  of  Capua "  (vol.  ii.  in  loco).  This  explains  the 
difficulty  raised  by  Mr.  Sabatini,  who  finds  the  following 
discrepancies  in  the  contemporary  accounts  of  the  tragedy  : 

1.  Sagredo  states  that  Djem  died  at  Terracina,  which  is 
a  town  on  the  coast  about  fifty  miles  north  of  Naples,  through 
which  the  forces  of   Charles   VIII.   passed.     He  attributes 
the  death  on  January  31  to  poison,  administered  by  direction 
of  the  Pope,  in  return  for  money  promised  by  Bajazet. 

2.  Paulus   Jovius,   the  Bishop,*  gives  a  later  date,   and 

1  Dictionary  of  Medicine,  p.  1296. 

*  Diary  of  John  Burchard,  vol.  ii.,  entry  for  February  25,  1495. 
Of.  Nocera. 


APPENDIX  405 

says  the  Prince  died,  from  the  same  cause,  at  Gaeta,  which 
is  about  ten  miles  south  of  Terracina  on  the  way  to  Naples. 

3.  Guicciardini  and  Corio  tell  the  same  story,  but  place 
the  death  at  Naples. 

4.  Burchard's  entry,   quoted  above,   states  that  he  died 
in  the  State  of  Naples  at  the  Castle  of  Capua,  and  his  state- 
ment, though  guarded,  agrees  with  the  others. 

5.  Panvinio  "  tells  us  positively  that  Djem  died  of  dysentery 
at  Capua." 

6.  Sanuto   says   death  resulted   from   "  a  catarrh  which 
descended  to  the  stomach,"  at  Capua. 

Thus  we  find  that,  out  of  seven  authors  quoted  by  Mr. 
Sabatini,  five  agree  as  to  the  place  where  and  the  date  when 
the  death  occurred.  The  two  others  fix  the  death  as  occurring 
en  route  to  Naples.  The  discrepancy  appears  to  be  un- 
important. 

7.  Priuli,  who  is  not  quoted  by  Mr.  Sabatini,  says  : 

"  On  February  26,  1495,  four  days  after  the  King  of  France 
entered  Naples,  Ziem  Sultan,  brother  of  the  Grand  Turk, 
died.  He  was  poisoned."1 

According  to  Burchard,  Cardinal  Caesar  Borgia  fled  from 
the  camp  of  Charles  VIII.  on  Friday,  January  30,  in  the 
disguise  of  a  stable-man. 

The  full  text  of  Bajazet's  letter  to  the  Pope  is  given  in 
the  Diary,  in  the  Latin  text  of  Thuasne,  on  pp.  209-10. 
Monsieur  Thuasne,  in  a  note,  says  :  "  The  Cardinal  de  Gurck, 
Raymond  Perrault,  affirmed  to  the  Florentine  Notary, 
Alessandro  Bracci,  that  he  had  seen  the  original  letter,  and 
Bracci  writes,  '  moreover  he  knew  that  the  Turk  had  offered 
three  hundred  thousand  ducats  if  the  Pope  would  cause 
the  death  of  his  brother  (Djem),  and  that  many  believed 
D Jem's  death  was  due  to  poison.'  "* 

"  The  '  white  powder  '  might  very  well  have  been  Arsenious 
Acid,  or  some  preparation  containing  it ;  but  Dr.  Willcox 
thinks  it  improbable  that  that  substance  was  prepared  in 
anything  approaching  a  pure  form  at  that  time,  and  that 
it  was  more  likely  to  have  been  present  in  a  mineral  such  as 
limestone  or  chalk.  He  does  not  think  that  it  will  be  possible 
to  identify  the  substance  by  the  name  '  Cantarella.' 

"  The  symptoms  resembling  those  of  dysentery  would  do 
very  well  for  a  case  of  acute  arsenical  poisoning.  The  poison 
would  not,  strictly  speaking,  have  a  cumulative  effect,  but  a 
single  dose,  unless  very  large,  would  probably  take  several 

1  Rer.  Ital.  Script.,  t.  xxiv.,  Chronicon  Venetum,  col.  16. 

1  Arch.  Fiorent.  Letteri  ai  X  di  Balie,  clas.  x.,  dist.  4,  no.  26,  a.  c.  103. 


406  APPENDIX 

days  to  produce  fatal  results.  In  this  case,  if  arsenic  was 
the  poison,  it  is  probable  that  more  than  one  dose  was 
administered." * 

The  famous  Catherine  Sforza  left  a  book  in  manuscript 
written  by  herself.  It  contains  more  than  550  receipts 
relating  to  hygiene,  medicine,  cosmetics,  magic,  etc.,  and  is 
included  by  Count  Pasolini  in  his  volume  of  "  Documents  " 
appended  to  his  Life  of  Catherine  Sforza.  The  receipts 
contain  directions  for  administering  poison  "  slowly,  or  by 
degrees."  * 

1  Extract  from  a  letter  from  Sir  Bernard  Spilsbury,    to  the  Author. 

1  Catherine  Sforza,  French  text  by  Marc  Helys  (Per'in  &  Cie.,  Paris, 
1912),  page  410. 


INDEX 


ABERDEEN    UNIVERSITY,    founded 

by  Alexander  VI.,  390,  391 
Adriano     di     Corneto,     Cardinal, 

333,  335 

d'Albret,  Charlotte,  wife  of  Caesar 
Borgia,  264,  353 

d'Albret,  Duke,  147,  150 

Alcantara,  Peace  of,  51 

ALEXANDER  VI.  (Pope),  Rodrigo 
Borgia,  ancestry,  21,  23  ;  birth 
and  youthful  career,  29  sqq. ; 
relations  with  Vannozza  Ca- 
tanei,  29,  30,  64 ;  favoured 
by  Calixtus  III.,  31  ;  raised 
to  the  Cardinalate,  31  ;  ap- 
pointed Vice-chancellor  of  the 
Holy  See,  32 ;  military  suc- 
cesses, 33 ;  part  in  election 
of  Pius  II.,  33 ;  disedifying 
conduct  reproved  by  Pius  II., 
35  ;  by  the  Cardinal  of  Pavia, 
61 ;  his  wealth,  38 ;  and 
generosity,  38-40 ;  mission  to 
Spain  for  Sixtus  IV.,  and 
escape  from  shipwreck,  50 ; 
schemes  for  securing  the  Pa- 
pacy, 64 ;  his  election,  68 ; 
question  of  simony,  71  note ; 
character  and  appearance  as 
a  young  man,  69,  73 ;  celebra- 
tions at  his  election,  71,  72 ; 
his  children,  75-82 ;  liaison 
with  Giulia  Famese,  82  ;  ques- 
tion of  paternity  of  Giovanni 
Borgia,  91  ;  attitude  towards 
Lucrezia's  divorce,  93,  94 ; 
question  of  his  guilt  in  death 
of  Djem  Sultan,  215-18,  401-6  ; 
his  oppression  of  Roman  no- 
bility, 342  sqq.  ;  hatred  of 
Giuliano  della  Rovere,  245 ; 
forbids  Charles  VIII.  to  enter 
papal  territory,  201 ;  meeting 


with  Giulia  Famese,  82 ; 
Dread  of  Charles  VIII.,  312; 
prepares  for  flight,  213  ;  makes 
terms  with  Charles  VIII.,  214- 
15  ;  allows  Louis  XII.  to 
marry  his  cousin's  wife,  261 ; 
scene  with  Spanish  envoys, 
262 ;  pleasure  at  French  con- 
quest of  Milan,  266 ;  schemes 
for  advancement  of  Caesar, 
266  sqq.  ;  murder  of  the 
Caetani,  269 ;  of  Agnelli,  272 ; 
bis  own  narrow  escape  from 
death,  279 ;  deposes  Federigo 
of  Naples,  294 ;  rapacity  in 
dealings  with  Cardinals,  294-6 ; 
goes  to  Piombino  with  Caesar, 
314  ;  coolness  in  danger,  ibid.  ; 
murder  of  Cardinal  Orsini, 
325  sqq.  ;  of  Michiele,  332 ; 
creates  plots  to  murder  nine 
new  cardinals,  333 ;  his  death, 
question  of  poison,  334  ;  funeral, 
337 ;  character,  380 ;  ability, 
383 ;  encouragement  given  to 
art,  etc.,  384 ;  improvements 
In  Rome,  388 ;  protrait  by 
Pinturicchio,  385 
Alfonso  V.  of  Aragon,  23,  26 
Alfonso  of  Bisceglia,  263,  a68, 

281  sqq. 

Alfonso,   Duke   of    Calabria,   116, 
117,  121,  124,  125,  171,  172,  191, 
194,  196,  219,  224 
Alfonso  of  Portugal,  46,  47,  51 
d'Allegre,  Yve,  296,  360,  362 
Almeida,  Duarte  de,  51 
d'Amboise,  Cardinal,  264-66,  343 
America,  discovery  of,  57 
Angelus,  the,  instituted,  26 
Angoule'me,  the  Duke  of,  151 
Anne  of  Beaujeu,   139,   140,   142, 

149,  151,  152 

Anne  of  Brittany,  142,  147,  152, 
153,  154 


407 


408 


INDEX 


Ariosto,  367 

Arms  of  the  Borgia  family,  aa 
Arthur,  Prince  of  Wales,  58 
d'Aubigny,    228,    290,    293,    296, 
356  sqq. 


B 


BAGNOLO,  Treaty  of,  169 
Bajazet,    Sultan,    215,    216,    217 

note,  401,  sqq. 

Bandini,  Bernardo,  104  sqq. 
Barbo,  Cardinal.     See  Paul  II. 
Bayard,  371 

Beltran  de  la  Cueva,  46 
"  Beltraneja,  La,"  46  sqq. 
Bembo,  Cardinal,  272 
Bembo,  Pietro,  366 
Bentivoglio,  322,  323 
Blois,  Peace  of,  331 
Boabdil,  King  of  the  Moors,  53,  54 
Bologna,  323 
Bona,  Duchess  of  Milan,  158  sqq., 

164, 181 
Borgia,   or   Borja   Family,   origin 

of,  21-3  ;   arms  of,  22 

—  Alonzo.     See  Calixtus  III. 

—  Angela,  367 

—  C*SAR,    birth    and    education, 
77 ;    character   and   appearance 
as    a    youth,    78,   79 ;    Machia- 
velli's     opinion     of     him,     79 ; 
appointed    Archbishop    of    Va- 
lencia,   80 ;     sent    as    hostage 
to     Charles     VIII.,     215 ;      his 
share   in   the   murder   of   Duke 
of  Gandia,  247  ;    released  from 
ecclesiastical     ties,     251  ;      em- 
bassy   to    France,    261  ;     made 
Duke      of      Valentinois,      261  ; 
marriage    with    Charlotte    d'Al- 
bret,    264 ;     poisons    his    com- 
panion,     264 ;       campaign     in 
Romagna,     269 ;      poisons     his 
nephew    Juan,    271  ;     murders 
Cerviglione,  272  ;    his  triumphal 
progress    at    Rome,    274    sqq.  ; 
the      "  Golden      Rose,"      276 ; 
murders    Alfonso    of    Bisceglia, 
281    sqq.  ;     made    a    noble    of 
Venice,    284 ;     captures    Pesaro 
and    Rimini,    287,    288 ;     more 
murders,     288 ;      rape     of    the 
wife    of    Caracciolo,    288,    289 ; 
designs   upon    Italy,    290   sqq.  ; 
behaviour      at      Capua,      298 ; 
examples  of  vindictiveness,  313  ; 


expedition  to  Tuscany,  315 
sqq. ;  visit  to  Louis  XII.  at 
Milan ;  schemes  against  Siena, 
328 ;  callous  behaviour  at  his 
father's  death,  336 ;  fears  for 
his  own  safety,  341  ;  arrange- 
ment with  Julius  II.,  346 ; 
taken  prisoner,  347  sqq.  ;  death, 
351  ;  character,  351 ;  also 
401  sqq. 

Borgia,  Francesco  de  (son  of  Calix- 
tus III.),  28,  32,  272,  304,  370 

—  St.  Francisco,  395-400 

—  GIOVANNI     (or     Juan),     Duke 
of  Gandia  ;   birth,  76  ;    youthful 
career,     ibid. ;      character,     77, 
243 ;      marriage     with     Donna 
Maria   Enriquez,    76 ;     sent   by 
Alexander    against    the    Orsini, 
243,  244  ;  wounded,  245  ;  created 
Duke  of  Benevento,   246 ;    cir- 
cumstances    of     his     murder, 
247  sqq. 

—  Giovanni     (Infans     Romanus), 
91,  92 

—  Girolama   (child   of   Alexander 
VI.),  75 

—  Isabella    (child    of    Alexander 
VI.),  75 

—  Isabella  (sister  of  Calixtus  III.), 
29 

—  Jofr6   (son  of  Alexander  VI.), 
87,  191,  280 

—  Juan  (nephew  of  Caesar  Borgia), 
271 

—  Louise     (daughter     of     Cassar 
Borgia),  353 

—  LUCREZIA,    birth,    80 ;     home 
with  Giulia  Farnese,  82  ;    edu- 
cation,   82,    83 ;     betrothal    to 
Cherubino     de     Centelles,     83 ; 
to     Gasparro     of     Procida,  83 ; 
to   Giovanni   Sforza,   84 ;    mar- 
riage feast,  85  ;    letter  from  the 
Pope  to  her,  89  ;   extraordinary 
circumstances    of    her    divorce, 
94 ;     marriage    to    Alfonso    of 
Bisceglia,    263 ;     made    Regent 
of   Spoleto,    267 ;    sovereign   of 
Nepi,    269 ;     nurses    Alexander 
VI.     in     illness,     280 ;      leaves 
Rome    after    Alfonso's    murder, 
283 ;     marries    Alfonso    d'Este, 
301  sqq. ;    progress   to   Ferrara, 
304-311,    life    there,    366    sqq. ; 
letter  to  Leo   X.,   377;    death, 
377  ;    Lucrezia's  children,   378  ; 


INDEX 


409 


her    character    and    calumnies 
against  her,  80,  81 
Borgia,  Lucrezia  (natural  daughter 
of  Caesar),  353 

—  Pedro  Luis  (brother  of  Alexan- 
der   VI.)  ;      created    Duke    of 
Spoleto   and   Prefect  of   Rome, 
etc.,    24 ;     attacked    in    Castle 
of  St.   Angelo,   27 ;    flight   and 
death,  28 

—  Pedro  Luis  (son  of  Alexander 
VI.),  75,  76 

—  Rodrigo  (Alexander  VI.),  q.v. 

—  Rodrigo     (son     of     Lucrezia), 
269,  370,  371 

Borgia  apartments  in  the  Vatican, 
384  sqq. 

Brittany,  troubles  in,  138-143 

Brosse,  the  Lady  of,  141 

Burchard,  John  (Bishop  of  Orta 
and  Diarist,  his  credibility, 
5,  6,  312,  381 ;  quotations 
from  his  Diary,  59,  69,  126, 
312,  326,  334,  336,  337,  404  sqq. 


CALIXTUS  III.  (Pope).  Alonzo 
de  Borja,  birth  and  parentage, 
23 ;  reputation  as  a  jurist, 
23 ;  career  as  a  young  man, 
25 ;  appointed  Bishop  of  Va- 
lencia, 24 ;  raised  to  Car- 
dinalate,  24 ;  elected  Pope, 
24 ;  nepotism  of,  24  ;  crusade 
against  Turks,  25 ;  quarrel 
with  Alfonso  of  Aragon,  26 ; 
death  and  character,  28 

Camerino,  capture  of,  318 

Cantarella,   the   poison,   333,   401, 

403,  404 

Capua,  siege  and  conquest  of, 
by  Caesar  Borgia,  298 

Caracciolo,  289 

Caraffa,  Cardinal,  333 

Casanova,  Cardinal,  336 

Castile  and  Aragon  united,  52 

Castile,  Ferdinand  of.  See  Fer- 
dinand 

CHARLES  VIII.,  King  of  France, 
succeeds  his  father,  138 ;  ad- 
miration for  Louis  of  Orleans, 
142 ;  attains  his  majority, 
151  ;  liberates  Orleans,  ibid.  • 
marries  Anne  of  Brittany, 
152,  153 ;  character  according 
to  Comines,  153 ;  decides  to 


Invade  Italy,  188 ;  embassy 
to  Alexander  VI.,  191  ;  sets 
out,  193 ;  behaviour  on  the 
expedition,  195 ;  progress,  193 
sqq. ;  at  Pisa,  205  ;  Florence, 
208  sqq.  ;  Rome,  214-218 ; 
Naples,  222 ;  difficulties  at 
Naples,  227 ;  return,  229 ; 
at  Rome,  ibid.  ;  at  Viterbo, 
230  ;  at  Siena,  231  ;  Pisa,  231  ; 
conduct  at  Fomuova,  233 ; 
results  of  invasion,  237  ;  death, 

259 

Chauvin,  141 
Cicco,  162,  163,  164 
Colonna    family,    the,    197,    244, 

294,  297,  339  sqq. 
Columbus,  Christopher,  at  Granada, 

55 ;     assisted   by   Isabella,    56 ; 

return     from     America,     ibid. ; 

made    Admiral   of    Indies,    57 ; 

difficulties   with   the   Spaniards, 

ibid. ;     disgrace,    reinstatement 

and  death,  58 
Conspiracy    against    the     Medici, 

103-113 
Copernicus,  384 
Coronation  festivities  of  Alexander 

VI.,  72 

Cremona,  congress  at,  125 
Crusades    against    the    Turks,    24 

sqq.,  40  sqq. 


D 


DJEM  SULTAN,  brought  to  Rome, 
62 ;  handed  over  to  Charles 
VIII.,  217 ;  circumstances  of 
his  death,  217,  401-6 

Domenico  of  Arignano  (husband 
of  Vannozza),  65 

Domenico,  Fra,  257-9 

Donate,  159 

Dunois,  148 


ELECTIOK,  mode  of  papal,  67 
d'Este,  Alfonso  (Duke  of  Ferrara), 

husband    of    Lucrezia    Borgia, 

300,  369,  371 

—  Beatrice,  242 

—  Ercole      (Duke      of      Ferrara, 
father  of  Alfonso),  commander- 
in-chief    of     Florentines,     115 ; 
marriage    to    daughter    of    Fer- 
rante  of  Naples,  123      troubles 


410 


INDEX 


of,  125 ;  difficulties  with 
Venice,  167 ;  supports  Charles 
VIII.,  196  ;  arbitrates  between 
Florence  and  Pisa,  256 ;  con- 
gratulates Ca?sar  Borgia,  284 ; 
marries  his  son  to  Lucrezia, 
300  ;  his  opinion  of  Alexander 
VI.,  338 

d'Este,  Ercole  (son  of  Lucrezia  and 
Alfonso),  369 

—  Ippolito,  91,  367,  368 

—  Isabella,  298,  309  sqq. 


FAKNZA,  capture  of,  289 
Farnese,     Alexander.       See     Paul 
III. 

—  GIULIA,    marriage    to     Orsini, 
82 ;    relations     with      Rodrigo 
Borgia,  82  ;  birth  of  a  daughter, 
85  ;    domestic  life  of,   86  ;    the 
Infans  Romanus,  91  ;    falls  into 
hands     of     the     French,     212 ; 
portrait  in  Vatican,  387  ;    effigy 
on  tomb  of  Paul  III.,  9 

Federigo,  King  of  Naples,  174,  175, 
196,  222,  240,  263,  292,  297,  sqq. 

Ferdinand,  King  of  Aragon, 
character,  49 ;  marriage  with 
Isabella  of  Castile,  49  ;  succeeds 
to  throne  of  Aragon,  52 ; 
campaigns  against  the  Moors, 
53.  See  also  192,  225,  262, 
361,  365 

Ferrante,  King  of  Aragon,  27 

—  King    of     Naples,     104,     117- 
121,  127-9,  l6l»  l67>   I7*»  *74» 
176-8,     185,     186,     189,      191, 
194,  219 

Ferrantino,  King  of  Naples,  197, 
319,  220,  238-40 

Ferrara,  Dukes  of.     See  d'Este. 

Florence,  190,  201,  208,  253, 
378,  291  sqq.,  315.  See  also 
Charles  VIII.,  d'Este,  etc. 

Forli,  siege  of,  270,  271 

Fornuova    (or    Taro),    battle    of, 

«34,  235 
France,      See    Louis    XL,     Louis 

XII.,  Charles  VIII.,  etc. 
Francis     II.     of     Brittany,     140, 

142,  146,  147 
Frederic  IV.,  43 


GAKTA,  battles  near,  360-65 


Gem.     See  Djem 
Genoa,  179,  180,  266 
Giron,  Don  Pedro,  24,  47 
Gonsalvo  Fernandez,  da  Cordova, 

225,    245,    297,    299,    348,    sqq. 

356  sqq.,  364 

Granada,  conquest  of,  53-5 
Guerrara,  Pietro  di,  176 
Guidobaldi  of  Montefeltro,  316 

H 

HENRY  IV.,  King  of  Castile,  45, 

47,48 
Henry  VII.,  King  of  England,  58 


IGNATIUS  of  Loyola,  St.  397-99 

Infans  Romanus,  91.  See  Borgia, 
Giovanni 

INNOCENT  VIII.  (Pope),  Giovanni 
Ctbd,  election,  126 ;  difficulties 
with  Cardinal  Borgia,  63 ; 
curious  decision  with  regard 
to  clerical  concubinage,  63 ; 
illness  and  death  of,  66 ; 
character,  62 ;  nepotism,  ibid. 
See  also  59,  172,  174,  176 

Inquisition,  in  Spain,  52 

Invasion  of  Italy.  See  Charles 
VIII. 

Isabella  of  Calabria,  180-3,  198 

Isabella  of  Castile,  46 ;  recog- 
nised as  heir  to  throne  of 
Castile,  48 ;  character,  48 ; 
marriage  with  Ferdinand,  48 ; 
enters  Granada,  53 ;  assists 
Columbus,  56-8  ;  death,  59 


JACQUES  de  la  Vacquerle,  143 

Jaym,  Don,  of  Portugal,  31 

"Joan  the  Mad,"  59,  399 

Jubilee  at  Rome,  275,  277 

JULIUS  II.  (Pope),  Giuliano  della 
Rovere,  66 ;  opposes  Alexan- 
der's election,  68 ;  persuades 
Charles  VIII.  to  invade  Italy, 
188 ;  captures  Castello,  loa ; 
accompanies  Charles  VIII.  to 
Florence,  209 ;  Rome,  214, 
245 ;  reconciled  to  Borgias 
by  Louis  XII.,  264 ;  present 
at  election  of  Pius  III.,  elected 
Pope  by  simoniacal  means, 
346  ;  peace  with  Venice,  371 ; 


INDEX 


411 


treatment  of  Caesar  Borgia,  347 
sqq. 


LAMPUGNANO,  Giovanni  Andrea, 
156 

Landois,  141,  142,  144 

LEO  X.  (Pope),  Giovanni  de'Me- 
dici,  77 ;  made  Cardinal,  129  ; 
correspondence  with  Lucrezia 
Borgia,  372 

Leonardo  da  Vinci,  35 

Lopez,  Inigo,  357 

Lorraine,  Duke  of,  174 

Louis  XI.,  King  of  France,  113  ; 
character,  139 ;  illness  and 
death,  137,  138 

Louis  XII.,  King  of  France, 
marriage  and  divorce,  260, 
261  ;  remarriage  with  Anne  of 
Brittany,  261  ;  conquest  of 
Milan,  265,  289,  and  Naples, 
292  sqq. ;  318  ;  361  ;  makes 
peace  with  Ferdinand  of  Cas- 
tile, 331.  See  also  Orleans 

Louis  of  Orleans.  Vide  Orleans 
and  supra 

Lucrezia  Borgia.     See   Borgia 

Ludovico  the  Moor,  84  ;  opposes 
Cicco  Simonetta,  158  ;  banished 
to  Pisa,  1 60  ;  made  regent  of 
Milan,  165 ;  opposes  Venice 
and  Genoa,  167  sqq.  ;  usurps 
authority  of  his  nephew,  170 ; 
relations  with  Ferrante,  173 ; 
meets  Isabella  of  Calabria, 
181,  but  retains  all  his  nephew's 
power,  186  ;  encourages  Charles 
VIII.  to  advance  to  Naples, 
194-8,  199 ;  domestic  troubles, 
242 ;  returns  to  Milan,  273 ; 
death,  273 


M 


MACHIAVELLI,    279 ;     his    opinion 

of  Ca3sar  Borgia,  79 
Malatesta,  124,  339 
Manfredi,  Astorre,  288 
Mantua,  Marquis  of,  319,  337,  369 
Manuele,  husband  of  Vannozza,  64 
Maria  Enriquez,  Donna,  251 
Martin  V.  (Pope),  24 
Maximilian,   Emperor  of  Austria, 

144,  ISO,  191,  241 


Medici  family,  the,  98,  99 

—  Cosmo  de',  27 

—  Giovanni      de',      135,       136. 
See  Leo  X. 

—  Giuliano  de',  98,  104,  105 

—  LORENZO  de'  (the  Magnificent), 
succeeds    Piero,    95 ;     marriage 
with  Clarice  Orsini,  97 ;    enter- 
tains     Galeazzo      Sforza,      99 ; 
work      for      advancement      of 
learning,        100 ;         conspiracy 
against,      102      sqq.  ;       anathe- 
matised   by  Sixtus    IV.,    na ; 
prepares  for  war,    115  ;    leaves 
Florence    for    Naples,  117-121 ; 
makes    friends    with     Innocent 
VIII.,  127 ;    supports  Ferrante, 
however,    128 ;     takes    Sarzana, 
129 ;    death  of   his   wife,    129 ; 
his  death,   133 ;    character  and 
morality,  132,  133,  163 

—  Piero  de'   (father  of  Lorenzo), 
78,95 

—  Piero    de'    (son    of    Lorenzo), 
succeeds    Lorenzo,    134 ;     char- 
acter,  ibid.  ;    quarrels  with  his 
cousin,    135 ;     in    league    with 
Naples,    202 ;     banished,    203 ; 
submits   to   Charles  VIII.,   204, 
209  ;    life  at  Rome,  241 ;    fails 
to   get  back  to   Florence,   242  ; 
other    fruitless    attempts,    254, 
291,  ;  his  death,  363 

Michelotto,    250,    282,    322,    325, 

336,  339,  348 
Michieli,  Cardinal,  332 
Milan,  160,  162, 168,  170,  171.    See 

Sforza,  Ludovico  the  Moor,  etc. 
Montesecco,      Giovanni      Battista, 

104,  105 

Montorio,  Count  of,  173 
Montpensier,  Duke  of,  239,  240 


N 


NAPLES,    partition   of,    355.      See 

Ferrante,      Alfonso,      Federigo, 

Ferrantino 
Navarre,     Jean     d'Albret,     King 

of,  350 

Nemours,  Duke  of,  356,  359 
Nepi,  269 
Nepotism  of  Popes.     See  Calixtus 

III.,    Alexander    VI.,    Innocent 

VIII.,  etc. 
Nicholas  V.  (Pope),  24,  25 


412 


INDEX 


o 


OLGIATI,  Girolamo,  156 
Olmedo,  battle  of,  47 
Orange,  the  Prince  of,  146,  147 
Orleans,   Duke  of,    140,    141,   143, 

196,   232,   236.     See  also  Louis 

XII. 
Orsini     family,      the,      and     the 

Borgias,  249,  274,  291,  324  sqq., 

329-39 

—  Adriana,  82 

—  Cardinal,  319,  323,  326 

—  Gian  Giordano,  329  sqq. 

—  Orsini,  husband  of  Giulia  Far- 
nese,  85-7 


PACHECO,  JUAN,  Marquis  of 
Villena,  45 

PAUL  II.  (Pope),  Barbo,  election, 
42 ;  character,  42,  43 ;  re- 
fuses to  sanction  marriage  of 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  49  ;  ill- 
ness and  death,  43.  See  also  28 

PAUL  III.  (Pope),  Alexander 
Farnese,  77 ;  obligations  to 
Julia  Farnese,  82 

Pazzi,  conspiracy  of  the,  102-5 

Petrucci,  Pandolpho,  329,  sqq. 

Philip,  Duke  of  Austria,  331 

Philip  Neri,  St.,  31,  259  note 

Piccolomini,  ^Eneas  Silvius.  See 
Pius  II. 

—  Francesco.    See  Pius  III. 

Pinturicchio,  384  sqq. 

Piombino,  292 

Pisa,  relation  with  Charles  VIII., 
207,  240 ;  with  Florence,  240  ; 
and  Maximilian,  241  ;  besieged 
by  Florentines,  255 ;  again 
attacked,  278 

Pius  II.  (Pope),  &neas  Silvius 
Piccolomini,  election,  33 ; 
character,  34 ;  letter  to  Car- 
dinal Borgia,  35  ;  keeps  Corpus 
Domini  at  Viterbo,  38  ;  crusade, 
40,  41  ;  death,  41 

Pius  III.  (Pope),  Francesco 
Piccolomini,  205,  343 

Platina,  334 

Poggio,  Giacopo,  104 

Poison  of  the  Borgias.  See 
Cantarella. 


R 


RAVENNA,  347,  371 

Riario,    Girolamo,    102,    122    sqq., 

103-5 
Riario,  Pietro,  son  of  Sixtus  IV., 

101 

Robert  of  Calabria,  137 
Rohan,  Cardinal  da,  278 
Romagna,  Duke  of.  See  Borgia, 

Caesar 
Rome,    anarchy    at,    after    death 

of   Alexander     VI.,     339    sqq.  ; 

floods    at,    237 ;     improvements 

in,  effected   by   Alexander   VI. 

388     sqq.  ;      state     of,     during 

reign  of  Borgias,  278,  312 
Roscoe,  334 
Rosso,  Piero  Maria,  166 
Rovere,  Cardinal  Domenico  della, 

295 

—  Francesco    della.      See    Sixtus 
IV. 

—  Giuliano  della.    See  Julius  II. 


SABATINI,  Mr.  Rafael,  and  death 
of  Djem  Sultan,  401-6 

Salerno,  Duke  of,  193 

Saluzzo,  Marquis  of,  361 

Salviati,  Francesco,  Archbishop 
of  Pisa,  conspiracy  against 
the  Medici,  103  sqq. 

Sancia,  Donna,  wife  of  Jofr6 
Borgia,  91,  191,  268,  281,  332 

San  Severino,  Cardinal,  31,  69 

Savelli,  Silvio,  letter  to,  describing 
the  Borgias,  312 

Savonarola,  91  ;  interview  with 
the  dying  Lorenzo  de'  Medici, 
133 ;  his  preaching,  135 ; 
predicts  failure  of  Piero 
de'  Medici,  233 ;  trouble  with 
Florentines,  257 ;  ordeal  by 
fire,  258  ;  execution,  259 

Scarampa,  Cardinal,  26 

Sforza,  Ascanio,  88,  94,  163,  164, 
214,  269,  273 

—  Caterina,  270 

—  Duke  of  Bari,  160,  161 

—  Francesco,  32 

—  Galeazzo,  99,  155-7 

—  Giovanni   Galeazzo,    158,    160, 
179-5,  198 

—  Giovanni     (husband     of     Lu- 
crezia  Borgia),  84,  87,  93,  371 


INDEX 


413 


Sforza  Ludovico,  129, 136, 160, 161. 
See  also  Ludovico  the  Moor 

Sforza  family,  quarrels  of,  158-70 

Siena,  329 

SIXTUS  IV.  (Pope),  Francesco 
della  Rover e,  elected,  100  ;  sends 
Cardinal  Borgia  to  Spain,  50 ; 
establishes  Inquisition  in  Spain 
52 ;  relations  with  Medici, 
zoo ;  plots  against  Medici, 
102  sqq. ;  unites  with  Florence 
against  Naples,  114;  further 
plots  against  Medici,  121  ; 
death  accelerated  by  annoy- 
ance, 126 ;  his  children,  101. 
See  also  158,  168,  169 

Spain.  See  Ferdinand,  Isabella, 
"  Beltraneja,"  etc. 

Spoleto,  267 

Strozzi  family,  the,  367,  369 

Swiss  invade  North  Italy,  178 ; 
plunder  Rapalla,  197 


TANCO,  Carlo,  339 

Tarento  siege,  of,  299 

Tassino,  162  sqq. 

Torgues,  Charles  de,  357 

Toro,  battle  of,  52 

Torquemada,  Cardinal,  42,  52,  53 

Transfusion    of    blood,    operation 

for,  66 
Tr6mouille,    La,    146    sqq. ;     273, 

342,  361. 
Trivulzio,  266,  274 


U 

URBINO,  Duke  of,  167,  319  sqq. 
d'Urbino,  Gentile,  113 

V 

VALENTINOIS,  Duke  of.  See 
Borgia,  Caesar 

Vannozza,  Catanei,  becomes  mis- 
tress of  Rodrigo  Borgia,  30 ; 
goes  to  Venice,  31  ;  writes 
to  Rodrigo,  63  ;  goes  to  Rome 
64 ;  marriage  with  Manuele 
announced  ibid.  ;  different  hus- 
bands alleged,  64,  65  ;  plun- 
dered by  the  French,  215  ; 
her  death,  373 ;  character, 
65,  373  sqq  ;  also  250 

Vatican,  orgies  at  the,  312,  and 
note. 

Venice  attacks  Ferrara,  125 ; 
Milan,  163,  168 ;  relations 
with  Charles  VIII.,  192,  201, 
225 ;  with  Ludovico  Sforza, 
255  ;  alliance  with  Louis  XII. 
265,  347 

Veronese,  Caspar,  29,  38 

Villeneuve,  Louis  de,  261 

Visconti,  Carlo,  156 

Vitelli,  Paolo,  255-7 

Vitellozzo,  315,  323,  324 


ZENO,  Cardinal,  295 
Zizim.     See  Djem  Sultan 


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